“Based on the fact that the Government of Iran is seriously fractured, not unexpectedly so and, upon the request of Field Marshal Asim Munir, and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, of Pakistan, we have been asked to hold our Attack on the Country of Iran until such time as their leaders and representatives can come up with a unified proposal,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.
The U.S. president said he will “extend the ceasefire until such time as their proposal is submitted, and discussions are concluded, one way or the other.”
The U.S. military will continue the blockade against Iran and “remain ready and able,” Trump said.
Trump said on Monday that it was “highly unlikely” for him to extend the truce, and on Tuesday morning he told U.S. media that he doesn’t want to do that, expecting the United States to “end up with a great deal” with Iran while threatening to bomb Iran again if no deal is reached.
U.S. Vice President JD Vance, whose trip to Pakistan for talks with Iran has been put on hold, was at the White House for meetings on Tuesday, along with Trump’s envoy Steve Witkoff and son-in-law Jared Kushner, multiple media outlets reported.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth arrived at the White House on Tuesday afternoon to join discussions over Washington’s next steps, according to the reports.
The United States violated the ceasefire by starting a naval blockade of Iran’s ports, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Tuesday on X.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei told state TV late Tuesday that Iran has not yet decided whether to join fresh peace talks since it was upset about what he called mixed messages from Washington.
“It is not out of indecisiveness, it is because we are facing contradictory messages and behaviors, and unacceptable actions from the American counterpart,” Beghaei said.
As U.S. forces have intercepted and taken custody of an Iranian-flagged cargo ship on Sunday and Iran has not yet announced its decision to send a negotiating team for talks, the prospect of an expected second round of U.S.-Iran talks remains unclear, according to media reports.
U.S. President Donald Trump said Tuesday he will extend the ceasefire with Iran as the current two-week truce is set to expire on Wednesday night.
The meeting took place on the afternoon of April 20, 2026, according to a statement from the Office of the President.
The statement noted that their discussions centered on strengthening ties between Rwanda and the Ashanti Kingdom, with a particular focus on expanding opportunities in trade, investment and mineral trading.
The Ashanti Kingdom is one of around 16 traditional kingdoms in Ghana and is among the most historically influential in both Ghana and West Africa.
It rose to prominence in the 18th and 19th centuries. Located in central Ghana, the kingdom covers an area of more than 24,000 square kilometers.
The Ashanti people belong to the Akan ethnic group, which established the kingdom around the 1600s under King Osei Tutu.
Kumasi serves as the capital of the Ashanti Kingdom and is widely regarded as a major center of culture and history in Ghana.
Today, the kingdom is led by King Otumfuo Nana Osei Tutu II, the 16th ruler, known as the Asantehene. He serves as both a political and spiritual leader of the Ashanti people, although he does not hold an official role within Ghana’s government.
King Otumfuo Nana Osei Tutu II ascended to the throne on April 26, 1999, following the passing of his uncle, Otumfuo Opoku Ware II. He is widely respected in Ghana for his cultural leadership and is seen as a symbol of unity among the Ashanti people.
The Ashanti Kingdom’s economy is largely driven by gold mining, agriculture, trade, and tourism.
Cooperation between Rwanda and the Ashanti Kingdom adds to Rwanda’s already strong bilateral relations with Ghana. The two countries maintain partnerships in areas such as air transport, defense, and security.
They also collaborate in the private sector, tourism, culture, finance, and trade.
Rwanda opened its High Commission in Ghana in 2020, while Ghana established its High Commission in Rwanda in 2024.
President Paul Kagame has received a delegation led by Prince Oheneba Yaw Otchere, Royal Ambassador of the King of the Ashanti Kingdom in Ghana.The meeting took place on April 20, 2026. President Kagame and Prince Oheneba Yaw Otchere held discussions centered on strengthening ties between Rwanda and the Ashanti Kingdom
They identified Augustin Bizimungu, who had led the Ex-FAR before the country’s liberation, as the most capable figure to command their military efforts. Meanwhile, Agathe Kanziga, the wife of Habyarimana, continued leading diplomatic efforts to secure external support.
Many members of the inner circle known as “Akazu” were based in Kenya, where numerous meetings were held to plan their return, especially focusing on acquiring weapons for Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces based in then Zaïre.
However, heavy pressure from the United Nations on Mobutu Sese Seko, who had been supporting these forces, forced him to expel some Rwandan refugees in a move seen as a diversion tactic.
Fearing that Ex-FAR and Interahamwe fighters might be disarmed or repatriated to Rwanda, thus collapsing their plan, members of the Akazu decided to bribe Zaïrean soldiers to allow their fighters to remain in camps with their weapons intact.
According to Andrew Wallis in his book Stepp’d in Blood: Akazu and the Architects of the Rwandan Genocide Against the Tutsi, Félicien Kabuga sent $35,000 to Gen Bizimungu to bribe Zaïrean troops so they would allow Ex-FAR and Interahamwe fighters to keep their weapons in camps near the border.
At one point, a Zaïrean officer demanded $60,000 to ignore continued arms deliveries to camps such as Mugunga, near Goma. Kabuga and his associates in Nairobi mobilized additional funds to meet these demands.
On November 4, 1995, several Akazu members met at the home of Gratien Kabiligi in Nairobi to raise more funds. Contributions included a cheque from Kabuga, $340 from Protais Zigiranyirazo (Habyarimana’s brother-in-law), and $1,500 from Aloys Ntabakuze, a former commando leader. A total of $17,000 was collected that day.
Despite continued fundraising efforts, morale declined among Akazu members, who grew frustrated with Bizimungu’s delay in launching military operations despite the availability of resources. Contributions dropped sharply—from $20 to as little as $1.
Kabuga, however, insisted he would continue giving everything he had to restore their power, even declaring he would return to Kigali “with nothing,” if necessary.
Internal mistrust deepened within the group. Some members suspected others of prioritizing personal interests, such as securing visas to Europe or starting businesses in Nairobi, while others struggled with financial hardship.
Criticism also mounted against Bizimungu, with accusations that he spent time socializing with Kabuga in Kenya rather than advancing their military plans.
Despite these divisions, the government of Jacques Chirac, which came to power in May 1995, reportedly supported efforts to arm and train Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces.
In early December 1995, a high-level meeting was held in Zaïre involving Kanziga, Mobutu, senior Zaïrean generals, Bizimungu, Kabiligi, Seraphin Bararengana (a relative of Habyarimana), and Augustin Ngirabatware.
Senior French officers, led by Gilbert Canovas, also attended, alongside Christian Refalo, who had previously trained Ex-FAR troops in the 1990s. The meeting focused on refining plans to attack Rwanda.
They agreed on a military route entering through Gisenyi, advancing through Kibuye and Gikongoro, with support from French mercenaries using British passports.
Mobutu reportedly promised Kanziga $6 million if they succeeded in capturing Cyangugu Airport.
Meanwhile, Théoneste Bagosora, despite disagreements with Bizimungu, independently sought weapons from South Africa and Seychelles, reportedly acquiring 360 tonnes of arms, many originating from Bulgaria, with travel expenses allegedly covered by the Chirac administration.
Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya was also said to have pledged weapons, including AK-47 rifles, ammunition, mortars, rockets, and grenades.
Additional expected support included modern rifles and landmines from South Africa, and mortars from Hosni Mubarak’s Egypt.
By late December 1995, Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces were estimated at around 49,000 fighters, many of them newly recruited. However, indiscipline became a major issue—some soldiers sold weapons to locals, while others engaged in misconduct, including activities that led to the spread of HIV/AIDS.
Wallis notes that Akazu leaders had planned for an attack on Rwanda by the end of December 1995. However, growing divisions within both military and political ranks ultimately derailed the plan.
At one point, Bizimungu informed Kanziga by phone that he had told Mobutu he could not proceed with the invasion to overthrow Rwanda’s government. He indicated he would soon appoint a replacement to lead their forces, referring vaguely to “resolving the Rwanda problem.”
Ultimately, internal conflicts within the Akazu network, divisions within Ex-FAR, and international pressure against arms proliferation led to the collapse of the plan to regain power.
Instead, Ex-FAR and Interahamwe shifted to launching cross-border insurgent attacks, particularly in border regions, resulting in the deaths of many Rwandan civilians.
Agathe Kanziga and other Akazu members attempted to return to power, but were foild by internal divisions.Augustin Bizimungu openly told Mobutu Sese Seko that he was unable to overthrow Rwanda’s government.
In a statement issued on Sunday, the 55-member continental organization expressed “deep concern” regarding recent developments on Israel’s reported decision to appoint a diplomatic envoy to Somaliland, a self-declared region of Somalia.
The AU reaffirmed its “unwavering respect for the sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of Somalia” in accordance with the Constitutive Act of the African Union and international law.
“The African Union does not recognize Somaliland as an independent state,” the statement read. “The AU remains committed to supporting Somalia’s peace, governance, and national cohesion.”
Recalling an AU Peace and Security Council communique that was issued in January, it underscored that “any unilateral recognition of Somaliland is null and void.” It warned that such actions risk undermining regional stability.
On Dec. 26, 2025, Israel became the first country in the world to formally recognize Somaliland as a sovereign state, prompting immediate condemnation from Somalia and the international community.
In a ministerial-level meeting held on Jan. 6, the AU Peace and Security Council rejected the unilateral recognition of Somaliland by Israel and called for its immediate revocation.
A demining operation combining manned and unmanned systems is adopted by the U.S. military to remove the mines laid by Iran, using both surface and underwater drones equipped with sonar detectors, a U.S. defense official was quoted as saying.
U.S. President Donald Trump said on Friday on his Truth Social platform that “Iran, with the help of the U.S.A., has removed, or is removing, all sea mines!” Iran did not respond to the claim.
After Iran re-closed the strait following a brief opening, 35 outbound vessels have turned back over 36 hours, according to a report by Britain-headquartered maritime analytics company Windward.
Iran tightened control over the strait after the United States and Israel launched joint attacks on the country on Feb. 28. The United States also imposed a naval blockade on the strait following its failed negotiations with Iran in Islamabad, Pakistan.
US Navy deploys unmanned robots and underwater drones to clear sea mines in Strait of Hormuz
In an interview with Yaga Burundi, Ndayishimiye defended his decision to keep Burundi’s border with Rwanda closed, arguing that it was necessary to prevent cross-border infiltration by people intent on undermining Burundi’s security.
“We disagree with Rwanda on the issue of criminals who come to attack Burundi,” he said. “Rwanda opens the way for them, and they come to attack Burundi. Burundi has never opened its territory for anyone to go and attack Rwanda.”
Since late 2023, when Ndayishimiye began making these accusations publicly, Rwanda has consistently rejected them, maintaining that it has never collaborated with groups opposed to his administration and reminding the Burundian government of that position.
When asked whether Burundi could not secure itself with open borders, Ndayishimiye argued that unrestricted movement creates security gaps, saying some attackers manage to bypass security forces and carry out operations inside Burundi.
“Even if we lined up all 12 million Burundians from Ruhwa to Muyinga and left no gate unchecked, the way we manage security, you would understand it the day they come,” he said. “If we opened the border, you could find them already attacking you right here.”
Despite Ndayishimiye’s assertion that no attacks against Rwanda have originated from Burundi, armed groups, including FLN, have repeatedly crossed from Burundi’s Kibira forest into Rwanda’s south-western region, carrying out deadly attacks against civilians.
Among the notable incidents were attacks by FLN fighters in Nyabimata and Kitabi sectors of Nyaruguru and Nyamagabe districts in 2018 and 2019, after infiltrating from Burundi.
In May 2021, the group launched another attack in Bweyeye Sector of Rusizi District, but was repelled by Rwandan forces.
The Rwanda Defence Force later stated that the attackers had crossed from Giturashyamba in Mabayi Commune, Burundi. After being pushed back, they reportedly retreated across the Ruhwa River into Kibira forest.
According to the RDF, the fighters were found with military equipment bearing the insignia of the Burundian army, strengthening claims that elements within Burundi were cooperating with FLN in operations aimed at destabilising Rwanda.
In May 2022, FLN fighters again launched an attack from Burundi, targeting a passenger bus travelling through Nyungwe National Park and killing two civilians. The group has continued to operate from Kibira forest.
Another case involved RED Tabara fighters who entered Kibira from the Democratic Republic of Congo and clashed with Burundian forces in September 2020. While fleeing, 19 of them lost their way in Nyungwe National Park and were arrested by Rwandan soldiers on patrol.
In October 2021, Rwanda handed the fighters over to Burundi, emphasising that it could not provide refuge to individuals seeking to destabilise a neighbouring country. At the time, Ndayishimiye had been in office for one year and three months.
A report by United Nations experts later indicated that as relations between Rwanda and Burundi deteriorated in late 2023, Burundi renewed and intensified cooperation with armed groups seeking to destabilise Rwanda, including FLN.
Beyond FLN, Burundi has also been linked to cooperation with the genocidal FDLR militia group, particularly in military operations against the AFC/M23 rebel movement active in North and South Kivu provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Reports also indicate that such collaboration extends to broader plans aimed at undermining Rwanda’s security.
Ndayishimiye, in an interview with Yaga Burundi, insisted that no individuals who have carried out attacks against Rwanda have originated from Burundi.
In May 2021, between 10 and 15 FLN fighters crossed from Burundi and launched an attack on Bweyeye, during which they abandoned their equipment as they were repelled.Among the items used by FLN during their incursion into Rwanda were some bearing the insignia of the Burundian army
He made the remarks during an interview with Yaga Burundi.
When asked whether the presidential jet was still in Madrid, President Ndayishimiye confirmed that it remains there. The journalist then questioned why it had not been sold as scrap metal.
“Then what is stopping it from being sold as scrap metal so that Burundians can see how to pool resources and raise money?” a journalist from the outlet asked.
In response, President Ndayishimiye acknowledged that he had also considered the idea, but said he refrained from pursuing it out of concern over public reaction.
“That idea also crossed my mind. I said to myself: I know Burundians, they are quick to get angry and would say I have stolen their plane. They would accuse you, thinking it is that simple. So I wondered what exactly should be done with it,” he said.
He explained that the situation surrounding the aircraft has persisted for years without a clear resolution, making it difficult for even officials to provide consistent explanations.
According to him, at one point, he even questioned whether the aircraft actually existed, prompting him to dispatch a verification mission to Spain.
“One day I said: what if they are lying, does that plane even exist? I said that and appointed the Prime Minister to lead a delegation, together with officials from ACB, to go to the airport in Spain. I said I would only believe it once they showed me proof. They went and recorded clear videos, including the Burundian flag,” he said.
He added that delays in resolving the issue have persisted over time, noting that, unlike humans, outcomes are not always immediate and require patience. Ndayishimiye also revealed that Burundi continues to incur costs for parking the aircraft at its current location in Madrid.
The aircraft in question is a Gulfstream IV presidential jet, which has remained grounded at Madrid airport in Spain after developing technical problems that could not be immediately resolved.
Burundi received the aircraft in 2016, after acquiring it from the United States, where it was manufactured. It was reported to have cost about €8.5 million, equivalent to approximately 14.5 billion Burundian francs.
The jet replaced a Falcon 50 previously used by the Burundian presidency, which was sold in 2007.
In 2017, the government decided to lease out the aircraft after it began deteriorating, particularly as then-President Pierre Nkurunziza was not undertaking international travel at the time.
It later emerged that the aircraft had developed technical faults requiring repairs, but it has remained out of service for years.
Although the jet is still parked in Madrid, Ndayishimiye noted that those who previously handled it confirmed it has technical issues and that specialists capable of repairing it are based in the United Kingdom.
Burundian President Évariste Ndayishimiye, in a recent interview, explained that the situation surrounding the aircraft has persisted for years without a clear resolution, making it difficult even for officials to provide consistent explanations.The grounded plane replaced a Falcon 50 previously used by the Burundian presidency, which was sold in 2007.
The meetings, organised by Uganda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs in collaboration with the Ugandan Embassy in Kigali, are scheduled to take place from April 20 to 22, 2026, in Kampala.
The discussions are expected to bring together representatives from more than 15 ministries, with a focus on reviewing and enhancing cooperation across key sectors of mutual interest.
Uganda’s delegation will be led by the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, John Mulimba, while the Rwandan delegation will be headed by the Minister of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Dr. Usta Kaitesi.
According to Uganda’s daily NewVision, the meetings will be held at Mestil Hotel in Kampala. In addition to technical discussions, high-level closed-door sessions between ministers from both sides are expected, ahead of the adoption of joint resolutions and the signing of cooperation agreements.
Uganda’s Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Richard Kabonero, said the talks will cover a wide range of areas, including defence and security cooperation, infrastructure development, immigration and border management, police cooperation, education, and other strategic sectors.
He added that the two sides will also review progress made in implementing previous agreements, particularly those reached during the 11th PJC session held in Kigali in 2023.
The Ugandan Ministry of Foreign Affairs further noted that the session will also explore new opportunities to deepen bilateral relations, boost trade and investment, and develop joint development initiatives aimed at fostering regional integration and mutual growth.
At the most recent session of the Permanent Joint Commission between Uganda and Rwanda, held in Kigali, the two countries concluded cooperation agreements aimed at strengthening bilateral relations.Representatives of Rwanda and Uganda are set to meet once again to discuss and strengthen bilateral cooperation between the two countries.
In a wide-ranging discussion with the German newspaper WELT AM SONNTAG, Rutte stated he does not foresee a future where the United States abandons its post-war security commitments. However, he balanced this reassurance with a stern call for a “stronger Europe within a stronger alliance,” suggesting that the burden of Western defense must be more equitably shared.
The remarks serve as a direct response to recent escalations from U.S. President Donald Trump. The President has intensified his “America First” stance, labeling NATO a “paper tiger” and expressing visible frustration over European involvement, or lack thereof, in Middle Eastern tensions, specifically regarding Iran. Trump’s repeated suggestions that he is “considering” a withdrawal have sent ripples of anxiety through Baltic and Eastern European capitals.
Rutte acknowledged that the U.S. commander-in-chief’s disappointment is not without merit.
“The President is visibly frustrated with certain members,” Rutte noted, acknowledging the long-standing U.S. grievance regarding defense spending. Currently, while more nations are hitting the 2% GDP spending target, several key European economies still fall short.
Despite the friction, Rutte emphasized that the structural foundations of the alliance remain indispensable. He reaffirmed that the U.S. nuclear umbrella continues to serve as the “ultimate guarantor” of European security, a deterrent that no individual European nation can currently replicate.
To ensure the alliance remains viable, Rutte argued that Europe must move beyond “rhetorical support” and invest in tangible military capabilities. Analysts suggest that by framing the issue as an opportunity for European growth, Rutte is attempting to bridge the gap between Trump’s isolationist leanings and Europe’s security requirements.
As the next NATO summit approaches, the focus will likely remain on these two pillars: maintaining the U.S. commitment while rapidly accelerating European defense autonomy to satisfy a frustrated Washington.
NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte dismissed growing concerns over a potential U.S. withdrawal from the alliance in an interview published Saturday.
The discussions were facilitated by Qatar, the United States, Switzerland, the African Union Commission, and Togo in its role as African Union mediator, with participation from the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR).
The talks focused on strengthening humanitarian access, establishing mechanisms to monitor a ceasefire, and advancing confidence-building measures, including the release of detainees.
Humanitarian access and civilian protection
The two sides made substantial progress toward a protocol on Humanitarian Access and Judicial Protection, agreeing on the urgent need to ensure life-saving assistance for civilians in eastern DRC.
Both parties committed to comply with international humanitarian law, international human rights law, and international refugee law, as well as constitutional principles of the DRC.
They further agreed to prohibit attacks on or destruction of essential civilian infrastructure, including food supplies, agricultural areas, water systems, energy networks, telecommunications infrastructure, and health and education facilities.
The agreement also emphasises the protection of humanitarian workers and the guarantee of safe, rapid, and unimpeded access for aid delivery. Humanitarian assistance will be provided based on need, without discrimination on political, ethnic, religious, or social grounds.
“The Parties undertake to facilitate the transport of medical and humanitarian relief supplies by impartial humanitarian organisations to support the functioning of healthcare facilities and other medical units in areas affected by armed conflict,” a joint statement released by the parties reads.
Ceasefire monitoring mechanism activated
In a significant step toward implementing the ceasefire under the Doha Framework, the parties, together with ICGLR, signed a memorandum of understanding operationalising the Expanded Joint Verification Mechanism Plus (EJVM+).
This mechanism enables the Ceasefire Oversight and Verification Mechanism (COVM) to begin surveillance, monitoring, verification, and reporting on compliance with the permanent ceasefire.
Initial verification missions are expected to be planned within a week, with logistical support from the United Nations Organisation Stabilisation Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO).
Prisoner release within 10 days
As part of confidence-building measures, the parties also agreed to release prisoners within ten days, in line with a previously established detainee release mechanism signed in September 2025.
Under the agreement, the DRC government is expected to release 311 prisoners linked to AFC/M23, while the rebel group will free 166 individuals held from the government side.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) provided the relevant detainee lists to facilitate the process under agreed procedures.
The parties reaffirmed their commitment to sustaining momentum in the peace process and advancing remaining protocols under the Doha Framework. They also agreed to submit proposals for next steps to the mediation team to expedite negotiations.
After repeated setbacks in the implementation of the ceasefire, including accusations by AFC/M23 that Kinshasa forces have continued to carry out drone strikes on civilian populations, questions remain over whether the latest commitments will succeed in breaking the cycle of mistrust and restoring stability on the ground.
As part of confidence-building measures, the parties also agreed to release prisoners within ten days, in line with a previously established detainee release mechanism signed in September 2025.
