Speaking at a political rally in New York state on Friday, Trump said the United States would soon impose measures on Iran that Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent had described a day earlier as unprecedented, according to media reports.
“After we finish defeating Iran — which is being very badly defeated — pretty soon I’ll be declaring the Hormuz Strait a territory of the United States,” Trump said, though it remained unclear whether the remark represented a serious policy proposal.
Iran rejected the threat. Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi said Tehran would not be intimidated and insisted that control over the strategic waterway remained with Iran.
The comments came as shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, a major global energy route, fell sharply. Media reports said only a handful of vessels were recorded passing through the waterway on Friday, with no crude oil shipments visible.
The Strait normally handles about 20% of global oil and liquefied natural gas shipments, making prolonged disruption a major concern for energy markets. Brent crude has approached $90 a barrel, while US gasoline prices have risen to around $4 per gallon.
Trump has urged Americans to accept higher fuel prices, saying the cost was necessary to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.
Meanwhile, US media have reported concerns over the welfare of sailors aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln, which has been deployed for about nine months. Trump said the carrier would soon be replaced by another ship.
The Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN 72) transits the Arabian Sea, in a photo released July 1, 2026. (US Navy photo)
The USS George Washington, the U.S. Navy’s “premier forward-deployed aircraft carrier” in the Pacific, was spotted Thursday transiting the Strait of Malacca, which links the Pacific and Indian oceans.
A Navy official confirmed to USNI News, the U.S. Naval Institute’s online news and analysis portal, that the aircraft carrier was moving westward after passing through the Singapore Strait.
The deployment came amid growing concerns over conditions aboard the Lincoln, including reported shortages of basic supplies, water contamination, plumbing issues, deck safety concerns, mail disruptions, and deteriorating mental health among the crew onboard.
Sen. Richard Blumenthal said the Lincoln hasn’t made a port call in 200 days during its extended deployment in the Iran war, setting a record for consecutive days at sea.
Amid the strain of the war, the U.S. military has lost about 25 percent of its MQ-9 Reaper drones, The Washington Post reported on Thursday, citing three U.S. officials.
Each drone can cost between 30 million U.S. dollars and 50 million dollars depending on the type of sensors and weapons it carries, putting the total value of the losses at more than 1.3 billion dollars, it said.
The US Navy has confirmed that the George Washington carrier group is moving through the Strait of Malacca toward the Indian Ocean and the Middle East.
The International Contact Group (ICG) for the Great Lakes region said Kinshasa must ensure that its recently announced disarmament and demobilization arrangement with the militia group is implemented in accordance with obligations under the Washington Agreement signed in June last year and the subsequent CONOPS agreement on the lifting of Rwanda’s defensive measures.
The ICG, chaired by France and comprising the United States, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, the European Union, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, urged the Congolese authorities to immediately develop an operational plan and a realistic timeline for the “effective FDLR neutralization.”
The call comes after the Congolese government announced on July 28 that the FDLR had formally accepted and signed a protocol for voluntary disarmament, demobilization and cantonment.
The ICG stressed that any continued colocation or operational collaboration between Congolese forces and elements of the FDLR would be “fundamentally at odds” with the commitments made in the Washington Accords.
The firm statement comes amid reports that the FDLR group has continued to coordinate militarily with forces fighting the AFC/M23 coalition in North and South Kivu.
The ICG has called on the Congolese government to ensure that the neutralisation protocol is actually implemented and to clarify the mechanisms for combating impunity referred to in the agreement.
It also urged Kinshasa to work with MONUSCO, the UN peacekeeping mission in the DRC, as a key partner in carrying out the process.
The Washington Agreement has placed the dismantling of the militia group formed by individuals involved in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi among the key security commitments linked to broader efforts to end tensions between Rwanda and the DRC.
Rwanda has consistently maintained that the FDLR must be dismantled rather than accommodated, and has rejected the arrangement announced by Kinshasa on the grounds that it does not provide for the kind of alternative process proposed by the DRC.
According to Congolese authorities, the arrangement provides for fighters to surrender their weapons, move to secured transit centres and eventually be reintegrated into civilian life.
The FDLR has also proposed that fighters who do not want to return to Rwanda be assisted in resettling in third countries.
In a recent interview with BBC Gahuza, FDLR political spokesperson Cure Ngoma acknowledged that no timeline had been established for disarmament and reintegration.
Ngoma said the FDLR had conditions that it wanted addressed first, including guarantees for the security and dignity of people it describes as Rwandan refugees living in the DRC.
He further said the FDLR’s objective, after those issues were resolved, would be to participate in Rwanda’s political process.
That position has been rejected by Rwanda.
Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe has dismissed the idea of voluntary dissolution and insisted that no political platform can be opened to the FDLR.
He has maintained that the group must be dismantled as stipulated in the Washington Agreement and that its fighters should be repatriated to Rwanda without additional conditions.
The ICG’s latest statement effectively reinforces the centrality of that agreement, putting the focus back on whether the DRC’s actions will fulfil or undermine the commitments made in Washington.
The group said it was ready to welcome concrete steps by either the DRC or Rwanda to advance the peace process, but urged all parties to the Washington Accords and Doha Framework to implement the commitments they have already undertaken.
It also called on the African Union and other mediation efforts to continue pushing the parties towards implementation.
The group also welcomed the prisoner exchange agreement between the DRC and the AFC/M23 rebel coalition, describing it as an important confidence-building measure, and commended the International Committee of the Red Cross for facilitating a recent transfer of individuals released by Congolese authorities.
The Washington Agreement, signed by DRC President Félix Tshisekedi, Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame and U.S. President Donald Trump, commits the parties to the dismantling of the FDLR.
According to a military source and eyewitnesses, the attacks targeted Khartoum, as well as El Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan State; Kadugli, the capital of South Kordofan State; and Atbara and Al-Damar in River Nile State, while the army’s air defenses and ground-based anti-aircraft systems confronted a new wave of drones.
A Sudanese military source told Xinhua that the army’s ground and air defenses repelled widespread drone attacks on Wednesday and Thursday targeting several cities and military positions. The source said more than 35 drones, which he attributed to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), were shot down on Wednesday over areas including Atbara, Al-Damar and El Obeid.
On Thursday, the forces shot down 10 drones in Omdurman, three in River Nile State and five in South Kordofan State, the source said, adding that the defenses prevented drones from reaching a number of vital targets.
An eyewitness in Omdurman told Xinhua that loud explosions were heard and columns of smoke rose over the city as air defenses engaged a swarm of drones. In El Obeid, another eyewitness reported successive explosions and the activation of army ground defenses as several drones attacked the city.
In Kadugli, an eyewitness said ground defenses engaged drones targeting the city and shot down several before they reached their targets.
The attacks also reached Atbara and Al-Damar in River Nile State, relatively far from the front lines, highlighting the expanding geographical scope of drone warfare in Sudan.
The Sudanese army has not issued an official statement on the latest attacks, while the RSF has not commented on allegations that it was responsible.
The escalation comes amid heavy fighting on several fronts, particularly in North Kordofan and Blue Nile.
In North Kordofan, clashes continued after the army retook several strategic areas in recent weeks and reopened parts of the vital export road linking Kordofan with Khartoum.
The general command of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) said Thursday that its forces and allied troops had repelled an RSF attack on the Jabrat Al-Sheikh area in North Kordofan involving more than 250 combat vehicles. It said the attackers suffered losses in personnel and equipment and were forced to withdraw toward the outskirts of Darfur.
In Blue Nile State, fighting continued in Geisan, a locality on the border with Ethiopia, following an attack by the RSF and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North, according to local authorities.
The authorities said in a statement that the attack began Wednesday morning and targeted the town during the agricultural season, describing it as a “full-fledged war crime.”
The International Organization for Migration reported that around 2,500 people, or about 500 families, were displaced from Geisan following the clashes. Most moved to other areas within the locality, while others crossed the border into Ethiopia.
Sudan has been mired in an armed conflict between the SAF and the RSF since mid-April 2023, which has claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced millions both domestically and abroad.
This photo taken with a mobile phone shows residents inspecting a drone-attacked mosque in Al-Droshab, north of Sudan’s capital Khartoum on August 12, 2026.
“We see that the authorities of some countries, in violation of international maritime law, are trying to restrict the movement of our economic operators’ vessels, peaceful vessels, I want to emphasize,” Putin said during the final stage of the Pacific Fleet’s exercises.
Putin’s remarks come against the backdrop of recent interceptions and inspections of “shadow fleet” ships by European naval forces, including Italian-led European Union (EU) operations in the Mediterranean. At the end of July, the EU also adopted a port access ban on 41 more “shadow fleet” vessels and introduced mandatory notification requirements for the sale of liquefied natural gas tankers to Russia.
Putin has also voiced his concern over increasing tensions in the Asia-Pacific region due to “unprovoked” sanctions against Russia introduced by Japan. “Unfortunately, we are seeing changes in positions, and I would like to emphasize that these changes were not provoked by anything on our part,” said Putin.
Russian President Vladimir Putin warned on Wednesday that Russia would respond in kind if Western countries seize its merchant ships.
Amb. Ngarambe argues that Habyarimana’s involvement in the ideology that ultimately contributed to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi began decades before the genocide itself.
Speaking to IGIHE, Amb. Ngarambe drew on his book, Le génocide contre les Tutsi au Rwanda en 1994. Conséquences inéluctables des politiques criminelles et des crimes politiques de 1959 à 1994, in which he examines the political developments and violence that preceded the genocide.
Habyarimana was born in 1937, nearly two decades before the publication of the document commonly known as the “Hutu Manifesto.”
According to Amb. Ngarambe, the young Habyarimana grew up in an environment increasingly influenced by ideas promoted through the manifesto, which advocated for what its authors presented as Hutu interests.
Amb. Ngarambe said that in 1960, a year after the beginning of what became known as the “Hutu Revolution,” Habyarimana joined the military through a programme associated with Belgian colonial official Colonel Guy Logiest.
He argues that Logiest was seeking to establish a predominantly Hutu military force and that Habyarimana was among the young recruits shaped by that environment.
“In this army, Logiest saw Habyarimana as someone who could represent this Hutu youth, which had been prepared to kill Tutsis without hesitation. He had been exposed to this ideology when he was around 20 years old, during his military training,” Amb. Ngarambe said.
From military service to political power
Amb. Ngarambe said that after completing his military training, Habyarimana became involved in military operations against attacks by forces known as the Inyenzi in 1962 and 1963.
He alleges that alongside military operations against the insurgents, Tutsi civilians were also killed in retaliatory violence.
Between 1963 and 1964, according to Amb. Ngarambe, Habyarimana rose to positions of increasing authority within the national army and security structures.
He argues that during this period, violence against Tutsis continued, with the support of the PARMEHUTU political movement.
“Generally speaking, we can say that the genocidal ideology in Habyarimana did not emerge in the 1990s or the 1980s. It began with the establishment of PARMEHUTU and the dissemination of the Hutu Manifesto,” Amb. Ngarambe said.
He added that while anti-Tutsi violence had already occurred during the government of President Grégoire Kayibanda, Habyarimana inherited and maintained elements of the political system and ideology that had emerged during that period.
Amb. Ngarambe also portrays Habyarimana as a politically ambitious young officer who sought power at an early age.
He said Habyarimana was only 26 when he became commander of Rwanda’s armed forces and that he already had ambitions of eventually becoming Head of State.
“At the age of 26, when he became commander of Rwanda’s army, he already had ambitions to become Head of State. From that point, he began to become deceptive and sought to control those around him, using lies to steer them in the direction he wanted,” Amb. Ngarambe said.
Consolidating power
Following the overthrow of Kayibanda in 1973, Habyarimana assumed power and established a new political order.
Amb. Ngarambe argues that after the coup and the subsequent killing of Kayibanda and politicians from southern Rwanda, Habyarimana sought to consolidate his support among Hutus from the region.
Although Colonel Théoneste Lizinde was later prosecuted by a military court in Ruhengeri in connection with the killing of politicians from southern Rwanda, Amb. Ngarambe maintains that the operation could not have taken place without Habyarimana’s knowledge.
“Lizinde played a role, but his superior was Colonel Ntibitura, who supported Habyarimana and reported to him on a daily basis,” Amb. Ngarambe said.
He further linked the killings to the leadership of Ruhengeri Prefecture at the time, arguing that the political hierarchy made it unlikely that such actions could have occurred without the knowledge of senior authorities.
The rise of Hutu Power
Amb. Ngarambe said that the political mobilisation intensified particularly from 1993, as Habyarimana and his allies sought to strengthen what became known as Hutu Power.
According to him, mobilisation efforts extended to local administrative structures, where individuals were encouraged to portray Tutsis as a common enemy.
“He implemented a systematic and organised approach aimed at spreading genocidal ideology among Rwandans, particularly Hutus, preparing them from childhood and from primary school,” Amb. Ngarambe said.
The outbreak of war on October 1, 1990, when the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launched an armed invasion from Uganda, further transformed Rwanda’s political environment.
Amb. Ngarambe argues that Habyarimana used the conflict to intensify calls for Hutu unity and anti-Tutsi mobilisation.
“When the war began, Habyarimana appeared to see it as an opportunity. He said, ‘I am going to solve the problem now; I am going to unite the Hutus,’” Amb. Ngarambe said.
He described Habyarimana and his political allies as being at the centre of a campaign that increasingly portrayed the conflict with the RPF as a broader struggle between Hutus and Tutsis.
Amb. Ngarambe also identified Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and others as key figures in the propaganda campaign that promoted anti-Tutsi narratives.
According to him, the messaging portrayed Rwanda as having been attacked by Inyenzi who had come from Uganda alongside Ugandans, encouraging Hutus to believe they needed to defend themselves against the perceived threat.
From decades of division to genocide
Habyarimana was killed on April 6, 1994, when the plane carrying him and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira was shot down near Kigali.
The following day, organised killings began in Kigali and rapidly spread across the country.
Over approximately 100 days, more than one million Tutsis were killed.
The Genocide against the Tutsi remains one of the most devastating crimes against humanity of the 20th century.
Amb. Ngarambe’s account places Habyarimana’s political trajectory within a much longer history of ethnic discrimination, political violence and extremist mobilisation, arguing that the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994 was not an isolated event but the culmination of years of ideological preparation, institutionalised discrimination and escalating violence.
Habyarimana was the first commander of Rwanda’s army established under Belgian rule.
“CENTCOM forces disabled the steering gear of Panama-flagged M/V Vela Nova as the cargo vessel attempted to transit the Gulf of Oman and violate the U.S. blockade against Iran by sailing toward an Iranian port,” the statement said.
A U.S. Navy MH-60 helicopter fired two missiles into the Vela Nova’s engine room, according to the command.
“The missile struck the vessel, causing a fire that was subsequently extinguished,” maritime security firm Vanguard said in an initial report on the incident.
“As of Aug. 11, CENTCOM has redirected 55 commercial vessels attempting to run the blockade, disabled three non-compliant vessels, and boarded two,” the command said.
The azure skies of Beijing soon became known as “APEC blue,” though some viewed the phenomenon as a fleeting moment confined to the summit period.
At the welcoming banquet, Chinese President Xi Jinping directly addressed such doubts, expressing his hope and determination that “with persistent efforts, the ‘APEC blue’ will be here to stay.”
More than a decade later, Xi’s promise has been fulfilled through concrete action.
The results are visible in the air. Between 2013 and 2025, Beijing’s average PM2.5 concentration fell by 69.8 percent. The United Nations Environment Programme has hailed the city’s achievements in improving air quality as the “Beijing Miracle.”
The story of “APEC blue” reflects a cherished value passed down through generations of the Chinese people: promises must be honored through actions. This philosophy has also guided China’s efforts to forge stronger connections with the world. “He who has credibility connects the world,” Xi once quoted a saying from “The Guanzi,” a collection of ancient Chinese writings, to underscore the importance of matching words.
Every autumn, the lights of the National Exhibition and Convention Center in Shanghai illuminate a global gathering, where products, technologies and ideas converge in the vibrant metropolis.
At the first China International Import Expo (CIIE) in 2018, Xi made a clear promise: “The CIIE, which will be held on an annual basis, will feature good performance, fruitful results and continued success in the years to come.”
Eight years on, the CIIE has grown into a premier global platform for trade, investment and cultural exchanges, connecting businesses, innovators and consumers from around the world.
The expo, the world’s first import-themed national-level exhibition, stands as a vivid reflection of Xi’s commitment to China’s high-level opening-up. Beyond the CIIE, this commitment has been put into practice through concrete measures, ranging from the launch of island-wide special customs operations at the Hainan Free Trade Port to the expansion of visa-free transit and entry policies.
In a world facing mounting uncertainty and fragmentation, these actions deliver a clear message: China will continue to open its door wider to the world.
Xi’s commitment to delivering on promises is also reflected in long-term partnerships built on shared development.
More than half a century ago, Chinese engineers traveled to East Africa to help build the Tanzania-Zambia railway, a landmark project that stretched across the region.
In March 2013, standing before the cemetery of Chinese experts in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Xi paid tribute to those who sacrificed their lives during the construction of the railway, and called on the two countries to cherish the deep-rooted friendship between China and Africa.
Two years later, during talks with then Zambian President Edgar Lungu, Xi reaffirmed that China would collaborate with Zambia and Tanzania in the railway operations to “promote the development and prosperity of the region along the line.”
In September 2024, Xi, together with Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan and Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, witnessed in Beijing the signing of a memorandum of understanding on the railway revitalization project. In November 2025, the groundbreaking ceremony was held in Zambia. Once upgraded, the railway is expected to significantly improve regional connectivity, with annual freight capacity rising to at least 2.4 million tons and shipping times reduced by nearly two-thirds.
“China helped us build the railway in the past and is now helping us make it better and more modern. China has always kept its word,” said 74-year-old Solomon Mwakasanga, who joined the railway service in 1970 as a clerk and retired in 2005 as a senior station foreman.
Across Africa, China’s efforts are transforming promises into progress, supporting the continent’s modernization drive.
From fully implementing zero-tariff treatment to all 53 African countries that have diplomatic ties with China to advancing “small but beautiful” livelihood projects such as Luban Workshops and Juncao technology, China’s cooperation with Africa is increasingly focused on delivering tangible benefits.
As Paul Frimpong, executive director of the Africa-China Center for Policy and Advisory, a Ghana-based think tank, observed, “China will always remain Africa’s most reliable partner on its path to modernization.”
A promise kept in times of crisis matters greatly. When the COVID-19 pandemic swept across the world, Xi stressed China’s firm determination to strengthen international cooperation as a responsible major country.
China was the first country to propose COVID-19 vaccines as a global public good and worked with developing nations to produce vaccines locally, mobilizing resources to help bridge the global “immunity gap.”
Xi’s commitment to honoring promises is also borne out by China’s sustained efforts over the years to build a better future for all.
In September 2020, Xi announced that China would strive to peak carbon dioxide emissions before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060.
Over the past years, China has taken solid steps to turn this vision into action. It has built the world’s largest renewable energy system and developed the most comprehensive clean energy industrial chain, while continuing to improve energy efficiency and accelerate the global green transition.
“China has a reputation of doing what it says it’s going to do,” said UN Climate Change Executive Secretary Simon Stiell. The leadership China has shown and the contributions it has made in terms of driving technological advancement and providing support to developing countries within the Global South can push other countries to step up, he added.
As Xi said, “We Chinese people attach great importance to taking action to keep promises. We will do whatever it takes to honor our commitment.”
This photo taken from Jingshan Hill on Aug. 12, 2024 shows the skyscrapers of the central business district (CBD) on a sunny day in Beijing, capital of China.
The Fourth Criminal Court in Damascus also sentenced Assad’s younger brother, Maher al-Assad, and his maternal cousin Atef Najib to death in connection with crimes committed during the conflict, which is estimated to have killed about half a million people.
Judge Fakhareddine al-Aryan said during a session broadcast on state television that Bashar al-Assad had used government institutions to carry out war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The verdict marks a significant moment for Syria, where the Assad family ruled for roughly five decades before Bashar al-Assad was ousted in December 2024 following a rapid rebel offensive.
Assad and Maher fled to Russia after the collapse of the government and were granted political asylum. Syria’s new authorities have since called on Moscow to hand the two men over, but they remain outside the country and were sentenced in absentia.
Najib, a former Syrian army brigadier general, was present in court. He previously headed the Political Security Branch in Daraa province in southern Syria, where anti-government protests erupted in 2011.
His role in the crackdown on early demonstrations has made him one of the highest-ranking former regime officials to face trial. The unrest began after teenagers were arrested and tortured for writing anti-government graffiti on a school wall in Daraa. The incident helped trigger wider protests against Assad’s government.
The demonstrations were met with a government crackdown and eventually developed into a prolonged civil war.
Najib had been sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury Department in April 2011. He was later detained by Syrian authorities and brought before the court.
Maher al-Assad previously commanded the Syrian military’s 4th Armored Division. Syrian opposition activists have accused the unit and its leadership of killings, torture, extortion and drug trafficking, as well as operating detention facilities.
The death sentences represent the first such judgments against the former Syrian leadership since the end of Assad family rule.
A Syrian court on Tuesday sentenced former President Bashar al-Assad to death in absentia for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed during the country’s 14-year conflict, in the first major judicial verdict against the former leader or members of his inner circle since his regime fell.
“The majority of these visas were revoked due to law enforcement encounters for a range of criminal activity, with assault, driving under the influence, theft, and drug crimes being the leading causes,” the department said in a statement.
“A significant share of visas were revoked for reckless driving, sexual assault, child abuse, fraud and embezzlement, and other crimes,” the statement said.
“A U.S. visa is a privilege, not a right. The Department remains committed to using every tool available to protect our communities from those who abuse it,” the statement added.
Since Trump returned to the White House, his administration has tightened immigration policies, cracking down on undocumented immigrants and increasing scrutiny of U.S. visa holders.
