Data from the National Commission for Demobilisation, Reintegration and Rehabilitation shows that between January and May 6, 2026, Rwanda received 159 former FDLR fighters, a militia group formed by the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Among those repatriated are six individuals who were part of a group of 317 Rwandans received on April 24, 2026.
The most recent returnees include a 56-year-old man and a 16-year-old minor, all originating from North Kivu in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
Since early 2025, when the M23 movement took control of Goma, several Rwandans previously held by the FDLR have voluntarily returned, the majority being women and children.
On some occasions, individuals attempting to disguise themselves as civilians have been identified by Rwandan authorities. Such cases are transferred to Mutobo for civic education and reintegration training before being reintegrated into their communities of origin.
The repatriation of FDLR members has continued in small groups as Rwanda awaits the implementation of planned operations by the Congolese armed forces to dismantle the group, in line with a 2025 peace agreement signed in Washington, D.C.
As of June 2025, the FDLR was estimated to have between 7,000 and 10,000 fighters, with many of its senior leaders based in Walikale and Masisi territories in North Kivu Province.
Data from the National Commission for Demobilisation, Reintegration and Rehabilitation shows that between January and May 6, 2026, Rwanda received 159 former FDLR fighters, a militia group formed by the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
In December 2023, while concluding his campaign for a second presidential term, Tshisekedi had declared that if a single bullet fired by the AFC/M23 coalition landed in the city of Goma, he would seek authorization from both chambers of parliament to launch attacks on Rwanda.
“At present, our army can strike Kigali while stationed in Goma. Kagame will not sleep in his house; he will sleep in the forest. He may play games with others, but not with Fatshi Béton,” Tshisekedi had said to cheering supporters.
He added that if even a small provocation occurred or any territory around Goma was captured, he would convene parliament and request permission to declare war on Rwanda.
Speaking during a press conference in Kinshasa on May 6, a journalist told Tshisekedi that he appeared to prioritize diplomacy more than military strength, despite many historical thinkers emphasizing the importance of military power in securing peace.
The journalist referenced the famous saying attributed to Vegetius Renatus, “If you want peace, prepare for war,” and cited political philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli as well as comments once made by Barack Obama concerning peace in eastern Congo.
The journalist then asked Tshisekedi when the cities of Goma and Bukavu would be liberated. Responding to the question, Tshisekedi acknowledged that the criticism about his diplomatic approach was understandable.
“You must understand that as a civilian like me, with no military training or background whatsoever, the first instinct when such events happen is diplomacy. But I must also tell you that this comes after an honest assessment of the situation,” he said.
Tshisekedi recalled statements he made during the 2023 election campaign regarding possible military action against Rwanda in response to what he described as provocations.
“Today, I want to take this opportunity to apologize to the Congolese people, not because I was rushed into speaking, but because I had been given false information about our military,” he said. He went on to explain that the Congolese army lacked the capacity to confront Rwanda in the way he had initially envisioned. He revealed that some soldiers and officials are now being arrested and punished over failures within the military structure.
“Today you can see punishments and arrests taking place. These are the consequences. It means we were being kept from the truth about the condition of our army. We could not go to war with a military that lacked direction and was deeply divided,” Tshisekedi said.
He added that the army lacked uniforms, weapons and sufficient ammunition for combat operations.
“How could we enter a war under those conditions? That is not how I think. It is important to face reality and use other available means, and I believe we achieved a lot through that approach,” he stated.
Tshisekedi further claimed that the Congolese military had been infiltrated from within by hostile elements who weakened it under the cover of peace agreements.
“Today we have the information, and that is the good thing. We now know our military had been infiltrated and destroyed from within. There were people inside it whose objective was to seize part of our country. That is the truth,” he said.
According to Tshisekedi, diplomacy became the only viable option available to his government at the time.
“We had no other choice except diplomacy. That became our weapon. There is no debate about it,” he said.
He added that the Democratic Republic of the Congo now has international allies helping it restore peace while also benefiting from the country’s natural resources.
Speaking during a press conference in Kinshasa on May 6, Tshisekedi apologized to Congolese, noting that he abandoned plans to attack Rwanda after discovering that he had been misled about the true capabilities of his country’s military.
Speaking before members of the parliamentary Defence and Security Committee, Muadiamvita explained that AFC/M23 possesses more advanced communication capabilities compared to those of the Congolese armed forces.
He noted that weaknesses in FARDC’s communication infrastructure have created serious operational challenges on the battlefield.
According to him, enemy forces have been able to intercept military messages, disrupting planned operations.
“The lack of strong communication systems in this modern technological era has caused frontline troops to face difficulties, as the enemy has been able to access their communications, making military operations difficult to execute. The adversary has built an advanced communication system that allows it to intercept exchanges between command structures and troops on the ground,” he said.
A report from the parliamentary committee also highlights that the minister stressed the importance of secure communication in military operations, warning that failures in this area have contributed to repeated setbacks for FARDC.
Muadiamvita further informed lawmakers that the government of the DRC is engaging friendly countries to secure modern communication equipment for the army, designed to prevent further infiltration by AFC/M23.
In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, Niyonzima explained that the FDLR was built on a deep-rooted ideology that viewed Tutsis as enemies everywhere, insisting that no country should be governed by a Tutsi.
“What we were mainly taught was the evil nature of the Tutsi, just as we had been taught while still in Rwanda,” he said.
In 2000, he underwent training in intelligence work, a field he later led within the FDLR leadership structure prior to his return to Rwanda.
He described the FDLR leadership system as being organized into commissions similar to ministries, each with its own leadership and operational staff.
His responsibilities included gathering intelligence related to the group, assessing operational risks, recruiting new fighters, and managing relations with other armed groups such as Nyatura, FARDC and Congolese communities more broadly.
Deep-rooted ideology and ethnic targeting
Niyonzima revealed that due to genocidal ideology and anti-Tutsi hatred, anyone perceived to resemble a Tutsi could be targeted, accused of collaboration, or even placed on the front lines.
He emphasized that the FDLR ideology was built on the belief that Tutsis were enemies everywhere.
“We considered every Tutsi an enemy, whether in Uganda, Burundi, Congo, or Rwanda,” he said.
He further noted that the group opposed any possibility of a Tutsi leading a country, viewing them as perpetual adversaries.
False prophecies and ideological indoctrination
As a pastor within the group, Niyonzima said he used the Bible alongside what he described as false prophecies claiming divine support for their cause, including the belief that they would eventually conquer Rwanda.
He explained that each commander had a group of so-called prayer leaders who played a role in mobilization and decision-making, including leadership changes.
“When they wanted to replace a leader, they would use a so-called prophet who would fall down and ‘prophesy’ while covered. This was used to justify decisions,” he said.
Niyonzima also revealed that the group gradually shifted toward promoting ethnic identity over language, deciding to emphasize “Hutu” identity instead of Kinyarwanda.
“We said we should no longer speak Kinyarwanda but Hutu language. We were told we were Hutu and our enemy was the Tutsi,” he said.
He added that the group justified its actions by linking their narrative to grievances about regional conflicts involving Hutus in neighboring countries.
He further stated that intelligence structures within the FDLR monitored individuals planning to leave the group or communicating with people in Rwanda. Such individuals could be targeted and killed under suspicion of betrayal.
“When you believe you are fighting an enemy, everything you do feels justified. We would say: if this person leaves, they will one day become a threat. So we eliminate them early.”
Recruitment of youth and Congolese civilians
Niyonzima rejected claims that the FDLR is composed only of elderly fighters, explaining that the group actively recruited children, including those as young as 14, as well as young Congolese civilians.
He said the recruits were indoctrinated with hatred narratives, teaching them that the Tutsi was their enemy.
He also revealed that recruitment networks existed in neighboring countries, including Burundi and Uganda, and within Congolese communities.
Regret and reflection
Looking back, Niyonzima expressed deep regret for the years he spent in the Congolese forests, saying he lost valuable time that could have been used for personal development.
“My biggest regret is the time I wasted living in fear of nothing. I was afraid to return, but when I eventually did, I found people I left behind doing well. I have nothing to show for those years,” he said.
Niyonzima also expressed remorse for having spread extremist ideology. “What pains me most is that I taught people false ideas that Tutsis are evil, enemies, and cruel. But when I returned, I saw how people live together peacefully. I ask for forgiveness because I acted in ignorance,” he added.
Niyonzima called on former comrades still in eastern Congo forests to return home, urging them not to continue wasting their lives.
He also encouraged cooperation between regional actors, including the Congolese leadership, stressing that confrontation with Rwanda is not a viable path forward.
Niyonzima explained that the FDLR was built on a deep-rooted ideology that viewed Tutsis as enemies everywhere
He made the remarks on April 30, 2026, at the Kanombe training centre in Rutshuru Territory during the closing of the second phase of training for local administrative leaders operating in areas under AFC/M23 control.
Maj. Gen. Makenga said the DRC has long suffered from mismanagement, blaming successive governments in Kinshasa for what he described as governance failures, corruption, and divisions that have displaced communities.
“Our country has been destroyed for a long time by the government in Kinshasa and politicians who put their own interests first, driven by divisionism, and who have ruined our country. You fled because of these people in Kinshasa,” he said.
He added that the situation necessitates continued resistance, insisting that AFC/M23 will not withdraw from its objectives.
“The journey to liberate our country will not go backwards. As leaders of this movement, we assure you that we will not retreat; we will continue moving forward,” he said. “You, local leaders, should go and tell the population to remain calm, to farm, to raise livestock, to trade, and not to worry.”
Makenga also called on those collaborating with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) to abandon the group, saying they should instead reconcile and return to their communities.
“Those Interahamwe should go back home. Congolese should return home and work with others to build the country. They are brothers, they are your children, they are your companions. Go and tell them to come back. Those who want to join the army should be trained and integrated; those who want to return home should do so,” he said.
He further stated that President Félix Tshisekedi’s government relies on force rather than dialogue, saying AFC/M23 will continue its armed struggle until it achieves its stated objectives in the DRC.
Maj. Gen. Makenga said the DRC has long suffered from mismanagement, blaming successive governments in Kinshasa for what he described as governance failures, corruption, and divisions that have displaced communities.
In a statement released on April 30, the U.S. Department of the Treasury announced that Kabila was designated for allegedly supporting the March 23 Movement and its political-military coalition, the Congo River Alliance (AFC).
Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said the move reflects the administration’s commitment to enforcing accountability as part of broader peace efforts.
The sanctions freeze any assets Kabila may hold under U.S. jurisdiction and prohibit American entities from engaging in transactions with him.
According to U.S. officials, Kabila has played a role in backing AFC/M23 activities, including providing financial support and encouraging defections from the Congolese army to rebel ranks. The statement further alleges he sought to influence political developments in eastern Congo and reassert power through opposition figures.
Kabila, who ruled the DRC from 2001 to 2019, has rejected such claims. He has previously stated that his return to the country from exile in South Africa, specifically to the eastern city of Goma, was motivated by a desire to engage with national challenges and contribute to solutions.
The former Head of State, who was sentenced to death in absentia in September 2025 by a military court in Kinshasa over similar allegations of supporting rebel groups, maintains that his presence there does not imply collaboration with armed groups.
Broader regional context
The sanctions come amid fragile diplomatic efforts to stabilise the Great Lakes region. The U.S. has positioned itself as a key mediator, backing peace initiatives between the DRC and Rwanda, including agreements signed in 2025 aimed at ending hostilities and dismantling armed groups such as the FDLR.
However, implementation of these agreements has stalled. While Washington has criticised Rwanda’s security posture along the border, critics argue that it has been less vocal about the DRC government’s continued collaboration with the FDLR genocidal militia, which seeks to destabilise Rwanda.
In March 2026, the U.S. also sanctioned members of the Rwanda Defence Force and the RDF as a unit, a move that further complicated perceptions of neutrality in the conflict.
Despite backing peace talks, including negotiations in Doha between Kinshasa and AFC/M23, analysts note that U.S. policy appears to lean toward the Congolese government, particularly given strategic interests such as access to critical mineral supply chains.
These dynamics have fueled criticism from various actors, including AFC/M23, which accuses the international community of selectively condemning violence while overlooking ceasefire violations by government forces and continued hostilities against Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in the eastern DRC.
The United States has imposed sanctions on former Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) President Joseph Kabila, intensifying tensions around Washington’s role in the ongoing conflict in eastern Congo and drawing renewed scrutiny over its regional strategy.
The incident reportedly occurred in the morning in Mparamirundi zone, Kayanza Commune, in Butanyerera Province, near the Rwanda–Burundi border. Police officers operating in the area arrested four people accused of engaging in smuggling activities.
According to police and local administrative officials, the suspects were found carrying between 40 and 60 kilograms of coffee, believed to have been intended for illegal cross-border trade. The border between the two countries has been closed for about two years.
The four individuals were taken to Mparamirundi police station. Reports indicate that two of them were subsequently shot dead on orders from the station commander, identified only as Franck.
Local media outlet SOS Médias reported claims that higher authorities may have instructed police operating along the Burundi–Rwanda border to use lethal force against those caught smuggling goods.
However, Burundian police have provided a different account. Authorities say the gunfire heard at the Mparamirundi station resulted from unrest, as residents allegedly protested and demanded the release of those arrested. Police maintain that shots were fired into the air to disperse the crowd.
Burundi’s Ministry of Public Security has dismissed reports of civilian deaths in Mparamirundi as false. In an official statement, the ministry confirmed that individuals had been arrested for illegally transporting coffee and would be brought before the courts.
“No one was killed in Mparamirundi zone, Kayanza Commune, Butanyerera Province. Those caught attempting to smuggle coffee will be prosecuted in accordance with the law,” the statement said.
Despite the government’s denial, other sources claim the two individuals were killed and have already been buried, with alleged instructions given to authorities to deny their deaths and state that they remain in custody.
Speaking on Tuesday, April 28, during the Mining Investment Conference and Expo in Nairobi, the Kenyan Head of State said his comments were misrepresented and were never intended to demean any country.
“I was recorded when I was speaking to fellow citizens somewhere. It was supposed to be a private conversation, but someone decided that it should be public. But they also misrepresented the facts,” he said.
Ruto explained that his remarks were meant to highlight the proficiency of English across African countries, rather than compare or disparage nations.
“The facts are that I was talking about how we in Africa speak very good English. In fact, in some countries like Nigeria, if you don’t speak excellent English like the one we speak in Kenya, you may need a translator for you to understand the excellent English in Nigeria, so that was the comparison, but someone decided to take it out of context,” he said.
The President further expressed hope that the controversy would not affect relations between Kenya and Nigeria.
“My in-laws, I hope there will be no consequences for whatever was done,” he added, in reference to his family ties with Nigeria. Ruto’s daughter, June Ruto, is married to Nigerian national Alexander Ezenagu.
His clarification came moments after Nigeria’s Minister of Solid Minerals Development, Henry Dele Alake, addressed the matter in a light-hearted intervention during the same conference, saying Nigerians had “mandated” him to affirm their command of English.
“The people of Nigeria have mandated me to inform you and assure you that Nigerians speak good English,” Alake said, drawing laughter from delegates.
President Ruto had earlier sparked controversy on Monday, April 23, while addressing Kenyans living in Italy, when he praised Kenya’s education system and English proficiency, contrasting it with Nigeria’s accent.
“Our education is good. Our English is good. We speak some of the best English in the world. If you listen to a Nigerian speaking, you don’t know what they are saying. You need a translator even when they are speaking English,” he said.
Both Kenya and Nigeria use English as an official language, though each country has developed distinct accents shaped by local languages and cultural influences. Online exchanges between citizens of the two countries are often marked by humour, rivalry, and national pride.
President Ruto explained that his remarks were meant to highlight the proficiency of English across African countries, rather than compare or disparage nations.
Mbundi took over leadership at the EAC headquarters in Arusha from outgoing Secretary General Veronica Nduva of Kenya, following his appointment by heads of state during the 25th EAC Summit held on March 7. He will serve a five-year term ending in 2031.
Speaking after the handover ceremony, Mbundi said ensuring timely financial contributions from member states will be his immediate priority.
Mbundi also pledged to tackle non-tariff barriers that continue to constrain intra-regional trade, noting that their removal would boost competitiveness and facilitate cross-border commerce.
Beyond financial reforms, he outlined plans to enhance trade, improve the business environment, and reduce transport costs across the region, calling for climate-resilient infrastructure, particularly in road development, to address growing environmental challenges.
Mbundi took over leadership at the EAC headquarters in Arusha from outgoing Secretary General Veronica Nduva of Kenya, following his appointment by heads of state during the 25th EAC Summit held on March 7. He will serve a five-year term ending in 2031.
Kaniki made the appeal amid what he described as continued inaction by the international community in response to ongoing attacks carried out by coalition forces of the Congolese government in areas inhabited by, or hosting displaced Banyamulenge populations in South Kivu Province, particularly in Minembwe.
He noted that the United States places strong constitutional emphasis on the protection of fundamental human rights and that this principle obliges it to oppose any government actions that violate them.
According to Kaniki, these principles are not limited to domestic application but also inform U.S. foreign policy and international engagements.
He further argued that recent mineral extraction agreements signed between the United States and the DRC in December 2025 risk sidelining broader human rights considerations in favour of strategic and economic interests.
Kaniki added that what distinguishes the United States on the global stage is its historical commitment to defending human rights in situations of crisis, urging Washington to reassess its position regarding the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC.
“It is time for the United States to reconsider the side it has taken in the war in the DRC, based on the values that form the backbone of the United States as a nation,” he said.
On April 20, 2026, members of the Banyamulenge diaspora in the United States staged a demonstration in Washington, D.C., calling on the international community to break its silence as reports continue of killings targeting their relatives in their homes and displacement sites.
The protest followed a prolonged period of advocacy by human rights organisations, including MPA (Mahoro Peace Foundation) and MRDP-Twirwaneho, which say they have repeatedly raised concerns without prompting significant international intervention.
The deputy coordinator of the AFC/M23 coalition in charge of economic and financial affairs, and leader of the MRDP-Twirwaneho movement, Freddy Kaniki Rukema, has called on the United States to place greater emphasis on the protection of human rights in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
