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The commemoration brought together NCBA staff and leadership at the Kigali Genocide Memorial in Gisozi, where they paid tribute to more than 250,000 victims laid to rest at the site. Gisozi serves not only as a place of remembrance, but also as a centre for learning.

Staff were guided through the memorial, reflecting on the events that led to 1994, the devastating loss of over one million lives, and the country’s journey of rebuilding through unity, accountability, and resilience. They also listened to a deeply moving testimony from a survivor, alongside a detailed narration of the events before, during, and after the Genocide against the Tutsi.

Speaking during the commemoration, Managing Director Maurice Toroitich emphasized the importance of remembrance as a shared responsibility across generations.

“We are part of a generation that must actively protect what this country has rebuilt—a generation that must reject division, not just in moments of crisis, but in the small, everyday interactions where respect, dignity, and unity are either upheld or eroded,” he said.

The history session was led by Maj (Rtd) Jean Marie Vianney Ruhamiriza, the bank’s Security Manager, who walked the team through Rwanda’s history—from the seeds of division sown before independence, to the organised planning and execution of the genocide, and the denial that persists even today.

“That is why ‘Never Again’ is not just a statement for today. It is a daily commitment to stand against anything or anyone that seeks to rewrite history, deny the genocide, or sow new seeds of division,” he noted.

Beyond the memorial visit, NCBA Bank Rwanda has committed to extending its commemoration through tangible support initiatives aimed at restoring dignity and strengthening resilience among survivors.

As in previous years, the bank will provide livestock to support sustainable livelihoods and economic independence for genocide survivors in Musanze and Rubavu.

Through continued support to survivors and a sustained commitment to unity, the NCBA remains dedicated to playing its part in safeguarding Rwanda’s progress and ensuring that the lessons of the past continue to guide the future.

The attack bore similarities to the Nyange school massacre of March 19, 1997. Passengers were ordered to separate themselves along ethnic lines—Hutu on one side and Tutsi on the other—but they refused, insisting that they were all Rwandans.

The assailants, armed with guns and traditional weapons, first shot at the bus tires, forcing it to stop. They then boarded and again demanded that passengers divide themselves. In unison, the victims responded, “We are Rwandans.”

The attackers opened fire. Even after the shooting, they repeated their demand, but the response remained the same. Enraged, they poured petrol over the bus, which was carrying about 74 people, and set it ablaze. Some victims died inside the burning vehicle, while others who tried to escape were killed outside. Only a few survived.

The incident occurred in Gitsimbi, then part of Nyamyumba Commune, now Nyamyumba Sector in Rubavu District, early in the morning as workers were heading to their jobs.

At the time, Rwanda’s current ambassador to Indonesia, Sheikh Abdul Karim Harerimana, was serving as Minister of Internal Security. In an interview with IGIHE, he recounted how he learned of the attack and the atmosphere it created in the former Gisenyi Prefecture.

He said he was informed of the attack that same morning by the then-prefect of Gisenyi. Shortly after gunfire was heard, Rwanda’s security forces were deployed to respond.

“The army was immediately alerted and intervened,” he recalled. “The prefect was on the ground and informed them. I set off to follow up on what had happened, assess the situation, and comfort the population.”

While on his way to the scene, he instructed the prefect to coordinate with the military to confront the attackers and assist victims.

At the time, infiltrator attacks were frequent in several regions, including Ruhengeri, Kigali Ngari, and Byumba, and occasionally reached Gitarama. Harerimana noted that although some planned attacks were thwarted thanks to intelligence, others occurred without prior warning.

He explained that in this particular case, authorities had no prior intelligence, partly because infiltrators from groups such as PALIR and ALIR had local collaborators, especially in Gisenyi, who provided them with information.

“We did not know about it in advance,” he said. “Had we known, we would have prevented it, as we often did. There were many collaborators in Gisenyi who worked closely with these groups and shared information about our forces.”

However, he noted that the brutality of the attack became a turning point. Residents who had previously cooperated with infiltrators were shocked by the violence and began to distance themselves, eventually providing information to authorities.

“People saw with their own eyes what had happened,” he said. “The victims were ordinary residents of Gisenyi. That is when people realized that those they had been hiding were actually the ones responsible for such atrocities.”

Following the attack, cooperation between citizens and security institutions improved, which contributed to efforts to dismantle infiltrator networks.

Harerimana described the scene upon arrival as tense and frightening. Fighting was still ongoing, with security forces exchanging fire with the attackers while some people tried to extinguish the burning bus.

Civilians watched in fear, some taking cover as the confrontation unfolded. He noted that several infiltrators were killed, some captured alive, while others managed to escape.

He recalled addressing residents afterward, reassuring them that the government’s responsibility was to protect them and condemning those responsible for the violence.

“We told them that those causing insecurity were known—the infiltrators,” he said. “We visited the site, the town, and hospitals, and also held a meeting in Gisenyi. Gradually, confidence began to return.”

He also revealed that before this shift, some residents used coded language and indirect communication to collaborate with infiltrators, making it difficult for authorities to gather intelligence.

According to Harerimana, the attack illustrated how extremist agendas could drive perpetrators to commit acts of violence without regard for human life, believing they could blame the government.

He explained that the attackers targeted known residents with the intention of spreading fear and undermining confidence in state protection, while also attempting to create the impression that the government was responsible.

He added that individuals captured during such operations were not mistreated. Instead, they were sensitized and, in some cases, reintegrated, with some later joining national security forces.

At the time, Paul Kagame — then Vice President and Minister of Defence —had instructed that captured fighters be treated humanely and not harmed, a directive that guided how they were handled after arrest.

On April 26, 2026, during the commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi in former Commune Ntongwe (current Ruhango District and neighboring areas), survivors welcomed the completion of the center, saying it will help provide a clearer understanding of what happened in the area.

They noted that the building will highlight the brutality of the killings, how Tutsi in the region attempted to defend themselves, how the Genocide was stopped, and how survivors have since rebuilt their lives.

For survivors, the memories remain deeply painful. Innocent Munyawera, who was the only survivor in a family of ten, said the violence in the area was so extreme that it made him question humanity itself.
Speaking about events in Kinazi, he referred to accounts that some perpetrators from Burundi committed extreme acts of brutality, including killing victims and eating their hearts.

“When we talk about Kinazi, we refer to what happened here, including the fact that Tutsi were killed and their hearts were eaten by some Burundians,” he said. “This is part of our history. But those who did this, even if they appeared human outwardly, were not human in their actions.”

Munyawera called for the names of all individuals involved in the killings, whether prosecuted or not, to be included in the “Dark Room,” including Burundians who participated in the violence.

He said: “We have many Interahamwe militia who betrayed us, and we also have Burundians who betrayed us. Some were tried, others were not, but we feel that in this Dark Room, their names should be included because their hearts were dark. It should be as if they are confined there for a certain time because of what they did.”

Representatives of genocide survivors association in the area confirmed that the “Dark Room” will include names and photographs of individuals identified as having played major roles in the killings, with the aim of using the space for education, especially for younger generations.

They said the section will include Kagabo Charles, former mayor of Ntongwe Commune; Burundian refugees; sector leaders from the 13 sectors that made up the commune; and Nsabimana Jacques, also known as “Pirato,” who led the CDR party in Ntongwe.

It will also include Placide Koloni, former sub-prefect of Ruhango; soldiers including Hitabatuma Rukeragabiro; Kanyandekwe Zephanie, a councilor of Kareba Sector; Kageruka Aristarque; Ntintanguranwa; and traders Munyentama Simon and his brother Nahayo Florent.

Speaking about Nsabimana Jacques, survivors recalled his role in preparations for the Genocide: “We have previously spoken about Nsabimana Jacques during a commemoration evening, where it was discussed that a pit near CND was dug as part of genocide preparations. He was the one who instructed that it be dug while he was head of Rutabo A school, claiming it was a school latrine. But in reality, it was part of genocide preparation. He had it dug around 1992, and it later became a place where our people were dumped.”

“All those perpetrators will be placed in this Dark Room. They will be confined there,” Munyurangabo added.

He further explained that although some Burundians who came from Ntega and Marangara were considered refugees and stayed in Nyagahama camp, their presence in the area was not related to asylum, but part of what he described as a coordinated plan under the government of Juvénal Habyarimana to implement the Genocide against the Tutsi.

“The Burundians came and carried out population surveys, identifying where Tutsi lived. They set up different roadblocks and gradually began targeting people until the Genocide plan was fully put into action.”

The genocide history center is part of the wider Ruhango Genocide Memorial, where the remains of 63,293 victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi are buried. On April 26, 35 recently retrieved remains were given a dignified burial, as survivors renewed calls for continued efforts to locate and properly bury all remaining victims.