The announcement was made in a statement issued by WASAC Group on August 21, 2026.
According to the utility, efforts are underway to increase the production capacity of the Kanzenze Water Treatment Plant in Bugesera District and the Nzove Water Treatment Plant in Nyarugenge District.
WASAC said the upgrades are expected to increase water production by a combined 10,000 cubic metres per day within two weeks.
The additional water is expected to improve distribution and reduce the number of days without supply in several areas that have been affected by prolonged shortages, including Kanombe, Ndera, Nyarugunga, Busanza, Kabeza, Rubirizi, Karama, Runda and Rugalika.
WASAC said it is also implementing a number of other projects aimed at increasing water supply in Kigali and neighbouring areas.
Among them is the ongoing expansion of the Nzove Water Treatment Plant in Kigali. The project is expected to increase the plant’s production capacity by 25,000 cubic metres per day before the end of 2026.
“This will be added to the 86,000 cubic metres of water that the plant currently produces per day,” WASAC Group said.
The utility is also expanding the capacity of the Karenge Water Treatment Plant in Rwamagana District.
The plant currently has the capacity to supply 12,000 cubic metres of water per day. WASAC said the expansion is expected to increase this capacity to 48,000 cubic metres per day by 2027.
WASAC said the projects are part of broader efforts to address water shortages across the country.
“As projects to address the water shortage continue to be implemented across the country, we assure Rwandans that we will do everything possible to ensure that water distribution is carried out transparently and that distribution schedules are respected,” the utility said.
WASAC also urged residents to avoid using untreated water from drainage channels, wetlands and other unsafe sources, warning that such water could put their health at risk.
Residents whose areas receive water according to distribution schedules were encouraged to purchase water tanks or other storage facilities to keep sufficient water for use during periods when supply is temporarily unavailable.
Kigali’s daily water supply is expected to increase by 10,000 cubic metres
AIESEC is a global youth-led organisation focused on developing leadership among young people.
Hosted at the Hilltop Hotel, Day One featured discussions, panel sessions, dialogues and Bloccpay presentations, creating a platform for participants to exchange ideas, share experiences and explore issues relevant to the future of leadership and alumni engagement across the region.
A key highlight of the day was the opportunity for delegates to engage beyond the conference venue through visits to Norrsken House Kigali and African Leadership University (ALU).
The visits offered participants insights into Rwanda’s growing innovation, entrepreneurship and leadership ecosystem, while providing opportunities to connect with institutions contributing to Africa’s future.
Throughout the day, the conference maintained an atmosphere of openness and learning, with participants engaging in thought-provoking conversations and sharing diverse perspectives from across the MEA region.
Day One set an inspiring tone for the conference, combining meaningful conversations with opportunities to learn, connect and experience Rwanda’s vibrant innovation and leadership landscape.
As delegates look ahead to the remaining days of the conference, anticipation is building around the conversations, activities and experiences still to come.
The AIESEC Alumni MEA Conference continues in Kigali, with Day Two promising more dialogue, connection, learning and opportunities to shape ideas for the future.
AIESEC is a global youth-led organisation focused on developing leadership among young people.Participants engaged in dialogue during the AIESEC Alumni MEA Conference in Kigali.
The conference, titled “Belgium’s Colonial Injustice and the 101-Year Path to Reparations,” was held on August 21 and organized by the Baku Initiative Group (BIG).
The discussions took place on August 21 during a conference titled “Belgium’s Colonial Injustice and the 101-Year Path to Reparations,” organized by the Baku Initiative Group (BIG).
The meeting brought together representatives of Rwanda, Burundi, the DRC, Morocco and South Africa, alongside UN Human Rights Council experts, diplomats, parliamentarians, human rights advocates, historians and international law experts.
Rwanda was represented by Lt Gen (Rtd) Charles Kayonga, the country’s ambassador to Türkiye, who also represents Rwanda in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Lebanon.
Participants examined the historical, political, economic and social consequences of Belgian colonial rule and discussed whether its legacy continues to shape the region. They also considered the restoration of historical justice, reparations and the return of cultural heritage taken from Central Africa during the colonial period.
A colonial legacy across the Great Lakes
Rwanda, Burundi and the DRC came under Belgian colonial rule in the aftermath of the First World War. Belgian administration of Ruanda-Urundi, which comprised present-day Rwanda and Burundi, began in 1916 after Germany lost control of the territory.
The Belgian colonial period formally ended as the countries gained independence between 1960 and 1962, but participants at the Baku conference argued that its effects have continued to be reflected in political, economic and social structures.
In Rwanda, the country had first been placed under German rule in the late 19th century, following the European partition of Africa associated with the Berlin Conference of 1884–1885.
Belgian rule later introduced policies that placed particular emphasis on economic production for colonial interests, including export-oriented agriculture and compulsory labour.
The colonial administration also played a significant role in reshaping Rwanda’s social and political structures. One of the most contested aspects of this period was the way Belgian authorities classified Rwandans along ethnic lines and institutionalized those classifications through identity documents.
Those policies contributed to the entrenchment of divisions that later continued under successive post-independence governments.
The colonial legacy remains a subject of debate in Rwanda, particularly because of the way policies introduced during the Belgian period were later maintained and adapted by governments after independence.
Rwanda became independent on July 1, 1962, while Belgian influence remained present during the early years of the new state.
The political divisions that had been reinforced during the colonial period continued into the First and Second Republics and formed part of the broader historical context preceding the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Calls for historical justice
At the Baku conference, BIG Executive Director Abbas Abbasov said addressing colonial crimes should go beyond financial compensation.
He called for recognition of historical responsibility, official apologies, reparations and legal safeguards, noting that the DRC, Rwanda and Burundi have long awaited concrete action.
Abbasov said reparations should be pursued transparently and in accordance with international law. Rwanda’s Ambassador Charles Kayonga said colonialism had left a lasting legacy that continues to affect former colonies.
He underscored the need to address that legacy in discussions on responsibility and reparations.
Participants also discussed the appropriation and restitution of cultural heritage from the colonial period, noting that Belgium’s Royal Museum for Central Africa holds around 85,000 objects from Central Africa.
The conference further highlighted the five forms of reparation set out in UN General Assembly Resolution 60/147: restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition.
The discussions come as debates continue across Africa over the historical consequences of slavery and colonialism, with countries and organizations increasingly examining how historical injustices can be addressed through recognition, restitution and reparations.
Participants at the Baku conference called for greater international recognition of colonial-era injustices, stronger legal mechanisms and more systematic discussions on reparations.
They stressed that restoring historical justice is important not only for addressing the past, but also for building a fairer international system for future generations.
Belgian colonial authorities are accused of imposing policies in Rwanda to advance their own interests.
China’s State Administration for Market Regulation said Friday that Tesla would recall about 2.98 million vehicles, including 973,156 Model 3 cars manufactured between March 4, 2019, and April 29, 2026, and 1.96 million China-made Model Y vehicles produced between November 16, 2020, and April 30, 2026. The recall also covers more than 35,000 imported Model 3s, around 8,000 Model X vehicles and roughly 2,000 Model S cars.
The vehicles are equipped with electronic door latches and mechanical emergency releases that can be difficult to identify in an emergency. Tesla will install warning labels free of charge to help occupants locate the manual releases.
A woman opens the door for a Tesla Model YL electric vehicle at a showroom in Beijing.
The recall is part of a broader Chinese effort involving 11 automakers to address concerns surrounding emergency door mechanisms. Nine manufacturers, including Tesla, will add warning labels, while all 11 companies will issue software updates as part of the recall campaigns. Xiaomi, Xpeng, and Geely brands Zeekr and Lynk & Co. are among the other automakers affected.
Electronic door latches have become increasingly common as automakers seek to offer more seamless entry systems, including smartphone and NFC-based access. However, such systems can become unusable when a vehicle loses power after a crash. Manual releases are generally installed as a backup, but some are concealed behind panels or placed in locations that may not be obvious to passengers.
China announced in February, following a two-year review, that it would ban hidden electronically actuated exterior door handles from 2027.
Tesla has faced similar scrutiny in the United States. The country’s top auto safety regulator opened an investigation into Tesla’s door-latching systems late last year after concerns were raised about the accessibility of emergency releases. U.S. lawmakers have also proposed legislation requiring manual releases to be intuitive and readily accessible.
Tesla, which helped popularise flush exterior door handles and electronic latches, has said it is working to redesign its door handles in future vehicles. The company’s latest recall in China adds to growing regulatory pressure on automakers to ensure passengers can quickly escape vehicles when electronic systems fail.
China has ordered Tesla to recall nearly three million vehicles over concerns that emergency door releases could be difficult for occupants to locate following a serious crash or power failure, marking the electric vehicle maker’s largest-ever recall campaign in the country.
In minutes, they took four masterworks by 15th-century painter Antonello da Messina, the city’s native artist. The loot included three panels from the 1473 San Gregorio Polyptych and a double-sided devotional panel featuring the Virgin Mary and Christ, which was cut out of an armored glass display case.
The stolen pieces carry an estimated valuation of $80 million to $92 million (about Rwf 136 billion) on the open art market. Yet, this heist leaves behind an intriguing economic contradiction: the stolen works are almost impossible to convert into cash.
Three of the five surviving panels of the Polyptych of San Gregorio were taken.
Antonello da Messina (c. 1430–1479) is a central figure of the Early Italian Renaissance. He bridged the gap between Northern and Southern European traditions by introducing Flemish oil-painting techniques, known for luminous light and fine detail, to the structured geometry of Italian painting. Fewer than 40 confirmed works by Antonello survive globally.
Earlier this year, the Italian government bought his devotional painting Ecce Homo at a Sotheby’s sale for $14.9 million. The four pieces stolen in Messina represented the last remaining Antonello masterpieces in his hometown, having survived the catastrophic 1908 earthquake that destroyed the original monastery where the San Gregorio altarpiece was housed.
For the perpetrators, the stolen masterpieces present a severe operational challenge because famous art cannot be sold through legitimate market channels. Once an artwork of this caliber is entered into global police networks and INTERPOL’s Stolen Works of Art Database, legitimate auction houses, private dealers, and galleries cannot touch it.
Art crime specialists note that on the illicit market, stolen masterworks rarely function as liquid assets. Instead, they typically move through three main channels: as non-monetary collateral for transactions between criminal syndicates (such as securing loans for arms or narcotics trades), held hostage for “artnapping” ransoms or legal plea bargains, or, in rare instances, kept concealed in private spaces for corrupt collectors.
During the getaway, two additional altarpiece panels that had been taken were abandoned outside the museum building and subsequently recovered by police. This sudden abandonment suggests the thieves faced physical weight or time constraints during their escape.
The remaining missing pieces represent a significant cultural loss for Messina, stripping the city of the last surviving works by its most influential artist. The Carabinieri’s specialized art protection unit continues its investigation, seeking to recover the missing panels before they disappear into illegal underworld networks.
A double-sided panel of the Madonna with Child and Christ in Pietà was also stolen.
The commitment is contained in the AfDB Group’s 2025 Country Portfolio Performance Review (CPPR) report for Rwanda, released on August 20, 2026, which assesses the performance of Bank-funded operations in the country as of November 2025.
According to the report, Rwanda’s active AfDB portfolio is heavily concentrated in infrastructure, which accounts for 87% of total commitments. Water supply and sanitation alone represents 34% of the portfolio, followed by energy at 30%, multi-sector operations at 11%, finance at 10%, and transport at 9%. By contrast, agriculture, communications, social and urban development together make up just 6% of the portfolio’s value.
The report describes this infrastructure dominance as reflecting the Bank’s “longstanding support to the government’s foundational utility priorities,” but warns that such concentration “poses a significant risk, potentially constraining the case for additional stand-alone infrastructure investments.”
In response, and in direct alignment with Rwanda’s Second National Strategy for Transformation (NST2, 2024/25–2028/29), the Government of Rwanda has requested a strategic pivot toward agriculture. The reorientation is intended to rebalance the portfolio, mitigate concentration risk, and “catalyse transformative growth in high-priority productive sectors,” the report states.
NST2 itself prioritises private sector-led growth, agricultural modernisation, and export-oriented manufacturing, alongside efforts to accelerate inclusive growth and create jobs for youth and women.
Existing agriculture pipeline
The planned $400 million push builds on a currently modest agriculture portfolio. As of January 2026, AfDB-financed agriculture operations in Rwanda stood at just UA 11.2 million (approximately $15.2 million), representing only 9.2% disbursement, and centred on the Development of Agroforestry and Sustainable Agriculture project.
A larger agriculture operation is already in the pipeline: the Climate Smart Agriculture Results-Based Financing (RBF) programme, valued at USD 348 million (UA 254 million), blending ADF and ADB loan financing, according to the report’s annex on the Indicative Operations Programme.
Wider portfolio
The agriculture pivot comes against the backdrop of a rapidly growing but increasingly strained AfDB portfolio in Rwanda. As of 31 January 2026, the Bank’s active portfolio comprised 29 operations, 27 public sector and 2 private sector, with total commitments $2.6 billion), a 71% increase from $1.49 billion) in November 2023.
However, the share of red-flagged projects facing performance challenges doubled from 13% in 2023 to 26% in 2025, driven largely by procurement delays and weaknesses in contract management. The cumulative disbursement rate across the portfolio currently stands at 36%.
The Bank and the Government of Rwanda, through the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning (MINECOFIN), have endorsed a 2025 Country Portfolio Improvement Plan (CPIP) aimed at addressing these bottlenecks, including measures to fast-track project readiness, strengthen contract management, and streamline procurement processes.
The 2025 CPPR report has been submitted for information to the AfDB’s Committee on Operations and Development Effectiveness (CODE).
The African Development Bank (AfDB) plans to invest over $400 million (approximately Rwf590 billion) in Rwanda’s agriculture sector over the next three years, as part of efforts to rebalance a portfolio currently dominated by infrastructure, which accounts for 87% of total commitments.
The couple, who have lived in California since 2020 after stepping back from their roles as senior working royals, are expected to settle in a private residence outside London. Their return could mark a significant new chapter for the family, particularly as their two children, Prince Archie and Princess Lilibet, are expected to begin at a British school in September.
Harry and Meghan stepped back from their royal duties in 2020, saying they wanted to become financially independent and spend more time away from the pressures of life as senior royals. Their decision came amid growing tensions over media coverage, privacy and their position within the Royal Family. They later settled in California, where they have lived for more than six years.
Prince Harry and Meghan had last been in the UK together at the late monarch’s funeral.
The latest move has reportedly surprised members of the Royal Family. King Charles was informed about the plans last weekend and is said to welcome the opportunity to spend more private time with his son and grandchildren.
Royal commentator Robert Hardman summed up the surprise surrounding the news, telling BBC Radio 4’s Today programme: “Surprise is an understatement.” He added that the Sussexes “have always been very good at delivering surprises”.
Hardman also highlighted the importance of Archie and Lilibet starting school in Britain, saying it suggested the children would be raised as “British rather than American”.
There are no plans for Harry or Meghan to return as working royals. They will remain private individuals.
The news comes after Harry’s visit to the UK in July, when he met his father at the King’s Highgrove home in Gloucestershire. The meeting was described by the Palace as a private family occasion and was reportedly the first time the King had seen Archie and Lilibet in person for more than four years.
The Sussexes’ children Archie and Lilibet are enrolled in a British school.
However, the return also raises questions about security. Harry has previously expressed concerns about bringing his wife and children to Britain and lost a legal challenge over the level of protection provided to him after he stepped down as a working royal.
It remains unclear what security arrangements will be in place when the family moves back. Hardman suggested some security issues may have been resolved, although details of the arrangements and who will pay for them remain unknown.
The Sussexes have not yet publicly commented on their plans.
Their return is likely to attract considerable interest in Britain and beyond, particularly because of the couple’s complicated relationship with the Royal Family and the British press. For their young children, meanwhile, the move could mark the beginning of a new chapter as they experience life and education in the country where their father was born.
The three are Henriette Buyukenya, Aline Umutoni and Regine Mukayiranga.
The tournament kicks off on Friday, August 21, at Kigali Pele Stadium, with teams competing for a place in the group stage of the CAF Women’s Champions League.
Ahead of the competition, the Council of East and Central African Football Associations (CECAFA) announced the officials who will oversee the matches.
Ali Ahmed, a member of the CECAFA Referees Committee, said the officials are in good condition and ready for the tournament.
“We are pleased with the level of the referees and their assistants who have been invited and are here today. We are confident that they will give their best to ensure that the matches run smoothly,” he said.
The tournament will run from August 21 to 31 in Kigali and will feature 10 teams. A total of eight referees and nine assistant referees have been appointed for the competition.
Umutoni is the only Rwandan referee on the list. She recently officiated at the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco and will be joined in Kigali by Kenya’s Josephine Wanjiku, who also officiated at the continental tournament.
The other referees are Henriette Buyukenya and Regine Mukayiranga of Rwanda; Diana Murungi and Immaculate Ongiera of Uganda; and Joseyline Nsabimana and Anitha Niyokindi of Burundi.
The officiating team also includes Kenya’s Josephine Wanjiku and Virginia Wangui, Deka Muse of Djibouti, Mary Sulaimani and Zawadi Yusuf of Tanzania, Yordanos Mulgeta and Woinshet Abera of Ethiopia, Arsema Haile of Eritrea, and Emmanuella Ako and Stella Sebit of South Sudan.
The 10 participating teams are Rayon Sports WFC, Yei Joint Star FC, Mafunzo SC, Denden FC, CBE FC, Kawempe Muslim Ladies, FC Ujeco, Simba Queens, Kenya Police Bullets FC and Top Girls Academy FC.
The three are Henriette Buyukenya, Aline Umutoni and Regine Mukayiranga.
The tournament kicks off on Friday, August 21, at Kigali Pele Stadium, with teams competing for a place in the group stage of the CAF Women’s Champions League.
Ahead of the competition, the Council of East and Central African Football Associations (CECAFA) announced the officials who will oversee the matches.
Ali Ahmed, a member of the CECAFA Referees Committee, said the officials are in good condition and ready for the tournament.
“We are pleased with the level of the referees and their assistants who have been invited and are here today. We are confident that they will give their best to ensure that the matches run smoothly,” he said.
The tournament will run from August 21 to 31 in Kigali and will feature 10 teams. A total of eight referees and nine assistant referees have been appointed for the competition.
Umutoni is the only Rwandan referee on the list. She recently officiated at the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco and will be joined in Kigali by Kenya’s Josephine Wanjiku, who also officiated at the continental tournament.
The other referees are Henriette Buyukenya and Regine Mukayiranga of Rwanda; Diana Murungi and Immaculate Ongiera of Uganda; and Joseyline Nsabimana and Anitha Niyokindi of Burundi.
The officiating team also includes Kenya’s Josephine Wanjiku and Virginia Wangui, Deka Muse of Djibouti, Mary Sulaimani and Zawadi Yusuf of Tanzania, Yordanos Mulgeta and Woinshet Abera of Ethiopia, Arsema Haile of Eritrea, and Emmanuella Ako and Stella Sebit of South Sudan.
The 10 participating teams are Rayon Sports WFC, Yei Joint Star FC, Mafunzo SC, Denden FC, CBE FC, Kawempe Muslim Ladies, FC Ujeco, Simba Queens, Kenya Police Bullets FC and Top Girls Academy FC.
Three Rwandan referees have been selected to officiate the 2026 CAF Women’s Champions League CECAFA qualifiers, which bring together top women’s clubs from East and Central Africa.
While dismantling the FDLR may still appear a distant prospect, disarming the group is reportedly part of an agreement between the DRC government and the FDLR aimed at encouraging fighters to voluntarily lay down their weapons, place them in designated facilities and eventually reintegrate them into civilian life.
Rwanda has rejected the arrangement, saying it is not provided for under the Washington peace agreements.
Floribert Anzuluni, the DRC minister responsible for regional integration, confirmed the agreement in July 2026. He later said that an African country had agreed to receive FDLR fighters who refuse to return to Rwanda, adding that discussions were ongoing with other countries.
However, the history of the FDLR suggests that the problem may not end with the laying down of weapons. The group’s networks, political structures and ideology could survive, as this is not the first attempt to dismantle the organisation while allowing elements associated with it to remain active.
This has prompted the International Contact Group for the Great Lakes (ICG), which works closely with the European Union, the United States, France and other partners monitoring developments in the region, to remind the DRC that it must dismantle the FDLR as required under the Washington peace agreement.
The ICG has also called on the DRC to establish a clear plan and timetable for dismantling the FDLR and to explain how the group’s leaders or fighters suspected of serious crimes will be brought to justice.
The FDLR problem goes beyond weapons
Following the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, members of the defeated former Rwandan Armed Forces (Ex-FAR), Interahamwe militia members and others involved in the genocide fled to then-Zaire, which later became the DRC. The FDLR was established in 2000 by former members of these groups.
The US Treasury Department says the FDLR has committed ethnically motivated violence, killed civilians, abducted people and recruited children as soldiers. These activities have led to sanctions against the group’s leaders.
Regional political analysts argue that any country considering receiving FDLR fighters must recognise that disarming them would not automatically eliminate the ideology they have embraced for decades or the support networks they have built.
UN experts’ reports have indicated that the FDLR has continued to be led by Rwandans, while increasingly recruiting large numbers of Congolese fighters over the years.
The group has also maintained longstanding links with the DRC authorities. Within the Congolese army, there has reportedly been an officer responsible for coordinating with the FDLR, while FDLR fighters have at times been incorporated into government forces during periods of conflict.
These links demonstrate the resources and influence the group has accumulated during its decades in the DRC, as well as the extent to which it has become embedded in parts of Congolese society and armed networks.
Genocide ideology could move with them
One of the greatest risks for any country receiving FDLR fighters would be allowing the group’s former structures and leadership to remain intact.
If leaders and fighters continue operating under what they describe as political objectives, they could potentially maintain activities aimed at destabilising Rwanda or spreading division.
They could do so through networks of supporters built over many years or through social media, allowing their ideology to gradually reach people in the host country and potentially even influence political structures, as has happened in parts of the DRC.
At that point, the issue would no longer simply concern “former Rwandan fighters”. It could become a domestic security and social problem for the host country if the group’s divisive ideology begins taking root there.
Accounts from former FDLR members have frequently referred to military training in Burundi. In recent years, some Burundian officials have also made statements appearing to defend the group or downplay the threat it poses.
Relocating FDLR fighters without dismantling their structures could therefore risk spreading the group’s extremist ideology beyond the DRC.
The lesson from the DRC
UN expert reports have documented links between the FDLR and Congolese armed groups including APCLS and Nyatura. The FDLR has also frequently cooperated with the Congolese army and armed groups incorporated into the Wazalendo coalition.
The FDLR has been accused of playing a significant role in the formation and leadership of groups including Nyatura, APCLS and CMC. Its cooperation with such groups has been particularly important because they have provided protection and hiding places for FDLR fighters when attacks were expected.
Another concern is the group’s ability to rebuild its resources through illicit economic activities. The United States says the FDLR has generated revenue through mining, kidnapping for ransom, looting and environmental destruction, including charcoal production.
If these sources of financing are not dismantled, the FDLR could potentially recreate them in another country where its fighters are relocated.
Beyond relocation
An African country that agrees to receive some FDLR fighters would need a programme that goes far beyond providing them with a place to live.
The FDLR would need to be disarmed and stripped of its financing networks, while those suspected of involvement in the genocide, crimes against humanity or other serious offences would need to face justice rather than disappear into a broader reintegration programme.
UN principles on disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) stress that simply removing fighters from armed groups is not enough. They need support to rebuild civilian lives, while host communities must also be involved so that former fighters can become part of local economic and social activities.
An African country that receives FDLR fighters could therefore give them an opportunity to begin new lives. But if it accepts them as a group that retains its leadership, networks and ideology, it could expose itself to some of the same problems the FDLR has created in the DRC.
More than 12,000 former fighters who left the forests of the DRC and returned to Rwanda have gone through reintegration programmes run by Rwanda’s Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission (RDRC).
They have received training and support to rebuild their lives and are now participating in civilian life and contributing to Rwanda’s development.
The FDLR has a history of spreading genocide ideology and ethnic hatred while carrying out acts of violence.
The figures were announced on August 20, 2026, during the official launch of a project aimed at strengthening Rwanda’s capacity to respond to fires and other emergencies.
The project is funded by Poland through the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO).
As part of the project, an assessment was conducted to better understand the causes of fires in Rwanda.
The Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Internal Security, Benjamin Sesonga, said the Rwanda National Police plays an important role in fighting fires but cannot address the challenge alone.
He said cooperation with other institutions and young people is also needed to strengthen fire prevention and response.
“The Rwanda National Police has many responsibilities. We can also help by training young volunteers so that when we get equipment and broader training, we believe we will reach every citizen. When you do not work together with citizens, your activities do not reach everyone,” he said.
Sesonga said this was one of the reasons the project was launched, noting that Rwanda does not want people’s property and economic activities to be destroyed by fires.
“We do not want the development we have achieved, the businesses of Rwandans, or someone who establishes a billion-franc factory today to be reduced to ashes the next day. We are using this opportunity so that every individual understands what we are saying and puts the required measures into practice to prevent fires across the country,” he said.
According to the figures presented, 71% of the fires recorded over the past five years were attributed to improper use of electricity, while 13% originated from cooking gas used in households.
Another 8% were linked to illegal activities, including hunting, while 5% were attributed to the improper mixing and storage of materials that can cause fires, including paint stored with gas or petroleum.
The remaining 3% were linked to strong winds and disasters, including landslides and floods, which disrupted electricity-generating infrastructure and resulted in fires.
The Rwanda National Police says more than 90,000 people have so far been trained in fire prevention and response across the country.
Ministry of Interior partners have backed project to strengthen Rwanda’s fire responseThe Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Internal Security, Benjamin Sesonga, said the Rwanda National Police plays an important role in fighting fires but cannot address the challenge alone.Rwanda recorded 1,380 fire incidents over the past five years, resulting in the deaths of 28 people and damaging commercial buildings, workshops, vehicles and other property.
