The troops completed their basic military training under the guidance of instructors from the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) on Saturday, marking another milestone in the growing defence cooperation between the two nations.
The pass-out ceremony, held at Camp Kassai Military Barracks in Bangui, was presided over by President Faustin Archange Touadéra, who applauded the newly enrolled soldiers for their commitment and resilience throughout the programme.
Alongside the new recruits, 121 platoon sergeants graduated from a six-month leadership course also delivered by RDF instructors. The group is expected to play a pivotal role in shaping discipline, coordination, and operational efficiency within the ranks of the FACA.
Maj Gen Vincent Nyakarundi, the RDF Army Chief of Staff, attended the ceremony as a distinguished guest. In his remarks, he congratulated the graduates and urged them to uphold professionalism, competence, and discipline as they assume their duties. He encouraged the new platoon sergeants to lead by example and provide consistent support and guidance to their commanders.
Gen Victor Yacoub, Deputy Chief of Staff of the FACA, expressed deep appreciation for Rwanda’s continued support, noting that the RDF has now trained a total of 2,409 soldiers in basic military skills and 300 non-commissioned officers. He commended the trainees for demonstrating discipline and dedication throughout the programme.
The ceremony featured demonstrations of key competencies acquired during training, including marksmanship, martial arts and map-reading skills that highlight the operational readiness of the new recruits.
Rwandan forces first deployed to the Central African Republic in 2014 as part of peacekeeping efforts following civil unrest in 2012. Initially under the African Union mission MISCA, and later the United Nations mission MINUSCA, Rwandan troops have played a key role in protecting civilians, safeguarding UN facilities, and providing security for the Head of State and his family.
In 2020, Rwanda reinforced its support through additional troop deployments and military training programs for the Central African Republic’s armed forces.
He was speaking at a roundtable with the press on Thursday, November 27, 2025.
In recent weeks, political instability has rocked both Guinea-Bissau and Madagascar, with coups unfolding in each country amid growing public discontent.
In Guinea-Bissau, the military seized control on November 26, 2025, a day before the results of a contentious presidential election were to be announced.
The military detained the sitting president and declared a one-year transitional government, led by Horta Inta-A Na Man. This sudden move has left the nation in uncertainty, with the army’s actions raising concerns about the true motives behind the coup.
Similarly, Madagascar experienced a coup in October 2025, following weeks of youth-led protests driven by frustrations over water and power shortages, rising living costs, and rampant corruption.
The unrest culminated when an elite military unit, refusing to suppress the protests, moved to oust President Andry Rajoelina.
The military declared the dissolution of key government institutions and the formation of a transitional government, responding to the growing public sentiment that leadership had failed to address critical issues.These coups add to a broader trend of military takeovers in Africa, echoing similar unrest.
Responding to a journalist’s question on what such coups reveal about the state of governance on the continent, Kagame recalled his first reaction to the coup in Guinea-Bissau, noting that he initially questioned whether the military was staging a coup against itself.
“When I heard it first, I thought somebody was carrying out a coup against himself,” Kagame remarked, further adding that he still needed time to fully confirm what had occurred.
However, he emphasized that such incidents typically reveal significant underlying problems in leadership. He expressed his belief that, in many cases, coups signify widespread dissatisfaction with the current governance, suggesting that “where coups are taking place, there must be something wrong.”
Drawing from past incidents, including the political instability in Madagascar, Kagame underscored a recurring pattern.
“Once there is a coup, maybe 90% of the time, it means in that place there has been a problem,” he explained.
The President also critiqued the international community’s inconsistent praise of certain African leaders, noting that these coups often serve as a wake-up call, exposing the false narratives propagated by some global powers about stability in Africa.
“These coups only happen to tell these people you’ve been telling lies,” he said.
Addressing the concerns of young Africans, Kagame acknowledged the frustration felt by many, though he urged for greater responsibility and understanding.
He argued that rather than succumbing to reckless behavior, leaders must work to ensure that young people feel included and responsible for their country’s progress.
“It’s our responsibility to do something so that they have no need to do that,” Kagame asserted, emphasizing that open dialogue and transparency from leaders could help prevent violent uprisings.
Kagame remarked that he believes there are “good coups and bad coups,” depending on surrounding circumstances.
“There might be a coup by somebody who got high-handed, and high anyway, just got high-handed, and became reckless and thought because he has a gun he will go and take power. That’s a bad coup,” he said.
“But if somebody, a group of people say no, enough is enough. These guys have been telling us lies, they’ve been doing this, they’re enriching themselves, cheating us. You can’t have it anymore, it’s stinking. And they go for whatever form they do it, I think I am okay with it. I know it will be misunderstood, but I am happy to take the risk. I’m okay with that,” he added.
However, he also cautioned that for such movements to be legitimate, they must lead to meaningful change and not repeat the same mistakes of those they overthrew.
“If you come and do the very things you overthrew people for, or do worse, then why did you come out to the coup?” Kagame asked, suggesting that such a scenario would warrant another uprising.
The announcement came during the groundbreaking ceremony for the Devki Mega Steel Project in Tororo District, Uganda, on November 23, attended by Kenyan President William Ruto and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. Both leaders confirmed plans to extend the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) from Kenya to Uganda and onward to Rwanda, and to co-own the Mombasa-Kampala oil pipeline.
“In January, we will be launching the extension of the SGR from Naivasha to Malaba, then to Kampala, and onwards to the Democratic Republic of Congo, passing through Rwanda. This project is aimed at improving transport and logistics across the region to enhance competitiveness,” President Ruto said.
He also confirmed progress on the pipeline: “Joint investment of the pipeline from Eldoret through Kampala to the border with DRC and Rwanda is in an advanced stage. The governments of Kenya and Uganda have given approval to co-invest in extending this pipeline so it can serve East Africa as a jointly owned facility.”
Kenya is divesting around 60 percent of the pipeline’s ownership to allow Uganda, Rwanda, and private investors to participate.
“As the governments and regional investors co-invest in the Kenya Pipeline Company, I encourage citizens of our region to equally participate. Shares will be made available to public entities, but more importantly, to citizens of our region,” Ruto added.
President Museveni praised the initiative, emphasising its broader impact on regional trade and security.
“These roads and transport systems are currently inefficient. We need to rationalise them. Fuel will go through the pipeline, while cargo and passengers will use the railway. This will allow us to co-invest up to the Congo border and ensure the secure transport of resources,” Museveni said.
Rwanda has already completed feasibility studies for the railway extension through its territory, with government officials confirming readiness to implement the project once the neighbouring countries finalise their sections.
“The studies will guide the construction process. Now, it is a matter of seeing neighbouring countries begin their sections,” Emmanuel Nuwamanya, acting Head of Policy and Planning at the Ministry of Infrastructure, told a forum organised by the African Development Bank on Wednesday, November 12, 2025.
Preparations for Uganda’s section of the SGR from Malaba to Kampala have already begun, with Turkish firm Yapi Merkezi conducting geotechnical surveys along the 273-kilometre corridor. Most of the land has been acquired, ending nearly two decades of delays.
The projects, which include upgrading Northern Corridor roads and constructing dual carriageways linking key border towns, are expected to reduce transport costs, boost regional trade, generate thousands of jobs, and strengthen integration across East Africa, including Rwanda, Kenya, and Uganda.
The project, currently 57% complete, has already created 560 jobs and plans to install floating solar panels, marking a milestone in the country’s push for renewable energy.
Once operational, the dam will generate 43.5 megawatts of electricity and give rise to a 67-kilometre lake, the fourth-largest in Rwanda, stretching from Kamonyi and Gakenke to Muhanga, Ngororero, and Nyabihu.
The lake will reach a depth of 59 metres and hold 803 million cubic metres of water, reshaping landscapes and opening new opportunities for irrigation, flood control, and water-based activities.
The project is being constructed by the Chinese company Sinohydro Corporation and represents the first phase of the Nyabarongo II Multipurpose Development Project. Beyond power generation, it will support irrigation along the Nyabarongo, Akagera, and Akanyaru rivers, reduce flooding downstream, and improve access to clean water for surrounding communities.
According to the Energy Development Corporation Ltd (EDCL), the dam’s powerhouse, where turbines will convert water into electricity, is 54.5% complete, while the water-retaining wall has reached 41%. The transmission lines connecting the dam to the national grid are 6.4% complete, and the outlet channel for excess water is 32.6% built.
So far, $93 million has been spent, representing 43.7% of the $214 million budget, while Italian firm Studio Pietrangeli oversees construction supervision, having spent €2.8 million (56% of the €5.2 million planned).
Mushuti Anicet, EDCL official overseeing the project, highlighted the technical challenge of converting river water into energy:
“To generate hydropower, we rely on two things: sufficient water volume and the height from which it falls. The river was in a valley, so we built a wall to hold the water and allow it to rise to the height we need. It will eventually reach 59 metres; currently, it stands at 15 metres.”
Originally, the project was designed to produce 37.5 MW, but an upgrade in 2018 increased its capacity to 43.5 MW, adding to Rwanda’s total hydropower capacity of 406.4 MW. The government aims to achieve universal electricity access by 2029, up from the current 86%.
The floating solar component will generate 200 megawatts and store energy for use during periods without sunlight, making Nyabarongo II one of the first projects in Rwanda to combine hydropower and solar energy on such a large scale.
As the dam rises and the lake begins to take shape, the project is already impacting local communities. Roads are being upgraded, water transport routes prepared, and employment opportunities expanded. Officials say these developments will create a ripple effect for irrigation, agriculture, and other water-based economic activities across the region.
She was also the Deputy Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies in the Parliament, responsible for legal affairs and government oversight, a role she held for six years.
Mukabagwiza served as Rwanda’s High Commissioner to Canada and Cuba between 2007-2013, after which she was elected as a Member of Parliament from 2013-2018, and later became one of the leaders of the Chamber of Deputies.
She is an expert in law, having studied at the University of Rwanda after completing her secondary education at Collège Saint André.
Mukabagwiza holds a Master’s degree in Diplomacy from Washington International University in the United States, along with other qualifications in law. She has worked in various ministries and non-governmental organizations.
She recently took the oath to become a legal advocate and has founded her own firm, EM Pathways Legal & Advisory Ltd.
In an interview with IGIHE, this legal expert explained that becoming an advocate was something she chose to do after finishing her political career, emphasizing that it is a way to continue contributing to the country.
{{IGIHE: How did you transition to becoming an advocate?}}
{{Mukabagwiza:}} I have worked in the political field, meaning I was involved in a career where I had to step into the job market. I thought that I could be more useful by focusing on issues directly related to justice.
First of all, I am a lawyer. I studied law and later added other qualifications in this field, and with the experience I have, I felt it would help me continue my mission of serving the people.
A lawyer helps a citizen or an institution, but for our purposes, let’s focus on helping the people. It’s about advocating for justice and explaining the law to the public.
So, as someone trained in law and having taken part in justice-related duties, representing the people, I have a lot of information on what the citizens need.
I felt that moving into this profession would be beneficial, because a lawyer is not focused on their personal gain but on helping others legally.
Indeed, it is a profession that can sustain you and your family, but most importantly, a lawyer works with the justice system to ensure that justice is effectively delivered to the people as they need it. This is what led me to this profession.
{{Having served as Minister of Justice and Deputy Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies, what core values do you bring to your ongoing service to the citizens?}}
I believe the values I had then are still the same as those I carry now. As a leader, it’s about fighting for the truth, advocating for justice, and being aware of the issues so that, in addition to what I already knew, I can continue sharing those insights with different bodies, whether governmental or partners, to find solutions.
I feel a responsibility to highlight what needs improvement, support what is going well to further build on it, and also help expand the boundaries.
The profession I’ve entered into shouldn’t be inward-looking. We should be like people in the world, in the region, and what’s happening should concern us.
We shouldn’t be people confined to just our country; as members of the EAC, we should expand our knowledge of how lawyers in the region work and how they practice.
I also come to learn because your knowledge is never enough. There are others with more experience in this profession, and I will learn from them, observe them, and sometimes follow how cases are being handled, how lawyers are advocating, to truly master this profession in the proper way.
I respect justice, both in front of the people, the Rwandan society, and the judges, because in our duties and oaths, we commit to respecting our profession and those we work with.
{{How do you think efforts should be prioritized?}}
I am an arbitratior, and I completed my training in June 2025. Looking at the issues within the justice system, the number of cases continues to increase rather than decrease. The problem here is that Rwandans still have numerous cases to settle.
Among the people, there are still disputes, but there is also the issue of some cases not being resolved quickly.
A person loses a case, and it is quite evident, but they continue to take the case to higher courts. This is an issue that has been ongoing, but it is good that the justice policy has begun to address these issues before they go to court.
People can be helped to meet and resolve their issues without wasting time or money, but at the same time, we need to educate them to avoid grudges.
{{What do you mean by holding grudges?}}
When one person says, “I will deal with you,” that’s where the gap grows. These are the problems that can cause people to drift apart in different ways.
There are cases that arise within families, between neighbors, or between friends.
Many people end up in court with someone they were very close to, especially when there is a disagreement over money lent, a partnership in a business, or other issues. These are things that show how close people were but then became divided.
{{What should be done in such cases?}}
I think that in our role as people responsible for justice and those who defend the law, we should put more effort into resolving these issues because the person comes to you, seeking advice.
That means, first, you can advise the person not to take the case to court, suggesting they should resolve it with the other party, whether they are right or wrong.
So, I believe the contribution I can bring is to work with others who joined this career before me, and together, we can look at ways to reduce the conflicts between people who are involved in legal disputes.
{{In your oath, you pledge not to defend an unjust case. What types of cases would you consider unjust and choose not to defend?}}
Some people come to court with false claims. When a person tells you their issue and you listen to them, sometimes you can immediately tell that they are not telling the truth.
For example, you might find that the person claiming someone has stolen from them is the one who actually took the property, but they are saying they were robbed.
At that point, you can give them advice, rather than going to court and defending something that isn’t true. It’s important to make them realize the truth.
If all lawyers gave clients this type of advice before they started, there would be fewer cases in the courts because you would have already shown them that they cannot win.
There is also the case where someone may admit they did something wrong but still want you to represent them as if they hadn’t done anything wrong. In such cases, it’s important to know the truth and advise them accordingly. Maybe you can help them reduce their penalties due to the circumstances, but the truth should always be part of the conversation.
For that person, if they want to pursue a case knowing they are wrong, you are not helping build the unity we want for Rwandans. It would not be in the interest of justice, and their actions might lead to an unfair verdict that could hurt them even more in the future.
{{How do you view a woman in justice today?}}
A woman, as she was created and how she stands, if she uses the gifts given to her by God well, with the kind heart she has to love people and be compassionate, she should be honest in justice, stand for the truth, and not back down. This would make her trustworthy.
Because of her compassion, she listens and acts quickly. I’m not saying that men don’t have these qualities; there are men who possess them, and they build these qualities based on their character and relationships.
So, a woman, using these values, continues to develop herself, becoming an honest person, and helping the justice system in many ways. However, the world we live in is tainted. This doesn’t mean that all women are flawless.
What advice would you give to those who have taken the oath, practicing and aspiring advocates?
This profession is a good one. It is a profession that gives you dignity as a lawyer, sustains you if you do it well, and helps the government, especially the justice sector.
My advice is that those in the profession should do it well and bring value to themselves and to the profession.
To do this, one must speak the truth, provide good counsel, and go before the court to represent a person you’ve read about, prepared for, and know that what you are asking for on behalf of the client is legitimate.
It is about recognizing the issues in the case you are handling and sharing them with others, without revealing the secrets of the person you represent, because lawyers are prohibited from doing that.
A lawyer is not just someone who goes before the court. They assist in many different ways: by drafting contracts, advising people, conducting research on a specific issue, offering consultations, and many other things.
Being a lawyer requires thinking ahead. For example, you might ask, “This issue brought to me today, if it involved 10 or 100 people, what kind of problem would it cause in the country?”
Then, you think that maybe the law should be revised, or a new law might come into existence, and then you seek advice from the relevant bodies.
{{What has been the most memorable experience for you throughout your career?}}
I can’t say there is something I specifically miss because, in all the responsibilities I have taken, I am a person who is close to the people and cares about them.
I believe the responsibilities I have carried have always brought me closer to the people, requiring me to protect them.
They asked me to gather the thoughts I encountered, which would build or support a particular program. Even now, I see that my role is to continue getting closer to the people and helping them. I don’t miss these duties because they complement each other.
During the visit, President Kagame gifted the Emir with Inyambo cows, an iconic and deeply revered symbol in Rwandan culture. The symbolic gesture is rooted in Rwandan tradition, signifying friendship, mutual respect, and the strong bond between the two leaders and their nations.
The two leaders also held a private tête-à-tête at the farm, marking another milestone in the steadily growing relations between Rwanda and Qatar. The meeting follows their recent engagement earlier in November in Doha, during the World Summit for Social Development, where they discussed strengthening bilateral relations and cooperation.
Sheikh Tamim’s visit comes at a pivotal moment, according to Ali bin Hamad Al Aida, the Charge d’Affaires at the Qatari Embassy in Rwanda. He noted that the visit signals Qatar’s commitment to expanding its partnerships across Africa, focusing on peace, security, and sustainable development. He emphasized that Rwanda is regarded as a trusted partner, with the visit expected to deepen cooperation based on shared interests and longstanding mutual respect.
Rwanda’s Ambassador to Qatar, Igor Marara Kayinamura, highlighted the extensive areas of collaboration already underway. These include major projects such as the construction of Bugesera International Airport, in which Qatar holds a 60% stake. Qatar Airways is also expected to acquire a 49% shareholding in RwandAir, further reinforcing aviation cooperation.
He added that new ventures are likely to emerge from the visit, including opportunities linked to Kigali Innovation City, a flagship initiative aimed at positioning Rwanda as a continental technology hub.
Rwanda and Qatar continue to strengthen ties across investment, tourism, transport, and infrastructure. The Emir’s visit is expected to culminate in the signing of new partnership agreements, expanding the scope of bilateral cooperation.
Sheikh Tamim last visited Kigali in July 2022 as a special guest at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM). His return marks an ongoing commitment to deepening diplomatic and economic engagement between the two nations.
Using food supplements is a modern approach to obtaining nutrients from a variety of plants, all compressed into a single pill or spoonful of powder.
This method is commonly used in developed countries, where people seeking a diverse range of fruits, including rare ones, turn to supplements to access the nutrients they cannot easily obtain.
In Rwanda, there is only one factory producing these supplements, known as Alpha Natural Resources Company (ANARECO Ltd).
It was founded by Dr. Emmanuel Manirafasha, a visionary dedicated to developing food products that function as medicine without causing any harm to the body.
Dr. Manirafasha is one of Rwanda’s leading experts in Biochemistry and Chemistry, specializing in the creation of non-toxic medicines derived from natural resources. He pursued his studies in China at one of the world’s top universities, where he earned a Ph.D. His work has resulted in the development of several innovative formulas for various projects.
The Chinese government offered him considerable financial support to implement his formulas, including a hefty sum of $5 million, as well as other assets, including land and properties in China. However, he turned down the offer and decided to bring his innovative work back to Rwanda.
One of the formulas he developed allows for the creation of nutritional supplements that combine various plants into a single pill or spoonful of powder.
These products help the body gain the required strength and energy and efficiently eliminate waste.
This formula was so valuable that the Chinese government tried to secure it by offering Dr. Manirafasha $5 million, along with further perks, but he chose to remain in Rwanda to develop it.
Among the supplements he developed is METABOOSTa, a combination of 12 different plants, some found in Rwanda, others imported. The ingredients include fruits, vegetables, grains, and seeds, such as bananas, maize, papaya, and chia seeds, all combined into a single supplement.
Another supplement, MetabAsta, is made in capsule form. The capsule dissolves in the stomach to protect it from stomach acid and supports the body’s energy production.
Dr. Manirafasha has leveraged advanced technology in his factory, ANARECO Ltd, to create these products.
When the Chinese government realized he refused to sell his formula to them, they decided to collaborate, offering access to their high-tech laboratories for his work.
METABOOSTa is easy to use; one takes two spoons of powder, mixes it in water, and drinks it like tea without needing sugar, as the formula replaces the need for sweeteners. It is taken before consuming any other food or supplements. On the other hand, MetabAsta requires the consumption of two capsules in the morning and evening after meals.
According to Dr. Manirafasha, a 250g pack of METABOOSTa costs Frw 20,000, which is affordable compared to other similar products on the market, which can cost up to Frw 400,000 for various packages taking into consideration the variety of blended ingredients.
For MetabAsta, Dr. Manirafasha says, one can buy 60 capsules for just Frw 40,000 at ANARECO Ltd, while elsewhere the same package could cost up to Frw 800,000.
Dr. Manirafasha imports certain ingredients from China, where high-tech factories help in manufacturing a variety of plant-based powders. These ingredients are then blended in Rwanda, using machines capable of processing up to 400kg at a time.
In an interview with IGIHE, Dr. Manirafasha stated his plan to export 80% of his products abroad.
He explained, “We combine various ingredients like papaya, maize, chia seeds, and bananas into METABOOSTa, providing every type of nutrient needed without missing any. That’s the power of our formula.”
For MetabAsta, the capsules are produced in machines at ANARECO Ltd, which ensure the proper filling and sealing of each capsule. The factory uses high-tech equipment to ensure the quality of each batch.
Once the process is complete, each product is labeled with a unique technological mark that prevents counterfeiting.
Dr. Manirafasha also shared his ambitious plans for the future. “We are expanding our factory. In three years, we aim to have a major production facility with 12 different manufacturing lines for products like METABOOSTa. We are also looking to hire over 3,000 employees.”
The capsules produced at the factory are highly efficient, with one machine able to produce 400 capsules per minute. Soon, another machine will be introduced, capable of producing 1,000 capsules per minute. With plans for a large-scale factory, Dr. Manirafasha’s vision is to be able to produce up to 10,000 capsules per minute.
“We are in the process of acquiring land for the factory, which will include research and testing labs to ensure our products meet the highest standards,” he added.
Through his innovative work, Dr. Manirafasha is not only revolutionizing the nutritional supplement industry in Rwanda but is also positioning the country as a leader in advanced health supplements on the global market.
These prices replaced the rates introduced in September 2025, when a litre of petrol cost Frw 1,862 and diesel cost Frw 1,808. This means petrol increased by Frw 127 per litre, while diesel rose by Frw 92. Such a significant rise in fuel prices is rare in Rwanda.
In an interview with IGIHE, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Trade and Industry, Antoine Marie Kajangwe, explained that the increase in fuel prices this time is driven by two main factors.
“To put it simply, the rise was caused by two things. You may recall that in July, the government introduced VAT on petrol prices. Once you add an extra 18% to any product, the price naturally goes up. That is why you saw prices rise,” he said.
Kajangwe added, “In the past two months, what pushed prices up slightly is that most of our fuel normally transits through Tanzania because fuel transported through the country is cheaper than that transported through Kenya. But due to some recent issues, importers started sourcing fuel through Kenya. Since fuel from Kenya is a bit more expensive, it affects overall prices.”
Rwanda revises fuel prices every two months. This is because transporting fuel from Arab countries where it is purchased to Kigali typically takes about two months.
This means global market prices affect Rwanda’s fuel prices with a two-month delay.
On November 15, 2025, a barrel of oil on the global market was selling at $60.09, down from $64.1 on September 1, 2025.
Looking at the past two months, this month saw the sharpest drop, with prices ranging between $60.98, $58, and $60.09 since November 1.
In Rwanda, the retail price of petrol is determined by the international price from the previous two months, the cost of transporting the fuel from the ports of Dar es Salaam or Mombasa to Kigali, the exchange rate, and the VAT applied.
The Managing Director of Société Pétrolière Ltd (SP), Habimana Claudien, said that sourcing fuel from Kenya is one of the three reasons prices increased.
He explained, “We used to import most of our petrol through Tanzania, but now we have started importing through Kenya and fuel in Kenya is more expensive. Another reason is the slight increase in prices on the global market.”
He revealed that at least 99% of fuel imported into Rwanda would be transited through Tanzania. However, delays in offloading ships and security concerns during Tanzania’s recent presidential elections pushed companies to source fuel through Kenya.
In September 2025, 34% of imported petrol came through Kenya, while Tanzania handled 66%. In October 2025, 87% of fuel came from Tanzania and 13% from Kenya. Overall, fuel imported through Kenya in the past two months rose to 23%, up from just 1%.
He said, “So you can see that petrol coming through Kenya has increased and since it is more expensive, this contributed to the price increase.”
Habimana added that although the price of diesel rose to Frw 1,900 per litre, the government introduced a subsidy of Frw 78 per litre.
He explained, “Without that subsidy, the impact would have been much bigger. You know diesel drives public transport and most goods. The government reduced the tax by Frw 78 per litre. However, there is no subsidy on petrol, which is why petrol is much more expensive.”
He concluded by saying that despite these challenges, it is important for Rwanda to continue using both transport corridors through Tanzania and Kenya when importing fuel, as this would give the country better flexibility.
{{What will be the economic impact?}}
Kajangwe explained that although fuel prices have increased, the government is exploring ways to reduce them in the coming months.
“There are measures the government is putting in place to see how these prices can be brought down, including looking at how fuel coming through Kenya can become cheaper. We expect that in the next three or four months …” he said.
Regarding the possibility of a subsidy, Kajangwe said he could not confirm it but noted that the government constantly reviews the situation.
He highlighted that the rise in fuel prices should not significantly impact the prices of basic commodities because transport costs are not increasing dramatically.
According to an analysis by the Ministry, transport costs may rise by between Frw 4 and Frw 6 per kilogram for goods brought from the Eastern Province, and between Frw 6 and Frw 8 for goods from Rusizi District.
“There should not be an impact on general business, and you have seen that public transport fares have not increased. People should not use this as an excuse to raise prices. Often, those who want to take advantage increase prices by Frw 20, Frw 30, or Frw 40 when there is no real justification,” he said.
However, based on MINICOM’s assessment, if a truck carries five tons of goods meaning 5,000 kilograms the existing transport cost would increase by between Frw 20,000 and Frw 30,000 for goods transported from the Eastern Province, and between Frw 30,000 and Frw 40,000 for those transported from Rusizi. This makes it difficult for transporters to absorb the extra costs since they consume large amounts of diesel.
Cyprien Musabirema, a truck driver transporting goods from the Southern Province to Kigali, said the situation has already changed because transport costs have risen.
He explained, “Transport fares have not increased, but the cost of diesel we use has increased significantly. Previously, I used Frw 260,000 for fuel, but now it is about Frw 320,000. That is extra money added, yet the client does not want to adjust the payment. It becomes very complicated, but we accept the loss to avoid losing customers, hoping they will eventually understand.”
Modetse Nsengiyumva, a motorcycle taxi rider, said the Frw 123 increase in petrol per litre puts them at a loss because customers refuse to pay higher fares.
He said, “You tell a customer that fuel has increased, and he replies that his salary has not changed.”
He added that a motorcyclist using petrol at Frw 1,989 per litre cannot make a profit of more than Frw 2,000 a day, yet they have daily needs, including supporting their families.
Claudien Habimana also noted, “When petrol becomes more expensive but the user’s budget does not increase, he reduces the number of trips he makes. Once trips are reduced, activities are delayed. In that case, people start relying more on phone calls instead of moving around.”
On the other hand, economic expert Teddy Kaberuka told IGIHE that price increases are inevitable when fuel prices rise.
He explained, “It is well known that when petrol and diesel prices go up, they affect market prices. A person who transports goods to the market faces higher transport costs. For example, someone who used to use a small truck to bring potatoes must use more diesel, and he cannot absorb that cost.”
He added that rising prices reduce people’s purchasing power, making them unable to buy the same amount of goods as before.
Currently, in the East African region, a litre of petrol costs Frw 2,059 in Uganda, Frw 2,069 in Kenya, Frw 1,635 in Tanzania, Frw 1,967 in Burundi, and Frw 1,773 in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
However, the fall of the First Republic did little to resolve the underlying issues. Juvénal Habyarimana’s regime, which took power after the coup, perpetuated the same destructive ideologies of ethnic division and exclusion.
The consequences of these unresolved issues would become tragically clear in the years that followed, as the nation spiraled toward even deeper devastation.
{{The rise of PARMEHUTU and its internal struggle}}
According to a book dubbed ‘The History of Rwanda’ co-authored by Paul Rutayisire and Deo Byanafashe, the path to the establishment of PARMEHUTU as Rwanda’s ruling party in the 1960s was marked by political battles.
Once the party’s primary goal of securing power for the Hutu was achieved, it lost its direction. By October 23, 1966, PARMEHUTU, which had once been a vibrant political force, had devolved into a de facto one-party system, fully integrated into state structures.
Yet, once the primary opponents to the party, including the Rwandese National Union (UNAR) and the Inyenzi movement were eliminated, cracks began to show.
The party, no longer unified by an external enemy, was consumed by infighting and internal contradictions. The nation’s leadership, once defined by clear objectives, now seemed rudderless.
The power struggles within PARMEHUTU came to the forefront, exposing corruption, regionalism, and a lack of internal discipline.
A report in 1964, commissioned by the President himself, painted a grim picture of the country’s mismanagement: illegal detentions, politicized judicial and administrative systems, and a lack of collaboration between regional authorities. These issues, however, were swept under the rug, as the report was never presented to the National Assembly for debate.
{{Regionalism and the deepening divisions}}
As PARMEHUTU struggled to maintain its grip on power, regional divisions grew sharper. Tensions between the North and South, as well as between provinces like Butare and Gitarama, escalated, revealing deep-rooted regional rivalries.
The government was increasingly dominated by a clique of politicians from Gitarama, where President Kayibanda’s power base was strongest.
By 1972, this concentration of power among a small, loyalist group sparked frustrations, especially among the military, which was largely composed of individuals from the Northern regions.
This concentration of power and exclusion of other regions was further highlighted by Kayibanda’s final government reshuffle in February 1972.
Out of 18 ministers, six were from Gitarama, which made up a third of the cabinet, a stark representation of the growing imbalances that contributed to the regime’s downfall.
{{The massacre of the Tutsi }}
In 1972, President Kayibanda initiated a campaign to rid the country of Tutsis from schools, higher institutions, and public establishments.
This policy was framed as a continuation of the 1959 Revolution’s objectives, which had promised to eliminate Tutsi in Rwanda’s social, political, and economic spheres.
By February 1973, a coordinated effort by the government saw lists of “undesirable” Tutsi civil servants posted on notice boards, and Tutsis were systematically purged from various sectors of society.
This wave of ethnic cleansing, which saw entire families displaced and Tutsi intellectuals targeted, was justified by the government as necessary to address the demographic imbalance between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority.
Yet, the real reasons behind the persecution were political. Kayibanda and his inner circle sought to consolidate their power and eliminate any opposition within the Tutsi population.
While the purge targeted Tutsis, it also fractured the unity of PARMEHUTU. The government’s inability to manage the country effectively, paired with widespread dissatisfaction, alienated even Kayibanda’s most loyal supporters.
{{The final blow }}
The political turmoil and sectarian violence finally reached a boiling point in the summer of 1973.
The ongoing internal divisions were a tipping point for the military, particularly the northern officers, who began to resent the Gitarama clique’s stranglehold on power.
On July 5, 1973, the military, led by Defense Minister Juvénal Habyarimana, staged a coup, overthrowing Kayibanda’s government.
The coup was swift. Kayibanda was arrested and removed from power. He and many of his allies were later imprisoned and reportedly starved to death.
By the time the coup occurred, the First Republic had already collapsed under the weight of internal divisions.
However, ethnic divisions persisted under Habyarimana’s leadership, leading to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which was halted by the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF).
“Every single day,” he says, “I have to do this. It’s no joke. I spend most of the time just imagining how great this project will be.”
Half Yemeni, half Ukrainian, Richi never imagined his life would take root in Rwanda. Before the war in Ukraine, triggered on February 24, 2022, when Russia launched a full-scale invasion, he was a successful real estate entrepreneur in Kyiv, owner of a café, a beauty salon, and a father to twins born just months before the fighting erupted.
Since then, fighting and airstrikes have caused more than 40,000 civilian casualties, while 3.7 million people have been internally displaced, and a further 6.9 million have fled Ukraine, creating one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises.
On the day the war began, he was in Poland. His family soon joined him. They drove west to Spain, spent nearly two years there, tried Germany, where his wife has family roots, and visited Portugal. But Europe, for all its comfort, felt temporary.
“I wasn’t sure where my life was leading,” he recalls. “I never thought I’d find happiness again. I never thought that this would be in Rwanda.”
Then a friend who lived in Kigali suggested, “Just come. Visit without your family. See if it’s for you.” Richi bought a ticket and arrived for a 10-day scouting trip. The moment he stepped out of Kigali International Airport, he knew.
“The streets were so clean. Everything was so simple, so beautiful, so organized,” he says.
“Then I learned about more rapid development, huge opportunities in the service sector, and everyone said it was safe. I’m not here to find a job. I’m here to start a business. It was clean, safe, simple, far from Europe’s problems. It felt like destiny.”
Richi soon discovered that Rwanda is not only welcoming to foreigners but is also engineered for their success. “Not only the government, but the people, business partners, other owners, everyone wants to do better business,” he says. “In Europe and Ukraine, you’re more on your own. Here, everybody is open.”
That openness led him to William Shaka, a local landowner who had nurtured a farm in Bugesera for 15 years with a quiet dream to one day transform it into something more than agriculture.
Richi and his wife, passionate about eco-tourism, real estate, and marketing, saw the same vision. “We met,” Richi says, “and it was destiny again.”
Their first test? A mango festival. Over 1,100 people showed up. “It was crazy,” Richi laughs. “We realised there is demand for farm visits in Rwanda. People in Kigali want something new. Bugesera is closer, the roads are better, and it’s fresh.”
What began as a festival soon blossomed into Eagle View Farm: an agro-tourism project blending working agriculture with guest rooms, a lakeside restaurant, a wellness centre, and a vision of families waking up to pick oranges from trees outside their door.
“Imagine this,” Richi says, standing by a fish pond with orange groves behind it. “Your children wake up and say, ‘Wow, oranges!’ You tell them, ‘Go get some.’ They pick them. You wash them, cut them. Just like it was supposed to be.”
Every morning, Richi and his family do yoga on the lake shore, watching fishermen cast nets at 7:30 a.m. in perfect unison. “Only birds and fishermen,” he says. “Pure peace.”
The future kitchen, still under construction, overlooks the water. “Can you imagine working here?” he asks, gesturing wide. “Chefs getting fresh products from the farm, cooking with this view. It’s the dream.”
One year ago, when the family moved in, there was only a house. Now, over 10 guest rooms are rising, along with the restaurant and wellness centre.
“It’s all coming to reality,” Richi says. “Very soon, everyone will know about this project.” But Eagle View is more than a business, it’s a prototype. “I hope we motivate other investors to create farm-integrated, eco-tourism projects across Rwanda,” he says.
“With fast internet and AI, you can be in the middle of nowhere and still solve problems instantly. Take a photo of a diseased leaf AI tells you what to do. No waiting for an expert from Kigali. This opens crazy possibilities.”
Since Richi began posting about farm life online, the messages pour in from expats, investors, and especially Rwandans abroad. Many own unused land back home.
Some write: “You’re living the dream. We want to come home.” His response is direct: “Come home. It’s time to invest in Rwanda. The longer you wait, the harder this will be. Such lifestyles will become rarer.”
He speaks not of happiness, but of something more sustainable. “Happiness comes in phases,” he says. “We’re not designed to be happy all the time. But we can be calm. We can be peaceful.” Buddhist monks don’t seek happiness. They seek peace. If I had to describe my life now, I’d say: peaceful.”
To anyone curious about Rwanda, agro-tourism or a life rooted in the land, Richi extends a warm invitation to come and see it firsthand.
“Please visit us. If you’re into eco-tourism, nature, agriculture, wilderness, and self-development, you’ll see a project that shows where Rwanda is heading. We’re building something unique. Welcome to Eagle View Farm.”
