However, more questions have emerged over President Félix Tshisekedi’s decision to send his Special Envoy on a diplomatic tour across Africa and Europe, with allegations that the mission was used to promote the position of the armed group.
Between July 13 and July 26, 2026, DRC Minister for Regional Integration and Special Envoy to President Tshisekedi, Floribert Anzuluni, visited eight countries, Togo, Uganda, Burundi, Tanzania, Belgium, France, South Africa and Equatorial Guinea, where he held meetings with heads of state and senior government officials.
Officials from some of the countries visited said Anzuluni delivered confidential messages from President Tshisekedi. French publication Jeune Afrique reported that, during the meetings, the envoy also presented leaders with a letter reportedly signed by FDLR President Victor Byiringiro outlining the group’s proposed roadmap for its future.
If confirmed, the development would suggest that the FDLR leadership directly communicated with President Tshisekedi, who then tasked his Special Envoy with sharing the group’s views with leaders from countries that hold influential positions within regional and international organisations, including the African Union (AU), Southern African Development Community (SADC), East African Community (EAC), European Union (EU) and Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS).
The mission was defended during a July 28, 2026 press conference, where Anzuluni and DRC Government Spokesperson Patrick Muyaya said the FDLR letter reflected Kinshasa’s commitment to implementing the Washington Peace Agreement signed on December 4, 2025.
However, critics argue that the agreement does not envisage the FDLR as a stakeholder in the peace process. Instead, they point out that one of its key provisions requires the DRC to dismantle the armed group, after which Rwanda would lift defensive measures.
Under the agreement, the FDLR is considered part of the security problem that must be addressed rather than an actor whose demands should shape the implementation process.
The diplomatic tour has also raised questions over why none of the countries visited publicly challenged what critics describe as the involvement of a government institution in promoting the position of a sanctioned armed group.
The FDLR was formed by remnants of the former Rwandan army and Interahamwe militia members who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. The group remains under sanctions imposed by the United Nations, the United States and the European Union.
Critics argue that President Tshisekedi’s alleged engagement with FDLR leaders contradicts the commitments made under the Washington Peace Agreement, which requires Kinshasa to dismantle the group within 90 days.
A 2026 report by the United Nations Group of Experts on the DRC stated that senior Congolese military and government officials had provided assurances to the FDLR that they would continue protecting the group and that it should not fear the implementation of the Washington Agreement.
Following the release of the report in June, allegations also emerged that some FDLR fighters had been absorbed into various Wazalendo militia groups in an effort to conceal their numbers and locations.
During the July 28 press conference, Muyaya and Anzuluni said that, among the six main areas where the FDLR maintains positions, the Congolese government only has effective control over Walikale, while the remaining five are controlled by the AFC/M23 movement.
Critics argue that this explanation has become Kinshasa’s repeated justification for failing to dismantle the FDLR. They also point to what they describe as inconsistent official positions, noting that some officials have previously denied the group’s existence, portraying it as a justification created by Rwanda, while others have dismissed it as too weak or insignificant to pose a security threat.
President Tshisekedi has sought to present himself as a leader committed to restoring peace while allegedly maintaining links with the FDLR, which critics accuse Kinshasa of supporting with resources and assistance in its fight against AFC/M23.
The accusations come amid broader political challenges facing Tshisekedi, including insecurity in eastern DRC, economic difficulties and growing opposition to his leadership.
Opposition parties grouped under the Coalition Article 64 (C64) have intensified pressure on the President, accusing him of seeking to amend the Constitution to extend his stay in power beyond his legally permitted two terms.
The pressure increased after demonstrations on June 12, 2026, during which opposition leader Martin Fayulu was shot and Delly Sesanga sustained serious injuries. Following the protests, Tshisekedi reportedly requested religious leaders to mediate with C64 and encourage the coalition to suspend nationwide demonstrations planned for July 22 in favour of dialogue.
The coalition agreed to postpone the protests but gave the President until August 15, 2026, to begin meaningful discussions and clarify whether he would abandon plans to amend the Constitution. It warned that demonstrations would resume if no progress was made.
Critics accuse Tshisekedi of repeatedly using dialogue initiatives as a way to reduce political pressure while continuing to pursue his objectives.
On July 28, 2026, the Constitutional Court ruled that a proposed constitutional referendum met legal requirements. The decision came after both chambers of Parliament had already approved the process, clearing what critics describe as the final legal hurdle toward a possible extension of Tshisekedi’s rule.
When Tshisekedi came to power in January 2019, he pledged that restoring peace in eastern DRC would be his main priority. However, critics argue that continued insecurity has instead become a justification for constitutional changes and efforts to remain in office.
After nearly eight years in power, opponents say Tshisekedi has failed to deliver on key promises made during the 2018 presidential election. They also continue to cite allegations by Martin Fayulu supporters that he was the legitimate winner of that election.
Political observers argue that Congolese citizens have had sufficient time to evaluate Tshisekedi’s leadership and question whether his current priorities are focused on addressing the country’s challenges or preserving political power.
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