The agreements were concluded on April 22, 2026, at the 12th session of the Joint Permanent Commission (JPC) held in Kampala, where officials from both countries reiterated their commitment to closer cooperation and regional integration.
Uganda’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, John Mulimba, described the meeting as a clear sign of shared ambition between the two neighbours.
“This session is a testament to our mutual resolve to strengthen ties and work together for the prosperity of our two peoples. Uganda and Rwanda are not just neighbours; we are partners bound by history, culture, and kinship,” he said.
Mulimba noted that collaboration would continue across key areas such as trade, cross-border movement, infrastructure, and security, stressing the need for tangible benefits for citizens.
“As the host, Uganda reaffirms its commitment to a peaceful and open neighbourhood, regional integration, and pan-Africanism. A stable and prosperous Rwanda is in Uganda’s interest, just as a stable and prosperous Uganda is in Rwanda’s interest,” he added.
Rwanda’s Minister of State in charge of Regional Cooperation, Usta Kaitesi, emphasised the deep-rooted ties between the two nations.
“Our relations are rooted in a shared history, strong people-to-people ties, and a common aspiration for peace, stability, and prosperity,” she said.
Kaitesi highlighted the JPC as a vital platform for tracking progress, resolving challenges, and identifying new opportunities for collaboration.
The newly signed agreements are expected to strengthen service delivery, enhance cross-border cooperation, and reinforce ties between Kigali and Kampala, signalling renewed momentum in relations between the two countries.
Rwanda and Uganda reaffirmed commitment to regional integration and stronger bilateral ties at the JPC meeting.Delegations from Kigali and Kampala meet to review progress and expand cooperation across key sectors.Rwanda’s Minister of State for Regional Cooperation, Usta Kaitesi, highlighted strong historical ties between Rwanda and Uganda.Uganda’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, John Mulimba, speaks during the closing session of the Joint Permanent Commission in Kampala.Officials from Rwanda and Uganda pose after concluding the 12th Joint Permanent Commission in Kampala on April 22, 2026.
Speaking at a Symposium on Genocide Prevention organised by the Embassy of Rwanda in Kenya as part of the 32nd commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi, Lumumba urged the international community to move beyond rhetoric and ensure practical measures are taken to prevent future atrocities.
“We are not gathered here because it is an annual jamboree at which we congregate and make speeches to ourselves,” he said, stressing that the commemoration must serve as a serious reminder of humanity’s failures and responsibilities.
Warning against historical amnesia
Lumumba cautioned against revisionism and denialism, arguing that forgetting history increases the risk of repeating it.
“We are gathered here because history has taught us that if we are not careful, the only thing we learn from history is that we learn nothing from history,” he said.
He pointed to past global failures, including the inability of the international community to prevent the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, where a million people were killed over a 100-day period.
The scholar criticised the role of international institutions during the genocide, saying the world “watched in eloquent silence” as violence unfolded.
“The United Nations, East Africa, Africa, and the big powers with nuclear weapons watched,” he said, adding that places of worship were turned into sites of mass killings while the world remained paralysed.
He also referenced broader historical injustices, including slavery, colonial partitioning of Africa, and genocides in other parts of the world, arguing that global systems have repeatedly failed to prevent mass atrocities.
*Call for stronger international responsibility*
Lumumba urged international and regional bodies to take a more proactive role in preventing genocide, rather than issuing declarations without implementation.
“It is not the function of the international community to issue diktats without understanding circumstances on the ground,” he said, calling instead for meaningful engagement with local realities amid concerns over rising ethnic slurs targeting Banyamulenge and Tutsi communities in eastern DRC.
He stressed that prevention requires moral responsibility rooted in shared human values found across all major religions and philosophies.
Lessons from Rwanda’s recovery
While reflecting on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, Lumumba also highlighted Rwanda’s recovery as a powerful example of resilience and reconstruction.
He praised the country’s leadership, led by President Paul Kagame and citizens for rebuilding a nation once devastated, noting that Rwanda has become a model of governance, order, and development.
“Rwanda, like the phoenix, rose from the ashes,” he said, describing Kigali as a benchmark for urban planning, infrastructure, and institutional efficiency.
He further commended Rwanda’s use of the Gacaca courts, which he described as an African-rooted system that contributed to reconciliation and justice by handling millions of cases at the community level.
Technology and new risks
Lumumba also warned that modern technology could accelerate the spread of hate and violence if misused.
“We are today in the era of artificial intelligence… if those who wanted to commit genocide decided to do so, they would do it in the twinkling of an eye,” he cautioned, highlighting the risks posed by social media and digital platforms in spreading misinformation and hate speech.
Concluding his remarks, Lumumba insisted that remembrance must be tied to responsibility.
“Never again must not be a slogan; it must be action,” he said, urging governments, institutions, and citizens to actively work to prevent the conditions that lead to genocide.
He ended with a call for unity and vigilance, emphasising that the lessons of history must be translated into sustained global action to ensure such atrocities are never repeated.
PLO Lumumba cautioned against revisionism and denialism, arguing that forgetting history increases the risk of repeating it.
Furthermore, any such operation is unlikely to be carried out until the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran comes to an end, members of the House Armed Services Committee were told on Tuesday, according to the report. This means gasoline and oil prices could remain elevated through the U.S. midterm elections.
Iran may have emplaced 20 or more mines in and around the strait. Some were floated remotely using GPS technology, which has made it difficult for U.S. forces to detect the mines as they are deployed, a senior defense official told lawmakers. Others are believed to have been laid by Iranian forces using small boats.
The disclosure was made in a classified briefing for lawmakers, Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell acknowledged in a statement, while criticizing the related reports as “inaccurate.”
“As we said in March, one assessment does not mean the assessment is plausible, and a six month closure of the Strait of Hormuz is an impossibility and completely unacceptable to the (Defense) Secretary,” Parnell said, without specifying how long it could take.
U.S. President Donald Trump told Fox News on Wednesday there is “no time frame” for ending the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran.
This file photo taken on Feb. 19, 2025 shows the Strait of Hormuz.
While the move is welcome, it has yet to generate momentum for dialogue. Iran has made it clear that it will not engage in a new round of talks unless Trump lifts his blockade on ships entering or exiting Iranian ports in the Strait of Hormuz. The contrast between a prolonged ceasefire and stalled diplomacy underscores the fragility of the current situation.
Against this backdrop, several key questions arise: Why has Tehran refused to attend the talks? What is Washington’s real intention in extending the ceasefire while maintaining pressure? And where might the situation head next?
Why Iran refuses to negotiate
Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei said Monday that Iran currently has no plan for the second round of peace negotiations with the United States.
Tehran’s attendance depends on Washington meeting preconditions, Iran’s semi-official Tasnim news agency reported, citing the U.S. naval blockade and “excessive demands” as key obstacles.
Iran’s Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi said Monday that U.S. “provocative actions” and ceasefire violations are major obstacles to continuing peace negotiations between the two countries.
The United States takes actions that are in no way indicative of its seriousness in pursuing a diplomatic process, Baghaei said, noting that since the ceasefire took effect on April 8, “we have been faced with the breaking of promises and nagging by the United States.”
He also noted an attack against an Iranian commercial ship earlier in the day, which he said is also considered a violation of the ceasefire.
Baghaei said that under UN General Assembly resolutions, the blockade of a country’s seas and ports is an act of aggression. He said Iran will carefully decide on how to proceed based on a single guiding principle: safeguarding the Iranian nation’s interests.
He said the issue of transferring Iran’s enriched uranium has never been an option in any of the negotiations, stressing the importance for Iran to maintain its nuclear, industrial and scientific achievements.
This file photo taken on Feb. 19, 2025 shows the Strait of Hormuz.
What’s Washington’s real intention?
The U.S. decision to extend the ceasefire indefinitely has been widely interpreted as an attempt to preserve a diplomatic window, but analysts caution that it also serves broader strategic purposes.
“Trump … remains eager for a diplomatic solution to the war, wary of reviving an unpopular conflict he’s claimed the United States already won,” CNN reported Wednesday.
However, the United States has not scaled back its military posture in the region. Multiple media outlets reported that U.S. naval deployments and surveillance activities in the Gulf have been maintained—and even intensified—during the ceasefire, suggesting continued pressure and the retention of military options.
The United States is expected to deploy three aircraft carrier strike groups simultaneously in the Middle East in the coming days, NBC reported on Monday.
The U.S. military will continue the blockade against Iran and “remain ready and able,” Trump said Tuesday, although Pakistan’s Army Chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, told him that the blockade of Iranian ports would remain a major obstacle to meaningful diplomatic progress.
In this sense, the ceasefire extension is less a definitive step toward peace than a tactical maneuver to buy time for both negotiation and contingency planning.
This photo taken on April 18, 2026 shows a view of the White House in Washington, D.C., the United States.
Where are U.S.-Iran talks headed?
“Trump’s ceasefire extension means nothing,” said Mahdi Mohammadi, an adviser to Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, who led the Iranian negotiating delegation.
“The losing side cannot dictate terms. The continuation of the siege is no different from bombardment and must be met with a military response,” he added.
Araghchi said Monday that Iran would decide whether to continue diplomacy based on “all aspects of the issue” and U.S. behavior, adding that Tehran would take steps to protect its interests and national security.
“Honoring commitments is the basis of meaningful dialogue,” Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian wrote in a post on X on Monday. He said deep mistrust of U.S. conduct persists in Iran, with “unconstructive and contradictory signals” from American officials suggesting they seek Iran’s surrender.
Despite significant hurdles, a U.S. official said there is still a chance that U.S. and Iranian negotiators will meet soon, though whether and when such talks might occur is far from certain, according to CNN reports.
“The question now is not whether diplomacy has failed, but whether both sides are willing to keep trying despite that failure,” said an analysis article published by Geojuristoday, a non-partisan think tank based in New Delhi.
This photo taken on April 20, 2026 shows an interior view of the Golestan Palace damaged by the U.S.-Israeli attacks, in Tehran, Iran.
Security reports circulating within the country and internationally painted a grim picture: the situation was rapidly deteriorating in multiple regions, yet any meaningful intervention still seemed far off.
That morning, Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General and head of the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR), issued an urgent appeal calling for the evacuation of most UN personnel.
In a letter addressed to Kofi Annan, he warned that large numbers of Tutsis were being killed, particularly in southern regions such as Gitarama, Butare, and Gikongoro.
He also reported intense fighting between government forces—formerly aligned with President Juvénal Habyarimana—and the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), the military wing of the RPF, which was attempting to stop the killings.
He described a night marked by heavy gunfire, including the use of powerful weapons. Reinforcements had reportedly been seen moving from Ruhengeri toward Kigali, and communication with the outside world had become extremely difficult.
Efforts had been made to coordinate with airport authorities and the RPA to keep Kigali International Airport neutral, although this remained uncertain. By that time, a group of UN troops had already been evacuated to Nairobi.
Booh-Booh also indicated that government troops were unwilling to relinquish control of the airport. Instead, they proposed jointly managing it with UNAMIR, a move he suggested was aimed at maintaining strategic advantage.
There were concerns that control of the airport could be used to pressure the RPA into accepting a ceasefire without first addressing the ongoing mass killings.
He warned that the airport could become a major flashpoint, as both sides sought to control it and its surroundings. This, he noted, posed serious risks to UN operations, including the evacuation process, supply lines, and the safety of peacekeepers.
Booh-Booh further expressed doubts about the government forces’ willingness to pursue peace. He cited an earlier incident on April 19, when mortar shells were fired into Amahoro Stadium, a site under UN protection where many Tutsi civilians had sought refuge. The attack left several people dead and dozens injured, and additional shelling in surrounding areas caused further civilian casualties.
Given the worsening security situation, he warned that UN personnel themselves were at risk and recommended a rapid withdrawal. He suggested that a reduced force—around 250 personnel, both military and civilian—could remain to monitor humanitarian efforts and any potential ceasefire.
Despite advocating for a large-scale troop withdrawal, he stressed that civilians sheltering in locations such as Hotel des Mille Collines, Red Cross facilities, St. Michel, and other areas were in grave danger, as killings had already intensified across Kigali.
The UN Security Council had originally established UNAMIR on October 5, 1993, under the leadership of Lieutenant General Roméo Dallaire, to oversee the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords between the government of Habyarimana and the RPF.
However, following Booh-Booh’s warning, the Security Council decided on April 21, 1994, to drastically reduce the UNAMIR force—from about 2,500 troops to just 270. The decision was largely influenced by pressure from member states, particularly after the killing of 10 Belgian peacekeepers.
Those Belgian soldiers had been assigned to protect Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana. They, along with the Prime Minister, were killed by government troops from the Kanombe military camp on the morning of April 7, 1994.
The withdrawal marked a critical moment in the genocide, significantly weakening international presence at a time when mass killings were escalating, and leaving countless civilians without protection.
The UN Security Council had originally established UNAMIR on October 5, 1993, under the leadership of Lieutenant General Roméo Dallaire, to oversee the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords.Following Booh-Booh’s warning, the Security Council decided on April 21, 1994, to drastically reduce the UNAMIR force—from about 2,500 troops to just 270.
Speaking at a press conference after meeting with visiting Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, Macron urged a “political agreement” between Israel and Lebanon to guarantee security for both countries, safeguard Lebanon’s territorial integrity, and pave the way for normalized relations.
Macron also warned that the European Union (EU) could reconsider its ties with Israel if its policies remain unchanged. He said suspending the EU-Israel Association Agreement – which has governed trade relations since 2000 – would become a “legitimate question” under such circumstances.
Addressing broader regional tensions, Macron called for extending negotiations between the United States and Iran as their ceasefire approaches expiration, stressing that “war must not be allowed to resume.”
For his part, Salam reiterated Lebanon’s demand for the “complete withdrawal” of Israeli forces from its territory, along with the return of Lebanese prisoners and displaced persons.
French President Emmanuel Macron (L, front) greets visiting Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam (R, front) at Elysee Palace in Paris, France, April 21, 2026. French President Emmanuel Macron said Tuesday that Israel must “renounce its territorial ambitions” in Lebanon, calling for a political settlement to ensure regional stability. (Photo by Henri Szwarc/Xinhua)
“Based on the fact that the Government of Iran is seriously fractured, not unexpectedly so and, upon the request of Field Marshal Asim Munir, and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, of Pakistan, we have been asked to hold our Attack on the Country of Iran until such time as their leaders and representatives can come up with a unified proposal,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.
The U.S. president said he will “extend the ceasefire until such time as their proposal is submitted, and discussions are concluded, one way or the other.”
The U.S. military will continue the blockade against Iran and “remain ready and able,” Trump said.
Trump said on Monday that it was “highly unlikely” for him to extend the truce, and on Tuesday morning he told U.S. media that he doesn’t want to do that, expecting the United States to “end up with a great deal” with Iran while threatening to bomb Iran again if no deal is reached.
U.S. Vice President JD Vance, whose trip to Pakistan for talks with Iran has been put on hold, was at the White House for meetings on Tuesday, along with Trump’s envoy Steve Witkoff and son-in-law Jared Kushner, multiple media outlets reported.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth arrived at the White House on Tuesday afternoon to join discussions over Washington’s next steps, according to the reports.
The United States violated the ceasefire by starting a naval blockade of Iran’s ports, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Tuesday on X.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei told state TV late Tuesday that Iran has not yet decided whether to join fresh peace talks since it was upset about what he called mixed messages from Washington.
“It is not out of indecisiveness, it is because we are facing contradictory messages and behaviors, and unacceptable actions from the American counterpart,” Beghaei said.
As U.S. forces have intercepted and taken custody of an Iranian-flagged cargo ship on Sunday and Iran has not yet announced its decision to send a negotiating team for talks, the prospect of an expected second round of U.S.-Iran talks remains unclear, according to media reports.
U.S. President Donald Trump said Tuesday he will extend the ceasefire with Iran as the current two-week truce is set to expire on Wednesday night.
The meeting took place on the afternoon of April 20, 2026, according to a statement from the Office of the President.
The statement noted that their discussions centered on strengthening ties between Rwanda and the Ashanti Kingdom, with a particular focus on expanding opportunities in trade, investment and mineral trading.
The Ashanti Kingdom is one of around 16 traditional kingdoms in Ghana and is among the most historically influential in both Ghana and West Africa.
It rose to prominence in the 18th and 19th centuries. Located in central Ghana, the kingdom covers an area of more than 24,000 square kilometers.
The Ashanti people belong to the Akan ethnic group, which established the kingdom around the 1600s under King Osei Tutu.
Kumasi serves as the capital of the Ashanti Kingdom and is widely regarded as a major center of culture and history in Ghana.
Today, the kingdom is led by King Otumfuo Nana Osei Tutu II, the 16th ruler, known as the Asantehene. He serves as both a political and spiritual leader of the Ashanti people, although he does not hold an official role within Ghana’s government.
King Otumfuo Nana Osei Tutu II ascended to the throne on April 26, 1999, following the passing of his uncle, Otumfuo Opoku Ware II. He is widely respected in Ghana for his cultural leadership and is seen as a symbol of unity among the Ashanti people.
The Ashanti Kingdom’s economy is largely driven by gold mining, agriculture, trade, and tourism.
Cooperation between Rwanda and the Ashanti Kingdom adds to Rwanda’s already strong bilateral relations with Ghana. The two countries maintain partnerships in areas such as air transport, defense, and security.
They also collaborate in the private sector, tourism, culture, finance, and trade.
Rwanda opened its High Commission in Ghana in 2020, while Ghana established its High Commission in Rwanda in 2024.
President Paul Kagame has received a delegation led by Prince Oheneba Yaw Otchere, Royal Ambassador of the King of the Ashanti Kingdom in Ghana.The meeting took place on April 20, 2026. President Kagame and Prince Oheneba Yaw Otchere held discussions centered on strengthening ties between Rwanda and the Ashanti Kingdom
They identified Augustin Bizimungu, who had led the Ex-FAR before the country’s liberation, as the most capable figure to command their military efforts. Meanwhile, Agathe Kanziga, the wife of Habyarimana, continued leading diplomatic efforts to secure external support.
Many members of the inner circle known as “Akazu” were based in Kenya, where numerous meetings were held to plan their return, especially focusing on acquiring weapons for Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces based in then Zaïre.
However, heavy pressure from the United Nations on Mobutu Sese Seko, who had been supporting these forces, forced him to expel some Rwandan refugees in a move seen as a diversion tactic.
Fearing that Ex-FAR and Interahamwe fighters might be disarmed or repatriated to Rwanda, thus collapsing their plan, members of the Akazu decided to bribe Zaïrean soldiers to allow their fighters to remain in camps with their weapons intact.
According to Andrew Wallis in his book Stepp’d in Blood: Akazu and the Architects of the Rwandan Genocide Against the Tutsi, Félicien Kabuga sent $35,000 to Gen Bizimungu to bribe Zaïrean troops so they would allow Ex-FAR and Interahamwe fighters to keep their weapons in camps near the border.
At one point, a Zaïrean officer demanded $60,000 to ignore continued arms deliveries to camps such as Mugunga, near Goma. Kabuga and his associates in Nairobi mobilized additional funds to meet these demands.
On November 4, 1995, several Akazu members met at the home of Gratien Kabiligi in Nairobi to raise more funds. Contributions included a cheque from Kabuga, $340 from Protais Zigiranyirazo (Habyarimana’s brother-in-law), and $1,500 from Aloys Ntabakuze, a former commando leader. A total of $17,000 was collected that day.
Despite continued fundraising efforts, morale declined among Akazu members, who grew frustrated with Bizimungu’s delay in launching military operations despite the availability of resources. Contributions dropped sharply—from $20 to as little as $1.
Kabuga, however, insisted he would continue giving everything he had to restore their power, even declaring he would return to Kigali “with nothing,” if necessary.
Internal mistrust deepened within the group. Some members suspected others of prioritizing personal interests, such as securing visas to Europe or starting businesses in Nairobi, while others struggled with financial hardship.
Criticism also mounted against Bizimungu, with accusations that he spent time socializing with Kabuga in Kenya rather than advancing their military plans.
Despite these divisions, the government of Jacques Chirac, which came to power in May 1995, reportedly supported efforts to arm and train Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces.
In early December 1995, a high-level meeting was held in Zaïre involving Kanziga, Mobutu, senior Zaïrean generals, Bizimungu, Kabiligi, Seraphin Bararengana (a relative of Habyarimana), and Augustin Ngirabatware.
Senior French officers, led by Gilbert Canovas, also attended, alongside Christian Refalo, who had previously trained Ex-FAR troops in the 1990s. The meeting focused on refining plans to attack Rwanda.
They agreed on a military route entering through Gisenyi, advancing through Kibuye and Gikongoro, with support from French mercenaries using British passports.
Mobutu reportedly promised Kanziga $6 million if they succeeded in capturing Cyangugu Airport.
Meanwhile, Théoneste Bagosora, despite disagreements with Bizimungu, independently sought weapons from South Africa and Seychelles, reportedly acquiring 360 tonnes of arms, many originating from Bulgaria, with travel expenses allegedly covered by the Chirac administration.
Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya was also said to have pledged weapons, including AK-47 rifles, ammunition, mortars, rockets, and grenades.
Additional expected support included modern rifles and landmines from South Africa, and mortars from Hosni Mubarak’s Egypt.
By late December 1995, Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces were estimated at around 49,000 fighters, many of them newly recruited. However, indiscipline became a major issue—some soldiers sold weapons to locals, while others engaged in misconduct, including activities that led to the spread of HIV/AIDS.
Wallis notes that Akazu leaders had planned for an attack on Rwanda by the end of December 1995. However, growing divisions within both military and political ranks ultimately derailed the plan.
At one point, Bizimungu informed Kanziga by phone that he had told Mobutu he could not proceed with the invasion to overthrow Rwanda’s government. He indicated he would soon appoint a replacement to lead their forces, referring vaguely to “resolving the Rwanda problem.”
Ultimately, internal conflicts within the Akazu network, divisions within Ex-FAR, and international pressure against arms proliferation led to the collapse of the plan to regain power.
Instead, Ex-FAR and Interahamwe shifted to launching cross-border insurgent attacks, particularly in border regions, resulting in the deaths of many Rwandan civilians.
Agathe Kanziga and other Akazu members attempted to return to power, but were foild by internal divisions.Augustin Bizimungu openly told Mobutu Sese Seko that he was unable to overthrow Rwanda’s government.
In a statement issued on Sunday, the 55-member continental organization expressed “deep concern” regarding recent developments on Israel’s reported decision to appoint a diplomatic envoy to Somaliland, a self-declared region of Somalia.
The AU reaffirmed its “unwavering respect for the sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of Somalia” in accordance with the Constitutive Act of the African Union and international law.
“The African Union does not recognize Somaliland as an independent state,” the statement read. “The AU remains committed to supporting Somalia’s peace, governance, and national cohesion.”
Recalling an AU Peace and Security Council communique that was issued in January, it underscored that “any unilateral recognition of Somaliland is null and void.” It warned that such actions risk undermining regional stability.
On Dec. 26, 2025, Israel became the first country in the world to formally recognize Somaliland as a sovereign state, prompting immediate condemnation from Somalia and the international community.
In a ministerial-level meeting held on Jan. 6, the AU Peace and Security Council rejected the unilateral recognition of Somaliland by Israel and called for its immediate revocation.
