These are the words of Grégoire Nyirimanzi, 57, a former local official, expressing deep remorse.
Once entrusted with the responsibility of protecting civilians, he instead violated that duty and actively participated in their extermination during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Born in Nyakabanda Sector, Nyarugenge District, Nyirimanzi served as a sector executive secretary during the genocide.
He participated in meetings with senior leaders, including former President Juvénal Habyarimana, where a consistent agenda was promoted: the systematic extermination of Tutsis based solely on their identity.
Nyirimanzi is currently serving a 30-year prison sentence at Nyarugenge Prison in Mageragere, following his conviction for genocide-related crimes.
He was arrested in Gabon, where he had fled, and was repatriated to Rwanda in 1997. He was subsequently tried and imprisoned that same year, with his sentence expected to conclude in 2027.
Reflecting on his actions, he stated: “I incited Hutus to kill Tutsis. I distributed firearms that were used in these killings. I also sent young people for weapons training and encouraged them to participate in the atrocities committed against the Tutsis in 1994.”
He recalls distributing approximately ten firearms, which he had received from the former Nyarugenge Commune, to local administrative leaders at the cell and village levels. These weapons were later used in attacks against Tutsis in his area.
One of the most distressing incidents, he recounts, is the attack on Pastor Amoni Iyamuremye: “He was burned alive in his home while I was leading the attack. This act has deeply affected me. That image continues to haunt me, even after I sought and received forgiveness from his son.
“I led numerous attacks, including those at Collège Saint André, at Iyamuremye’s residence, and at the homes of Laetitia and Jean Baptiste. There were many others I cannot even count. Many lives were lost in these attacks.”
Addressing common narratives that attempt to minimize or deny the Genocide against the Tutsi such as claims that it was unplanned or triggered solely by the downing of President Habyarimana’s plane Nyirimanzi firmly rejects such assertions. He emphasizes that genocidal ideology was systematically instilled long before the violence erupted.
“We were taught nothing of value except genocide ideology. I remember seeing the bodies of Tutsis lying everywhere and questioning how I could still be alive. Today, I receive medical care and support, yet I feel unworthy of such treatment.”
He further reflects on the organized nature of the genocide, questioning why some continue to deny its occurrence: “Tutsis were shot, burned, and brutally killed in broad daylight. Denial is a deliberate act, often motivated by personal interests. The genocide devastated our country, leaving it in ruins. Those of us who took part now live with deep regret. Anyone who doubts this should come and see the evidence.”
As evidence of premeditation, he points to the preparation of lists identifying Tutsis to be targeted. He personally compiled such lists in Nyakabanda, while other leaders in districts such as Rusizi did the same independently, without direct coordination.
He also describes how authorities required lists of young men to be sent for military training at the Gabiro Military Camp, where they received instruction from French trainers.
“The youth who underwent this training were later encouraged to continue to Bugesera to join earlier attacks against Tutsis. These events did take place. Rwambuka Fidèle, who was the mayor of Commune Kanzenze at the time, played a role in those initial phases of the violence.”
Participation in high-level meetings to coordinate the extermination of Tutsis
Nyirimanzi further substantiates claims that the Genocide against the Tutsi was systematically planned by describing his involvement in high-level meetings with political leaders and influential figures.
Among those he encountered were former President Juvénal Habyarimana and prominent businessman Félicien Kabuga, who has been widely associated with financing the procurement of machetes used during the killings.
He recalls a significant meeting held in Rebero and chaired by President Habyarimana. The gathering brought together leaders from various administrative levels, ranging from local cell authorities to senior government officials and high-ranking military officers.
According to Nyirimanzi, the purpose of the meeting was made explicit.
He recounts that Habyarimana declared that the country had been attacked by an enemy and emphasized that immediate action was required. Participants were urged not to remain passive but to mobilize and confront the identified enemy whom he explicitly defined as the Tutsi population.
During the meeting, a local official raised concerns about the lack of necessary equipment. In response, Habyarimana assured attendees that weapons would be provided, stating that firearms were available and that those without guns would be supplied with grenades or machetes. He emphasized that all available means should be used to carry out the objective.
Nyirimanzi also describes attending meetings involving influential civilian actors, including Félicien Kabuga. While Kabuga’s involvement has been contested by some, Nyirimanzi asserts that he played a direct and active role. He specifically recalls a meeting held at Kabuga’s residence in Muhima, where Kabuga pledged material and logistical support for the killings.
According to Nyirimanzi, Kabuga assured participants that they would face no shortages, stating that weapons including guns and machetes were readily available.
He further committed to providing logistical support, including food supplies for those carrying out the attacks. Nyirimanzi insists that any denial of Kabuga’s involvement is deliberate and unfounded, noting that he clearly remembers both the meeting and Kabuga’s presence.
The meeting was attended by several prominent figures, including senior members of the ruling MRND party and leaders associated with the Interahamwe militia, further underscoring the coordinated nature of the planning.
Efforts to uncover the truth within the prison system
More than three decades after the Genocide against the Tutsi was halted, challenges remain in uncovering the full truth particularly regarding the locations where victims’ bodies were dumped.
Nyirimanzi notes that some perpetrators, including those already convicted and imprisoned, continue to withhold such information.
He explains that significant efforts have been undertaken within the prison system to encourage transparency and accountability.
However, these efforts have faced resistance from a group of former leaders who still wield influence, both within correctional facilities and beyond.
According to him, this group actively discourages others from cooperating, urging them to remain silent and avoid disclosing any information.
Despite this resistance, Nyirimanzi expresses confidence that truth will ultimately prevail.
He highlights his own role in revealing information that led to the discovery of human remains at the Rwezamenyo bus station information that had remained undisclosed for nearly 25 years, despite the presence of individuals living nearby who had never come forward.
Grégoire Nyirimanzi, a former executive secretary of Nyakabanda Sector in Kigali, is currently imprisoned for his role in the Genocide.
Nyirimanzi recounts that when survivors of the Genocide against the Tutsi approached him seeking reconciliation or asking him to reveal the locations where their relatives’ bodies had been buried, he initially felt deep fear.
Given the severity of the crimes he had committed, his hesitation was significant. However, the survivors reassured him, demonstrating forgiveness and encouraging him to speak openly.
This support enabled him to overcome his fear and disclose the locations of mass graves, allowing families to recover the remains of their loved ones and provide them with dignified burials.
He explained that he identified several burial sites, including one near the Nyamirambo Brigade and another in a place known as Ku Ryanyuma’ near the stadium.
He noted that, although local residents had long been aware of these sites, many had chosen not to speak. His testimony ultimately contributed to meaningful outcomes, as families were able to locate and properly bury their relatives.
Nyirimanzi conveyed a message of reassurance to survivors, expressing his intention to contribute positively to society upon completing his sentence. He emphasized his willingness to take part in rebuilding what he had helped destroy.
On the issue of seeking forgiveness, he stated that many inmates at Nyarugenge Prison are eager to apologize to those they wronged. He called for structured initiatives to facilitate dialogue and reconciliation across communities.
He noted that many individuals complete their sentences while still burdened by fear and uncertainty about facing their victims.
He believes that creating opportunities for reconciliation before release would allow them to seek forgiveness and reintegrate into society with a sense of emotional relief and responsibility.
Testimony before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR)
Nyirimanzi also revealed that he provided testimony to investigators and appeared before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), where he gave evidence regarding the role of senior military officials in the genocide.
He testified in cases involving high-ranking officers, including Gratien Kabiligi, Théoneste Bagosora, Aloys Ntabakuze, and Lieutenant-Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva.
According to his account, these individuals played a key role in distributing weapons to civilians and organizing meetings that encouraged participation in the killings.
He stated that they not only facilitated the widespread distribution of weapons but also used meetings to persuade participants that the violence was justified, framing it as a necessary act of retaliation against an alleged enemy.
In subsequent ICTR rulings, Gratien Kabiligi was acquitted, while Théoneste Bagosora and Aloys Ntabakuze were each sentenced to 35 years in prison. Anatole Nsengiyumva received a sentence of 15 years.
Nyirimanzi expressed a profound sense of regret that he did not live under Rwanda’s current leadership during that period. He spoke positively about the country’s governance, emphasizing the promotion of national unity and the absence of division.
He highlighted the progress made in ensuring equal opportunities, noting that access to education and employment is no longer influenced by family background or past associations.
As a personal example, he pointed out that his own child is able to study and work without discrimination, despite his past actions.
He expressed appreciation for what he described as inclusive leadership, which prioritizes unity and does not punish children for the crimes committed by their parents.
Inmates at Mageragere Correctional Facility were recently provided with a book written by Yolande Mukagasana titled ‘Umurage w’Urubyiruko’ Part One.
He made the remarks during the 32nd commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi held at the Ngororero Genocide Memorial in Ngororero Sector on April 10, 2026.
The memorial site holds the remains of more than 14,500 victims, most of whom were killed on April 10, 1994, after they had sought refuge in the former MRND party headquarters located at the site where the memorial now stands.
The Prime Minister noted that although Rwanda continues to make progress in rebuilding itself after the genocide, complacency must be avoided, as there are still individuals intent on dragging the country back into its tragic past.
“We must not be complacent because there are those who do not wish our country well. As you know and continue to hear, those who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi continue to deny it and spread genocide ideology in the region where Rwanda is located, especially in the Democratic Republic of Congo,” he said.
He added that such actions often take place while the international community looks on, as was the case in Rwanda in 1994 and before.
“The choices we made as Rwandans, as the President of the Republic has emphasized, are that the Genocide against the Tutsi will never happen again in Rwanda,” he said.
He stressed that this commitment goes hand in hand with closing all possible paths that could allow genocide ideology to take root again, as well as strengthening self-reliance through hard work.
The Prime Minister also called on young people to take the lead in understanding the country’s history so they can effectively confront those who still promote genocide ideology, especially through online platforms. He also urged parents to be truthful with their children about what happened.
He commended the bravery of the Nyange students, who refused to be divided when they were attacked by infiltrators, saying their courage remains a powerful symbol of national unity.
Ngororero District Mayor Christophe Nkusi said that killings in the area began as early as 1990, and that more than 57,000 Tutsi were killed in the district and are laid to rest in seven memorial sites across different sectors. Mayor Nkusi expressed concern that some victims’ remains have still not been recovered, urging residents to continue sharing information about their locations.
“I once again strongly urge the residents of Ngororero District not to hide information about whereabouts of remains that have not yet been recovered and buried with dignity. This helps bring comfort to families who lost their loved ones and strengthens the unity and resilience we have committed to as Rwandans,” he said.
He added that even after the genocide was stopped, Ngororero was later affected by attacks from “infiltrators” led by former political and military leaders originally from the district. He said these were eventually defeated by the unity government, and the area is now peaceful and developing.
Annoncée Manirarora, a commissioner in IBUKA, the genocide survivors’ organization, said that Ngororero’s genocide history is unique because killings began as early as 1990.
Ngororero District today comprises the former Kabaya and Ngororero sub-prefectures.
The former Ngororero sub-prefecture included the communes of Kibilira, Ramba, Satinsyi, and Gaseke, where killings began well before 1994.
In Kibilira Commune, more than 400 Tutsi were killed between October 10 and 13, 1990. Additional killings were recorded in February 1992.
In Satinsyi Commune, killings had been going on before 1994, while in Ramba Commune, atrocities were intensified by speeches and mobilization efforts, including those of Dr. Léon Mugesera, who is accused of inciting violence during a public meeting in Birembo.
Similar patterns of violence were also reported in Gaseke Commune before 1994.
Premier Nsengiyumva joined residents of Ngororero during the commemoration event. The event was also marked by laying of wreaths at mass graves at the memorial. Prime Minister Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva has said that Rwanda’s choices following the Genocide against the Tutsi have provided strong assurance that such atrocities will never happen again. Ngororero District Mayor Christophe Nkusi said that killings in the area began as early as 1990. Annoncée Manirarora, a commissioner in IBUKA, the genocide survivors’ organization, said that Ngororero’s genocide history is unique because killings began as early as 1990.
He made the remarks on the evening of April 10, 2026, during a commemoration marking the 32nd anniversary of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The event, organized by the Rwanda Media Commission, brought together journalists and media leaders to honor media professionals who were killed during the genocide simply because of their identity.
The Director General of the Rwanda Broadcasting Agency, Cléophas Barore, emphasized that the journalists who were killed were not targeted for professional misconduct.
“They did not broadcast or write anything that incited violence, nor did they violate any journalistic ethics. They were well-known and respected, yet that did not protect them. Instead, it made them targets, because to genocidaires, a Tutsi life had no value,” he said.
Barore also noted that some journalists were later prosecuted in international courts for their role in the genocide.
Diane Uwadede Isimbi, daughter of Vincent Shabakaka, the founder of the former Kiberinka publication, said her father used journalism to counter the hate and misinformation being spread, particularly propaganda directed at the Rwandan Patriotic Front.
The Chairperson of the Rwanda Journalists Association, Dan Ngabonziza, called on journalists to reject hate and actively fight genocide ideology.
“Our country’s painful history has shown us that the pen and the spoken word can either destroy or build. Today is a moment to renew our commitment and ensure we never become channels for messages that fuel division,” he said.
Ngabonziza urged journalists to deny a platform to individuals who promote or deny genocide, stressing the importance of safeguarding national unity.
“We must honor our colleagues who were killed by standing firm against genocide ideology, refusing space to denial and distortion, and protecting the unity and progress Rwandans have achieved,” he added.
He further emphasized that journalism should serve as a force for unity, reconciliation, and resilience, while actively rejecting divisive narratives.
The commemoration event brought together various officials.
The President of IBUKA, Philbert Gakwenzire, also highlighted how media outlets contributed to spreading anti-Tutsi hatred.
However, he commended the post-genocide transformation of Rwanda’s media into a sector that supports nation-building.
Dr. Bizimana explained that genocidal propaganda in the media was rooted in extremist political movements. He outlined how, prior to the genocide, various media outlets systematically spread hatred and encouraged Hutus to kill Tutsis.
He cited cases of media figures prosecuted internationally, including Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, and Hassan Ngeze, who were tried together for their role in inciting genocide.
The minister described different categories of media at the time: state-owned outlets, so-called independent outlets aligned with the government, and others that did not openly promote hatred.
He pointed out that the infamous Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines recruited skilled journalists and former officials to effectively disseminate its extremist agenda.
He further explained that RTLM’s operations were closely linked to the presidency, underscoring its political importance. Government officials were integrated into its leadership structures, while intelligence officials were tasked with supplying information and identifying loyal, hardline journalists.
Among those involved were Donath Hakizimana, then Secretary General of the national intelligence service, who helped source information and personnel for RTLM, and Gaspard Musabyimana, now based in Belgium, who managed programming and collaborated with intelligence networks.
Musabyimana is also linked to Radio Inkingi, which continues to spread genocide ideology.
The President of IBUKA, Philbert Gakwenzire, also highlighted how media outlets contributed to spreading anti-Tutsi hatred.
Dr. Bizimana also identified Ferdinand Nahimana as one of the key architects of genocide ideology, including the concept of “civilian self-defense,” which encouraged collective violence against Tutsis.
He noted that media houses such as ORINFOR, Imvaho, Kangura, and Kinyamateka played varying roles in spreading divisive narratives at different times. He specifically highlighted how Kinyamateka contributed to shaping anti-Tutsi sentiment through its publications.
According to Bizimana, RTLM strategically recruited charismatic journalists known for engaging content, including music, sports, and general news, to attract a wide audience while subtly embedding hate messages. These included figures such as Georges Ruggiu and Valérie Bemeriki, among others.
Dr. Bizimana stated that journalists played a role in the Genocide against the Tutsi through the words they used on radio, television, and in other media outlets.
“They did not pick up machetes to kill, they did not throw grenades into crowds, they did not use guns, nor did they engage the enemy in combat. They killed through words and through their publications,” he said.
He added, “Killing can also be carried out through writing and speech, and that is often where genocide begins.”
Dr. Bizimana emphasized that no one in a country that has experienced genocide should afford themselves the luxury of forgetting its history or acting as if they are unaware of the country’s past.
“In a country that has gone through genocide, with a painful history of ethnic politics, discrimination, and the Genocide against the Tutsi, no journalist, politician, or any individual should behave as though they are in a country without such a background. It is clear that there are journalists and self-proclaimed politicians who act carelessly, ignoring the unique history of ethnic division and genocide in this country,” he said.
He urged journalists to learn from those who upheld professionalism and integrity, to avoid aligning themselves with hate, division, and genocide ideology, and instead commit to playing a constructive role in building society.
List of some journalists killed during the Genocide against the Tutsi and their respective media houses
ORINFOR
1. RUBWIRIZA Tharcisse 2 .MWUMVANEZA Médard 3. GASANA Cyprien 4 .KARAKE Claver 5. KARAMBIZI Gratien 6. KARINDA Viateur 7. RUDAHANGARWA J. Baptiste 8. SEBANANI André 9. KALISA Calixte 10. NSABIMANA Emmanuel 11. BUCYANA Jean Bosco 12. MBUNDA Félix 13. MUNYARIGOGA Jean Claude 14. NSHIMIYIRYO Eudes 15. Byabagamba Stratton (killed in 1992, he worked for teh Catholic Church hosting a show at Radio Rwanda)
LE PARTISAN
15. HABINEZA Aphrodice (SIBO)
LE TRIBUN DU PEUPLE
16. MUKAMA Eugène 17. HATEGEKIMANA Wilson 18. GAKWAYA Eugène 19. RUGAJU Jean Claude
LE FLAMBEAU
20. BAZIMAZIKI Obed 21. KARINGANIRE Charles 22 .MUNANA Gilbert
The Director General of the Rwanda Broadcasting Agency, Cléophas Barore, emphasized that the journalists who were killed were not targeted for professional misconduct.
Bishop Nzakamwita, 82, retired since 2022 after 27 years of service as Bishop of Byumba Diocese. When he assumed the role, the diocese had 13 parishes, a number that has since grown to 21.
In a recent interview on IGIHE’s program ‘Ingingo Nkuru‘, Bishop Nzakamwita reflected on how hatred was deeply rooted in society and eventually spread into the Church. He spoke about the situation in seminaries, where even those preparing for priesthood were affected by ethnic divisions.
His testimony also addressed the role of the Church during that period, including the conduct of some priests who were influenced by ethnic divisions.
Bishop Nzakamwita has been in retirement since 2022 after requesting it in 2018.
IGIHE:You have now spent four years in retirement, having requested to retire in 2018 and receiving approval in 2022. How has life been?
Bishop Nzakamwita: In reality, one no longer holds specific responsibilities during retirement, but continues to offer support. I remain active trough teachings related to the priestly ministry, lead retreats, and respond to invitations such as weddings or times when people have lost loved ones and need support. So, I continue to serve both as a priest and as a bishop, although I no longer hold any formal or specific duties.
IGIHE:During retirement, you chose to settle in Rwesero, near the lake. Why did you choose this place?
Bishop Nzakamwita: It is a peaceful place, and I am very familiar with it. I studied here from 1958 to 1963, after which I moved to Kabgayi. In 1965, I went to Nyakibanda, where I spent six years.
In 1971, I was ordained as a priest and began my pastoral work. I started in Ruhengeri at the cathedral. In 1975, I was sent to Janja as a parish priest, where I served for a long time. I left in 1986 to come here to Rwesero as a formator, and in 1987 I was appointed to succeed our previous rector, Thaddée Nsengiyumva, who had been appointed as Bishop of Kabgayi Diocese.
In 1989, I was sent for further studies in Belgium, where I spent two years. Upon my return in 1991, I was assigned to the Major Seminary of Rutongo. Later, in 1996, I was appointed Bishop of Byumba.
Shortly before the Genocide against the Tutsi, some students were arrested on accusations of being accomplices at Rwesero Junior Seminary.
IGIHE:How would you assess Catholic Church education, particularly in seminaries, compared to the past?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Seminary education remains fundamentally the same. Its purpose is to prepare young men for the priesthood while supporting their overall formation. At the same time, they pursue academic studies just like other students.
IGIHE:What proportion of seminary students eventually become priests compared to those who pursue other paths?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Only a small number go on to become priests. The majority choose to pursue other careers and ways of life.
IGIHE:Does that mean they lack a genuine calling?
Bishop Nzakamwita: The choice ultimately belongs to each individual. We are aware from the beginning that not all of them will become priests. Those who clearly choose the priesthood are the ones who proceed to the major seminary.
IGIHE:Does this suggest that the number of people choosing religious vocations is declining today?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes, it is declining significantly. People are increasingly choosing different paths in life. However, this is something we accept. What matters is that even those who pursue other careers leave with a strong moral and Christian foundation, so our efforts are not in vain.
IGIHE:Do you think Rwanda could eventually face a shortage of priests, as seen in some other countries?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Rwanda still has many vocations. We have not yet reached a point where choosing the priesthood is disappearing, especially since the Christian faith remains strong among the population.
IGIHE: Let us revisit the period before the Genocide. You were present and serving as a priest at the time. How did Rwandan society move from the values of love taught by the Church and other religions to such deep hatred?
Bishop Nzakamwita: First, we must understand that in this world and in our lives, we are constantly engaged in a struggle to overcome evil and uphold good, to defeat hatred and promote love. This is a universal struggle.
There was a period in Rwanda when the country’s leadership fell into the tragedy of dividing its people. Some were turned against others, and it escalated to the point where certain groups, particularly the Tutsi, were targeted and killed. These events were deeply painful for all of us and continue to have lasting consequences.
This was not caused by Christianity. Rather, it was the result of political leadership that chose to divide Rwandans for political interests prevailing at the time.
Bishop Nzakamwita is aged 82, having retired since 2022.
IGIHE:At that time, you were actively teaching. How did you manage to teach love when people would leave and encounter politicians spreading a different message?
Bishop Nzakamwita: That is precisely the mission of the Catholic Church to teach love, which is the legacy we received from Jesus Christ Himself. That is what we continued to teach.
When the problem of division emerged in Rwanda, where leaders encouraged citizens to hate one another, we intensified our efforts to guide the faithful. We urged them not to be carried away by hatred, but instead to choose what is good and to live peacefully with others.
However, many people were ultimately overwhelmed, especially because those in leadership were actively promoting division. Many succumbed to this influence, which eventually led to the Genocide against the Tutsi, aimed at eliminating one group so that another could dominate both political power and life in Rwanda.
IGIHE:You mentioned that, as religious leaders, you continued teaching despite being overpowered by other influences. Yet some priests were involved in the Genocide. How do you explain this?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Priests, like all members of society, included both Hutu and Tutsi, and they too were affected by divisionism. Some were overcome by hatred and betrayed their religious commitments.
While some failed, others resisted. That resistance is part of why Rwanda did not completely collapse or fully achieve the destructive goals set by those in power. There were individual priests, religious figures, and ordinary Christians who courageously opposed these actions and stood firm in their responsibilities.
IGIHE:While you were in Janja, divisive ideology was already spreading. What did you personally witness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: The atmosphere was tense. The culture of hatred and violence was already present. At times there would be brief periods of calm, but then violence would resurface openly, people being expelled from schools, dismissed from their jobs, and even killed.
This cycle continued, but from 1990, when the Inkotanyi launched their struggle, the situation worsened significantly and escalated steadily until 1994.
IGIHE:What memories from that period have remained with you and continue to stand out?
Bishop Nzakamwita: One significant period was in 1973, when President Habyarimana took power from Kayibanda. It was a difficult year marked by killings and expulsions from jobs. Although the situation later appeared to stabilize, discrimination persisted. Tutsi children, for example, did not have equal access to education compared to Hutu children.
That year was particularly painful. Students were expelled from schools, and many people fled the country to Burundi, Uganda, and Congo.
Another period I remember clearly began around 1989, when a new wave of expulsions and division emerged, especially among students.
At that time, I was transferred for further studies, but tensions remained high, and children were increasingly influenced by divisive ideologies.
IGIHE:Did such divisions also exist within seminaries?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes, they did. However, we made efforts to contain them. By 1990, when the war began, the situation worsened. Some students were imprisoned, others were killed, and many were expelled. There were also casualties among both students and staff.
IGIHE:Were these actions carried out by seminary teachers?
Bishop Nzakamwita: No, they were carried out by local administrative authorities, prefectures and communal leaders. However, the divisions also spread among students themselves, with some harassing others and even attempting violence.
Some students fled for safety, while others remained and tragically lost their lives. Others were arrested and taken to Byumba during the period when people accused of being “accomplices” were being detained.
IGIHE:How many seminarians were taken?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Initially, four seminarians were taken, but one of them was killed. He had helped others escape by taking them to his home, which was nearby. Later, when the seminary temporarily closed due to the unrest, he was arrested and accused of being an accomplice. He was ultimately killed along with others who were similarly accused.
Before becoming a Bishop, Nzakamwita taught at Rwesero Junior Seminary.
IGIHE:When you returned in 1991, how did things unfold? When and how were your siblings killed?
Bishop Nzakamwita: When I returned to Rwanda in 1991, it was not easy. I was hesitant because there was already war in the country. During that time, my family was targeted, some of my siblings were persecuted, and in 1990, several of them were killed in Gatsirima, in Kiyombe Sector, then part of Kiyombe Commune. They were accused of being accomplices and were killed by local residents.
At the time, I was still in Belgium. When I received the news of their deaths, I went into mourning. Returning home was difficult. I kept asking myself, “Where would I go?” I feared that if I had been at home, I too might have been killed. Others also warned me about the risks I could face upon returning.
When I consulted my bishop about whether I should come back, he reassured me, saying that the situation had calmed down and that negotiations were underway.
After that reassurance, I returned and was assigned to Rutongo. We were there when events of 1994 unfolded. During the years from 1991 to 1994, tensions persisted, even among our students. Some held divisive and hateful ideologies, but we worked to counter them, and in the seminary, they often listened to us.
I recall that at one point, we even suspended classes to engage in dialogue with the students, as the environment had become very challenging. Education itself was affected by ethnic divisions.
IGIHE:What kind of discussions did you have with the students?
Bishop Nzakamwita: We emphasized that unity and good relationships were the right path, and that hatred had no place. Some students would claim that the Tutsi were at war and fighting against the Hutu.
Our role was to correct such views, teaching them that such thinking was wrong and not compatible with Christian values or the calling of seminarians.
IGIHE:You mentioned that your siblings were killed in 1990 after being labeled accomplices. How many were killed?
Bishop Nzakamwita: My younger brother, my elder brother, and my elder brother’s wife were killed. The children were not there; some were studying in Kigali, while others had been sent to Congo because access to education in Rwanda was very limited at the time. My younger brother’s wife had already passed away in 1989 due to illness.
So, it was my younger brother, my elder brother, and my elder brother’s wife who were killed there.
Two of his siblings were killed after being accused of being cccomplices.
IGIHE:What happened where you were during that time?
Bishop Nzakamwita: In 1994, shortly after Easter, the plane carrying President Habyarimana was shot down. Authorities instructed everyone to remain where they were, assuring us that our security would be protected.
From April 6th to 9th, we remained in hiding at the seminary. During that time, we also received refugees fleeing from surrounding sectors. Many arrived wounded, while others came seeking safety.
By April 9th, we were still in hiding and trying to defend ourselves, as Interahamwe militia were attacking us. We set up barriers on the roads leading to the church and the seminary and resisted them by throwing stones.
On that same day, RPF forces (Inkotanyi), advancing toward Kigali from Byumba, passed through Rutongo and rescued us. Had they not arrived, we would all have been killed.
When they reached the area, they encountered Interahamwe militias who had arrived in trucks and buses intending to kill both us and those who had taken refuge with us. Fighting broke out, and the attackers were driven away, allowing us to survive.
Later, on April 18th, due to ongoing fighting, we fled from Rutongo to Byumba.
At the time, I was serving as the bursar (Econome), and since we had livestock and property belonging to seminarians who were on holiday, I initially remained behind in Rutongo while others fled. RPF soldiers occasionally passed through on their way to Kigali, and a unit was stationed there to maintain security, as the area was strategically important.
However, on April 28th, I was advised to leave due to heavy shelling coming from areas like Murambi and Shyorongi. I was told it would be safer for me to evacuate. We then fled to Byumba and later returned after Kigali had been taken in July.
IGIHE: Before the RPF arrived in Rutongo, were there Tutsi refugees who were killed by Interahamwe, or were you able to continue defending yourselves?
Bishop Nzakamwita: In surrounding areas, many Tutsi were indeed killed. Those who were fortunate managed to reach the seminary or the parish for protection.
IGIHE:Were any people killed at the seminary?
Bishop Nzakamwita: No. We resisted from the beginning, defending ourselves by throwing stones. Before 1994, there had been killings elsewhere, but at the seminary, we managed to protect those who had taken refuge there. When the RPF arrived, they reinforced our defense. No one who had sought refuge at the church was killed.
IGIHE:After the Genocide, people had to live together again, with unity and reconciliation, and perpetrators were expected to ask for forgiveness. Was this process easy?
Bishop Nzakamwita: What was easy? Even after Kigali was taken and the RPF began stopping the Genocide in the areas they controlled, the situation remained extremely difficult.
In reality, the conflict did not end immediately. Fighting continued until around 1997. The war between the RPF, the Interahamwe, and the former government forces evolved into an insurgency, as infiltrators continued to wage attacks.
According to Bishop Nzakamwita, evil exists within people, and some are overtaken to do wrong.
IGIHE:I would like to focus particularly on your personal experience during those difficult times. Did you forgive those who killed your family during the Genocide?
Bishop Nzakamwita: When I returned to Rwanda in 1991, in our home area of Mutara and much of Byumba, many residents had fled due to the war with the Inkotanyi. I was unable to reach my home because there were hardly any people left, some had fled, while others had been killed.
I only managed to return there in 1996, after I had been appointed Bishop of Byumba. When I went back, the area had become overgrown with bush. I did not even know where my relatives had been buried. I had to search for them, and eventually discovered that their remains had been thrown into a latrine. By that time, only bones remained. We did our best to give them a decent burial.
That same year, 1996, I began my ministry in Byumba as bishop, living among the people.
At that time, many residents were still in exile, some in Tanzania, Congo, and Uganda. Those who remained or had returned were very few, and many parishes were closed. I believe only about four parishes were functioning, and even those had very small congregations.
As people gradually began to return, especially in 1997 when refugee camps in places like Benako (Tanzania) and Congo were dismantled, many came back to their homes.
IGIHE:How did you respond to that situation?
Bishop Nzakamwita: It was a very difficult challenge. Some of the people who had killed my relatives returned to their communities. At the same time, earlier refugees who had fled in 1959 had already returned with the Inkotanyi between 1994 and 1996 and settled on land that had been abandoned.
When the 1994 refugees began returning, tensions arose. Coexistence became difficult. Many who returned from Benako in Tanzania were afraid to live alongside those who had already settled there, particularly returnees from Uganda, so they set up camps nearby instead.
We had to address this situation by working with local authorities, including the mayor, to find ways for people to live together again. There was deep fear on both sides; some feared attacks from Interahamwe, while others feared revenge from the Inkotanyi, who were now in power.
To resolve this, we focused on bringing people together both the older returnees and those who had fled in 1994.
IGIHE: How did you manage to reunite them? Is this the origin of the housing initiative?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes. We started by bringing together young people, aged roughly 15 to 30. Initially, we gathered about 150 youth, then brought in more. We provided them with guidance and education, supported by priests and educators.
These young people became a bridge for reconciliation, helping to bring their parents together. While many parents were still in camps, we connected them with those who had already begun rebuilding on their land.
We first united the youth through shared activities, games, teachings, and cultural events. We then invited their parents to participate, encouraging dialogue and mutual understanding. We emphasized that both groups, those who had fled long ago and those who had fled more recently were all returning to their rightful homes and needed to share the land and live side by side.
Since many houses had been destroyed, we helped provide construction materials such as roofing sheets and tools, as well as skilled builders. At the same time, we encouraged the communities to work together to rebuild their homes.
We told them that neighbors who live in conflict cannot coexist peacefully, but those who choose unity can rebuild together. They accepted this message.
Local authorities then allocated plots of land, reorganizing settlements into villages, as people had previously been scattered. With support in materials and labor, communities worked together to rebuild homes and ultimately lived side by side in peace.
IGIHE:Did individuals who killed your relatives ever ask you for forgiveness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: No, none of them ever asked me for forgiveness. Perhaps they felt that I had already forgiven them, as I did not seek revenge. We resumed living together as before. They do not avoid me, and I do not avoid them.
IGIHE:Were those involved in the killings held accountable?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes, they were arrested and imprisoned.
IGIHE:Are they still in prison?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Some remain imprisoned, while others have passed away.
IGIHE:Have any of those who were released come to ask for your forgiveness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Some have been released and are now living on their land. We live together peacefully.
IGIHE:Have they ever asked you for forgiveness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: No one has ever directly asked me for forgiveness. However, I hear them say that the war led them into wrongdoing. People express regret, but no one has personally come to me to confess their actions or ask for forgiveness. Those identified as responsible were prosecuted, but we have not had direct conversations about it.
IGIHE:Among those you helped rebuild homes, were there individuals who had taken part in the killings?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Possibly, yes. But I did not choose people based on that. Land was distributed to everyone, and they all rebuilt their homes. I never sought to identify who specifically killed my relatives. Those who were identified were reported to authorities, arrested, and some were later released.
Those who admitted their crimes and sought forgiveness through the justice process were released, while others remained imprisoned or died in prison. Some fled to Uganda. I neither know all of them nor sought to find out.
What matters is that those we helped rebuild their lives still appreciate that gesture. They are even able to visit me freely, and we coexist peacefully. In fact, when the government sought individuals who had demonstrated exemplary conduct, these same community members testified that I had not sought revenge. As a result, I was recognized nationally and included among the Guardians of the Covenant (Abarinzi b’Igihango).
This recognition came from those very people we lived alongside, some who had participated in the attacks and others who had failed to intervene. The act of helping rebuild their lives and choosing not to seek revenge deeply moved them. Even though they never explicitly asked for forgiveness, they showed remorse and acknowledged my forgiveness through their actions.
IGIHE:Beyond your role as a religious leader teaching love and forgiveness, do you think it is appropriate for someone who committed such serious crimes to remain silent without explicitly asking for forgiveness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: I believe we made it easier for them, and they felt that forgiveness had already been granted. That is how I see it. Many express that the killings, especially of the Tutsi, brought them pain and shame. However, some still carry traces of hatred and may even avoid you. In certain circumstances, if provoked, some could relapse into violence.
IGIHE:Do you still observe such attitudes today?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes, in some cases. For example, at a memorial site we established, a photograph of the victims was once destroyed. I was told it was done by “mad people,” but it shows that some individuals still harbor hatred. If given the opportunity, they might act on it again.
IGIHE:What should be done to eliminate hatred completely?
Bishop Nzakamwita: We must practice humility, patience, and mutual understanding. We must demonstrate that love still exists, the love God created us with. Using that love is a constant struggle, as evil exists within people and affects everyone.
We must continue fighting that inner battle and overcome it. If you look at places like Congo, you still see violence being allowed by leadership. This reminds us that we must remain vigilant and actively resist evil, understanding that it can influence anyone.
IGIHE:When you interact with students here at the seminary, what do you observe in their mindset?
Bishop Nzakamwita: The students here live together in harmony. Even though some come from families that may still hold divisive ideologies, such attitudes are not visible here. Most of them were born after 2000 and are not directly familiar with the events of 1959 or 1994.
Of course, conflicts can still arise among young people, as is natural. But such disagreements are not based on ethnic divisions. Students may argue or fight, but it is not about being Hutu or Tutsi, it is simply part of human interaction.
In the seminary, we teach them to strive for love and unity, values they are expected to carry forward as future priests.
He made the remarks on April 10, 2026, at State House, Nairobi, during the signing of a lease agreement between the Kenya Railways Corporation and Zaria Group for the development of a modern arena and entertainment district under the Nairobi Railway City project.
President Ruto said the agreement marks a turning point in the transformation of Nairobi into a globally competitive capital, driven by structured planning, public-private partnerships, and coordinated urban regeneration.
He noted that the Nairobi Railway City master plan is designed to convert underutilised land in the city centre into a mixed-use district integrating transport, commerce, culture, sports, and public life, with the aim of establishing a vibrant 24-hour economy.
“It is true that this arena should have been built before the one in Kigali, and Ujiri would have wanted that to happen,” Ruto said. “But we thank God that finally we are doing it.”
He added that Nairobi’s slow decision-making processes had previously held back major opportunities for the city.
Ruto further revealed that he personally intervened in negotiations to finalise the agreement, including adjusting financial terms to ensure consensus was reached.
President William Ruto acknowledged that delays in decision-making and fragmentation slowed Kenya’s progress despite early conceptualisation of the project.
The President emphasised that the project reflects a shift toward private-sector-driven development, noting that government alone cannot finance all infrastructure needs.
He added that the Nairobi Railway City project will serve as a model for integrated urban development, supported by broader improvements in infrastructure, including roads, lighting, security systems, and cleanliness within the capital.
Ruto said the arena will not only serve sporting purposes but will also support music, arts, and the wider creative economy, positioning Nairobi as a regional hub for entertainment and international events.
He further said the project will complement other flagship developments such as the Talanta Stadium and the Bomas of Kenya conference facility, creating a comprehensive ecosystem for sports, culture, and business tourism.
The project, which is expected to be completed within 12 months, is projected to create up to 25,000 jobs annually across construction, operations, hospitality, and the creative economy.
President William Ruto witnessed the signing of a lease agreement between the Kenya Railways Corporation and Zaria Group for the development of a modern arena and entertainment district under the Nairobi Railway City project.
Zaria Group co-founder Masai Ujiri described the project as a historic milestone, saying it goes beyond sports to become a major driver of Africa’s creative economy.
“I’m actually overwhelmed, Your Excellency. This is historical. This is momentous,” Ujiri said.
He emphasised that the arena will not be limited to basketball, but will serve as a business hub for sports, entertainment, and the creative industry across Africa.
“In Africa, we don’t understand sports, entertainment, and the creative industry as a business. This is a business. This is going to become an economic driver,” he said.
Ujiri noted that the facility will provide young people with space to express themselves, adding that sports and the creative industry play a role in promoting peace, unity, and opportunity.
He also acknowledged Rwanda’s role in pioneering such developments, referencing Zaria Court and President Paul Kagame’s leadership in advancing sports infrastructure on the continent.
“President Kagame and Kigali and the Kigali arena have done an incredible job of at least starting this for us,” Ujiri said, adding that the Nairobi project will strengthen continental exchange in sports and entertainment.
The Nairobi Railway City arena is expected to become a key anchor for regional cultural and sporting exchanges, with plans for artists, athletes, and performers to circulate between African cities for events and competitions.
The Kigali complex was inaugurated by President Kagame in July 2025.
The $25 million world-class sports and lifestyle complex in Kigali was inaugurated by President Kagame in July 2025, during the Giants of Africa Festival, a pan-African celebration of youth, creativity, and sport. The event drew notable figures, including Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote, business leaders, creatives, and young talents from across the continent. The property recently joined Hilton’s Tapestry Collection as a franchised partner.
Zaria Court features an 80-room hotel, multiple restaurants, a rooftop lounge, a gym, co-working spaces, a podcast studio, a broadcast centre, and a large multipurpose arena for sports, concerts, and cultural events.
Outside, the facility includes five-a-side football pitches, a callisthenics area, children’s play zones, and open green spaces. A modular retail park, built from stacked shipping containers, provides affordable space for Kigali’s rising designers, food vendors, and small business owners.
The complex features an 80-room hotel, multiple restaurants, a rooftop lounge, a gym, co-working spaces, a podcast studio, a broadcast centre, and a large multipurpose arena for sports, concerts, and cultural events.
Directed by Marie-Clémentine Dusabejambo, the film has been selected in the Un Certain Regard category. This section of the festival is dedicated to films that present unique storytelling approaches and often highlights emerging and innovative voices in global cinema.
It is the first film directed by a Rwandan filmmaker to be selected for this festival, following Munyarugabo, which was released in 2007 but directed by American filmmaker Lee Isaac Chung.
The film tells the story of Veneranda, a survivor of the Genocide against the Tutsi, who rebuilds her life and finds stability after enduring profound trauma.
However, her emotional wounds are reopened when her daughter faces an unplanned pregnancy, triggering painful memories from her past.
The cast features prominent names in Rwandan cinema, including Clémentine Uwimana Nyirinkindi, widely known for her role as Marigarita in Papa Sawa, who takes on the lead role of Veneranda.
Other notable actors include Isabelle Kabano, Nishimwe Kesia Kelly, Uwabeza Léocadie (popularly known as Nyiragitariro), Uwamahoro Antoinette (known for her role as Siperansiya in Seburikoko), and Tuyisenge Aimé Valens.
Prior to directing Ben’Imana, Dusabejambo built a strong reputation through her earlier works, including A Place for Myself, Icyasha, Behind the World, and Lyiza.
The film was produced by Samantha Biffot in collaboration with Rwandan producer Uwayezu Marie Epiphanie and Egyptian producer Mostafa El Kashef.
The 2026 edition of the Cannes Film Festival 2026 is scheduled to take place from May 12 to May 23 in France.
The film Ben’Imana has become the first film directed by a Rwandan to be officially selected at the prestigious Cannes Film Festival in France.
In a statement following a conversation with Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, on Friday, Sa’ar said he conveyed support to Rwanda on behalf of the Government and people of Israel during the ongoing commemoration week.
“I expressed solidarity with Rwanda, on behalf of the Government and people of Israel, during the week marking 32 years since the Genocide against the Tutsi,” Sa’ar said.
Rwanda began the annual commemoration period on April 7 and will observe remembrance week through April 13. The Genocide against the Tutsi claimed more than one million lives in 100 days in 1994.
Beyond the commemoration message, the two foreign ministers also discussed security developments in their respective regions.
Sa’ar said he briefed his Rwandan counterpart on the security situation in the Middle East and reiterated Israel’s position that Iran must not acquire nuclear weapons.
“I emphasised that the Iranian terror regime must not obtain nuclear weapons,” he said, adding that the removal of enriched nuclear material from Iran and the cessation of uranium enrichment remain key objectives.
He noted that Israel would welcome the achievement of those goals through diplomatic means.
The remarks come amid heightened tensions in the Middle East following extensive military strikes carried out by the United States and Israel against Iran between February 28 and April 8, 2026. According to officials, the operations targeted Iran’s nuclear programme and long-range missile capabilities.
Iran later launched retaliatory strikes against Israel and several Middle Eastern countries hosting U.S. military installations, including Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Iraq.
Sa’ar also said he invited Nduhungirehe to visit Israel, underscoring the continued strengthening of bilateral relations between the two countries.
“We’ll continue strengthening our friendship with Rwanda,” he said.
Israel’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gideon Sa’ar, reaffirmed his country’s solidarity with Rwanda as the nation marks the 32nd commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
He was speaking during the 32nd commemoration held at the Canadian Museum of History.
“We remember the lives that were lost. We honour the dignity that was denied. And we reaffirm the responsibility that history has placed upon all of us. Kwibuka is not only an act of memory. It is an act of truth, an act of resistance, and a call to action,” he said.
Amb. Higiro also emphasized the urgent need to confront genocide denial wherever it appears, warning that indifference is never neutral: “Indifference is not neutral. It never was.”
The commemoration, organized by the High Commission of the Republic of Rwanda in Canada in collaboration with RCA Ottawa-Gatineau, the Humura Association, and PLP Canada, drew approximately 800 participants, including members of the diplomatic corps, Canadian government representatives, Members of Parliament, the Rwandan community, and friends of Rwanda. The event was held under the theme “Remember — Unite — Renew.”
The afternoon began with the Walk to Remember, a symbolic procession led by the Humura Association along the Ottawa River, culminating in a flower release. The formal ceremony followed, featuring a moment of silence, candle lighting, a nondenominational prayer, survivor testimony, artistic performances, and remarks from distinguished speakers.
Canadian government engagement was notable.The Office of the Prime Minister posted on X: “Today, we remember and reflect on the horrific 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. We honour the victims, survivors, and everyone whose lives were changed forever by the atrocities and commit to building a better world where such horrors are never forgotten or repeated.”
Greg Fergus, Member of Parliament, expressed solidarity with the Rwandan people, while Ms. Cheryl Urban, Assistant Deputy Minister, delivered remarks on behalf of the Government of Canada, reaffirming Canada’s commitment to remembrance and genocide prevention.
Arielle Kayabaga, MP for London West, sent a formal message recognizing the Humura Association’s role in fostering community unity and remembrance.
The keynote address was delivered by Dr. Bojana Coulibaly, PhD, Harvard University, who stressed the importance of confronting revisionist narratives: “Denial is not an opinion, it is part of the genocide process.”
A moving testimony from genocide survivor Diane Muberarugo reminded attendees of the human cost of the tragedy and the enduring resilience of survivors. The event concluded with closing remarks by Ms. Denyse Umutoni, President of the Humura Association, reflecting the strength of community partnership in Canada.
The 32nd commemoration of Genocide against the Tutsi , known as Kwibuka32, continues over a 100-day period, with commemorative activities taking place across Canada and worldwide, reinforcing the global commitment to remembrance, truth, and the prevention of genocide.
Prosper Higiro, Rwanda’s High Commissioner to Canada, has urged that remembrance of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi must go beyond reflection and become an active commitment to truth and justice. Dr. Bojana Coulibaly, PhD, Harvard University, stressed the importance of confronting revisionist narratives.The afternoon began with the Walk to Remember, a symbolic procession led by the Humura Association along the Ottawa River, culminating in a flower release.Various Canadian officials attended the event. The 32nd commemoration of Genocide against the Tutsi was held at the Canadian Museum of History on April 7, 2026.
This isn’t just any souvenir. The steel spiral staircase, which once connected the second and third floors of the Eiffel Tower when it first opened in 1889, is made of riveted sheet metal and includes 14 steps resting on a cross-shaped base. The section stands 2.75 meters tall and spans nearly 1.75 meters in diameter.
Over 300 million people have climbed the tower since its debut at the Universal Exposition celebrating the 100th anniversary of the French Revolution, but for nearly a century, those steps were part of the journey to the top. In 1983, the tower underwent a massive overhaul, replacing sections of the original staircase with elevators. Most of the dismantled steps ended up in private collections, while a few were placed in museums like the Musée d’Orsay, Cité des Sciences, and even as far afield as Japan and New York.
Now, Section No. 1 is coming back into the spotlight. Artcurial’s Art Deco department in Paris will put it up for auction on May 21, with an expected price tag of €120,000 to €150,000 (approximately 205.4 million to 256.7 million Rwandan francs).
The staircase has been in a private collection for over 40 years and underwent a full restoration for the sale, according to Sabrina Dolla, associate director at Artcurial.
“It’s more than just a piece of history,” Dolla told CNN. “It’s an immersive experience, a stationary journey through time and space. Imagine yourself in 1889, perched hundreds of meters above Paris on this staircase, with a 360-degree view and no safety barriers.”
Artcurial has auctioned other staircase sections before, with one record-setting section selling for €523,800 (approximately Rwf 896.5 million) in 2016 to a determined collector from China. According to Dolla, such sales often come down to “circumstances and opportunities,” making this upcoming auction a rare chance to own a tangible piece of the Eiffel Tower.
So, do you have the space, the money, and a flair for the historic? If yes, this 14-step slice of Paris might just be yours, history included.
Over 300 million people have climbed the tower since its debut at the Universal Exposition celebrating the 100th anniversary of the French Revolution.
The acknowledgment came during the 32nd commemoration of the genocide in remarks by Nick Checker, Senior Bureau Official at the U.S. Bureau of African Affairs.
“As we gather to mark this solemn occasion, let us recognise the unspeakable horrors that befell the Rwandan people during the Genocide against the Tutsi. Today, we remember the nearly one million Tutsi victims, as well as Hutu, Twa, and others who were murdered due to their opposition to a genocidal regime,” Checker said.
Checker recalled his visit to Rwanda and the genocide sites at Nyamata and Ntarama, former churches where tens of thousands of Tutsis were killed. He described the emotional impact of seeing the altars where the massacres occurred:
“Standing before those altars, one cannot escape the visceral reality of what occurred there; I was profoundly moved. The altar, where the holy sacrifice of the Mass is offered, where the blood of Christ is made present for the salvation of the world, was here mingled with the blood of the innocent during the Genocide against the Tutsi.”
He noted that the genocide was the result of deliberate leadership decisions and emphasised the importance of justice:
“A key component of this effort is bringing justice to victims and survivors by holding the perpetrators accountable. The United States helped establish the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and will continue to work with partners to bring those responsible for the genocide to justice.”
Previously, the United States had referred to the events as the “Rwandan Genocide” or noted that “Tutsi, Hutu, Twa, and others” were killed. Observers have said this language was misleading, as 93.7% of the victims were Tutsi, according to Rwanda’s 2004 census.
During the 30th commemoration, President Paul Kagame addressed past international reluctance to clearly identify the victims, saying:
“Rwandans will never understand why any country would remain intentionally vague about who was targeted in the genocide. I don’t understand that. Such ambiguity is, in fact, a form of denial, which is a crime in and of itself, and Rwanda will always challenge it.”
Historians often compare the Genocide against the Tutsi with other large-scale atrocities to highlight the deliberate targeting of specific groups. During World War II, the Nazis killed six million Jews in the Holocaust. In total, roughly 75 million people died as a result of the war.
While tens of millions of others, including Slavs, Roma, political dissidents, and Jehovah’s Witnesses, also lost their lives, they are not counted as victims of the Holocaust. This is because the term is defined specifically by the Nazis’ plan to exterminate the Jewish people.
Experts say the same principle applies to Rwanda. The killings in 1994 specifically targeted the Tutsi population. Using the term “Genocide against the Tutsi” reflects this deliberate targeting and ensures the historical record is not distorted.
The U.N. General Assembly has designated April 7 as the annual commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi. Rwanda has consistently emphasised that correct terminology is essential to honour victims and prevent denial or minimisation of the 1994 atrocities.
Previously, the United States had referred to the events as the “Rwandan Genocide” or noted that “Tutsi, Hutu, Twa, and others” were killed. Observers have said this language was misleading, as 93.7% of the victims were Tutsi, according to Rwanda’s 2004 census.
