Speaking on The New Times’ Context programme, Nduhungirehe said the agreement does not need to be renegotiated or supplemented with new arrangements, but requires political will from the parties and the mediator to implement its provisions.
“The agreement itself is comprehensive enough. What we need to do is to implement it. We don’t need to renegotiate it because we agree with its content,” he said.
The minister said the Washington Accords built on the Concept of Operations (CONOPS) agreed between Rwanda and the DRC for the neutralisation of the FDLR and the lifting of Rwanda’s defensive measures.
“The Washington Agreement was actually taking the concept of operations that we had agreed on already in Rwanda for the neutralization of the FDLR, genocidal force, and the lifting of Rwanda’s defensive measures,” Amb. Nduhungirehe said.
He rejected a recent protocol announced between the DRC government and the FDLR under which the armed group said it was prepared to disarm and undergo demobilisation and reintegration.
Amb. Nduhungirehe said the FDLR is not a party to the Washington agreement but rather one of the issues the agreement requires to be addressed.
“The FDLR should be neutralized as per the Washington Accords. They are the subject of the Washington Accords. They are not a party to sign protocols,” he said.
He also accused the FDLR of working with the Congolese army and dismissed the recent exchange of communications between the group and the DRC government as a delaying tactic.
“We’ve seen communication between the FDLR writing to the DRC government and the DRC government responding to the letter by the FDLR leaders. It’s just comedy,” he said.
“What we believe is that this is delaying tactics that cannot fool anyone. And it’s not the first time.”
Amb. Nduhungirehe cited previous instances in which the DRC announced plans to neutralise the FDLR but, according to him, failed to follow through.
He recalled that in March 2024, then-DRC Foreign Minister Christophe Lutundula announced that Kinshasa would present a plan to neutralise the FDLR. Four days later, Amb. Nduhungirehe said Lutundula questioned whether authorities knew where the FDLR fighters were.
The minister also referred to March 2026, when DRC military authorities announced plans to begin operations against the FDLR.
“Then two days later, on 31st of March, they sent helicopters to Walikale full of rifles, close to 700 rifles, to the bases of the FDLR. Ammunition, money, mortars, and other weapons to the same FDLR,” he alleged.
Amb. Nduhungirehe said the lack of progress under the Washington agreement is primarily a question of political will.
“The process itself and the agreement are fine. And they are actually excellent when we read the document. But the problem we have is the political will to implement that agreement,” he said.
He said Rwanda had also raised concerns about the role of the United States as mediator, accusing it of becoming increasingly biased in the process.
Amb. Nduhungirehe maintained that Rwanda does not need another agreement to resolve the FDLR issue, but rather tangible implementation of the commitments already made.
Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe has discussed the implementation of the Washington peace agreement and the need to address the FDLR issue.
The staffer, identified as Yahav Lichner, is leading UNICEF’s office in Washington, D.C.
Lichner has reportedly been placed on administrative leave.
“What I can tell you is that UNICEF is aware of serious allegations concerning an employee and is taking the appropriate action,” said Farhan Haq, deputy spokesman for the UN secretary-general.
“If true, such actions would be inconsistent with staff obligations under the UN Charter, the staff regulations and the standards of conduct for the international civil service, all of which emphasize that the responsibilities of staff are international, not national, and which call for the independence and impartiality of the staff of the UN,” said the spokesman.
According to an investigation by the Drop Site news outlet based on leaked emails obtained by the hacking group Handala, Lichner allegedly provided confidential UN information to Israeli officials when he was serving at the UN Population Fund. The hacked emails upon which the Drop Site investigation is based cover the years 2014 and 2015.
UN deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said Friday that UNICEF is handling allegations against a senior staff member accused of secretly sharing confidential UN information with Israeli diplomats while working for another UN agency.
Jambo ASBL, which was founded in Belgium in 2008, is largely composed of descendants of individuals who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The organisation has for years said it advocates for Rwandan refugees and seeks ways for them to return to Rwanda in accordance with international law. The Rwandan government, however, maintains that it has never prevented Rwandans who wish to return from doing so. Rwanda receives civilians returning to the country as well as former members of armed groups operating in eastern DRC, including former FDLR combatants.
Those who surrender are provided with support intended to help them reintegrate into civilian life and live peacefully alongside the communities where they settle.
The latest disagreement follows the DRC government’s announcement of an agreement with the FDLR on the disarmament and demobilisation of the group’s fighters.
Rwanda has rejected the agreement, describing it as a diversion from the security threat posed by the FDLR and questioning the ongoing collaboration between Kinshasa and the terrorist group.
Rwanda has also reminded the DRC that its agreement with the FDLR is not provided for in the peace agreements signed by Rwanda and the DRC in Washington in June and December 2025, with the support of the United States.
On August 6, Jambo ASBL welcomed the agreement between the DRC and FDLR, describing it as an “important political step” in the implementation of the Washington peace agreements.
The organisation said lasting peace in the region cannot be achieved without resolving the issue of Rwandan refugees.
It argued that Rwandans who fled after the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi should be given the opportunity to return voluntarily, safely and with dignity.
Jambo’s position bears similarities to recent statements by Cure Ngoma, the political spokesperson of the FDLR, who explained some of the provisions of the agreement between the group and the DRC government.
The FDLR has repeatedly presented the issue of Rwandan refugees as one of the reasons behind its continued activities, arguing that a political solution to the refugee question should come before the group’s complete dismantling.
Security analysts in the Great Lakes region have, however, argued that the FDLR has used the refugee issue as a means of justifying its continued existence, while Rwanda maintains that the armed group must be dismantled.
As the FDLR faced the prospect of being dismantled, it did everything possible to hold Rwandans who wanted to return home hostage, forcibly recruiting some of them, particularly young people and boys, into its ranks.
Following the AFC/M23 coalition’s capture of large parts of North Kivu, including Goma, many Rwandans who had been held by the FDLR were released and assisted in returning to Rwanda.
Jambo ASBL criticised the AFC/M23’s actions in helping the Rwandans return, a position that has drawn scrutiny because the releases reduced one of the arguments that had been used to justify the continued presence of the FDLR.
The organisation called on the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the UN peacekeeping mission in the DRC, MONUSCO, to protect the Rwandans against what it described as forced repatriation.
The description, however, ignores the fact that UNHCR and MONUSCO were involved in facilitating the return of some of the Rwandans, where their involvement demonstrates that the returns were not carried out in violation of international law.
The FDLR, which has operated in eastern DRC for decades, has carried out attacks against Rwanda and been accused of serious abuses in the DRC. The group’s history and leadership are also closely associated with individuals linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The group continues to promote genocide ideology in the region and considers its presence a security threat rather than a refugee issue.
The government has therefore rejected attempts to frame the FDLR primarily through the refugee question.
While Jambo ASBL and the FDLR place the question of Rwandan refugees at the centre of their positions, Rwanda insists that the armed group’s military presence, ideology and activities make it fundamentally a security issue.
Jambo ASBL has echoed FDLR position, reinforcing perceived ties between the two sides
Accompanied by his delegation, Maj Gen Nyakarundi visited the RWABAT-1 Contingent at Socatel M’Poko Camp in Bangui, where he met with contingent commanders.
He commended them for their professionalism, dedication, and outstanding service in carrying out their peacekeeping duties.
He also conveyed a message of appreciation from the Commander-in-Chief and the RDF leadership, thanking all deployed personnel for their commitment to promoting peace and stability.
During the visit, Maj Gen Nyakarundi briefed the peacekeepers on the security situation in Rwanda and the region, urging them to remain disciplined and continue upholding the values and reputation of the Rwanda Defence Force.
The Army Chief of Staff also met with the MINUSCA Force Commander, Lt Gen Humphrey Nyone.
The Force Commander commended Rwanda peacekeepers’ role in the implantation of MINUSCA’s mandate.
As part of his visit, Maj Gen Nyakarundi is expected to attend the graduation ceremony of Central African Armed Forces (FACA) soldiers trained by the RDF and hold meetings with FACA leadership.
Maj Gen Vincent Nyakarundi conveyed appreciation from the Commander-in-Chief and RDF leadership to Rwandan troops serving in the Central African Republic.Maj Gen Vincent Nyakarundi has urged Rwandan peacekeepers in the Central African Republic to maintain discipline and uphold the values of the Rwanda Defence Force.Maj Gen Vincent Nyakarundi addresses Rwandan troops deployed under MINUSCA and the bilateral force during his visit to the Central African Republic.
Eighteen-year-old Daniel Muhoza emerged as the hero, scoring a spectacular overhead kick in the 97th minute to hand the Rwandan giants their second regional title, adding to the trophy they won in 1998 against Zanzibar’s Mlandege. The victory also capped a flawless campaign in which Rayon Sports won every match and claimed the tournament’s $30,000 top prize.
Roared on by a capacity home crowd, Rayon Sports made a bright start and broke the deadlock in the 29th minute. Herman Junior Kameni reacted quickest inside the six-yard box to divert the ball past Gor Mahia goalkeeper Bryne Omondi and give the hosts a deserved lead.
Gor Mahia came back stronger after the break and equalised in the 53rd minute through Musa Sharif Sirengo, setting up a tense finish as both sides searched for a winner.
Neither team could find the breakthrough in the remainder of normal time, sending the final into extra time.
Seven minutes into the additional period, in the 97th minute, Muhoza produced a stunning overhead kick that beat Omondi and proved to be the match-winning goal, sparking wild celebrations among the home supporters.
Rayon Sports were reduced to 10 men after a late red card in extra time but held firm to secure a famous victory on home soil.
Prime Minister Justin Nsengiyumva presented the CECAFA Kagame Cup trophy to Rayon Sports after the final whistle as the club celebrated its first regional title in 28 years.
The triumph marks only the second CECAFA Kagame Cup title in Rayon Sports’ history and completes a remarkable tournament in which the club won every match and conceded just two goals.
Rayon Sports goalkeeper Junior Dande was named Goalkeeper of the Tournament after an outstanding campaign, while Emmanuel Nshimiyimana received the Most Valuable Player award for his influential performances throughout the competition.
For Gor Mahia, the defeat extends their wait for another regional title. The Kenyan side last lifted the trophy in 1985 and have now lost successive CECAFA Kagame Cup finals after also finishing runners-up in 2015. Despite the defeat, they received $20,000 in prize money as runners-up.
In the third-place playoff, Sudan’s Al Hilal defeated South Sudan’s Jamus SC 2-1 to claim the bronze medal and the tournament’s $10,000 third-place prize.
Rayon Sports ended a 28-year wait for the CECAFA Kagame Cup title after defeating Kenya’s Gor Mahia 2-1.Prime Minister Justin Nsengiyumva presented the CECAFA Kagame Cup trophy to Rayon Sports after the final whistle as the club celebrated its first regional title in 28 years. The victory also capped a flawless campaign in which Rayon Sports won every match and claimed the tournament’s $30,000 top prize.
The ceremony, held at the Parliament building on August 7, was attended by senior government officials, members of her family, relatives, friends and colleagues who gathered to honour her life and contribution to the country.
Representing the Liberal Party (PL), MP Munyangeyo Théogène described Mukabalisa as more than just the party’s president, saying she was a mother figure, mentor and leader who dedicated herself to strengthening the organisation.
“Within PL, Honourable Mukabalisa Donatille was not only the president of the party; she was a mother to many, a counsellor, an educator and a leader who was always committed to building a party founded on unity, cooperation and a shared long-term vision,” Munyangeyo said.
He added that Mukabalisa leaves behind a legacy of ideas and initiatives that will continue to guide PL’s efforts to contribute to Rwanda’s development.
Senate President Dr François Xavier Kalinda said Mukabalisa left behind a valuable legacy that will remain a source of inspiration for fellow lawmakers.
“Dear colleague, Honourable Mukabalisa Donatille, your fellow members of Parliament will always remember the great legacy you have left behind, the good work you did for the country, your family and all those who benefited from your service. May these achievements accompany you as you rest in peace,” Kalinda said.
A message of condolence from President Paul Kagame was delivered by the Secretary General of the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi), Ambassador Christophe Bazivamo.
President Kagame described Mukabalisa as a leader who embodied values that have contributed to Rwanda’s progress, including integrity, humility, perseverance and commitment to fulfilling her responsibilities with dedication.
“These qualities came from her deep understanding that serving the country is the greatest responsibility and one of the most valuable duties one can undertake. This spirit of sacrifice and service to others defined her entire life. It earned her respect from those she worked with and the trust she was repeatedly given. The country appreciates her dedication,” President Kagame said.
Mukabalisa was born in Nyamata, Bugesera District, in July 1960. She worked as a law lecturer at the Kigali Independent University (ULK).
She also served with the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), where she worked for 16 years.
In October 2003, Mukabalisa was elected as a Member of Parliament, serving in the Chamber of Deputies until 2008. She later served as a Senator from 2011 to 2013.
In 2013, she returned to the Chamber of Deputies, where she was elected Speaker and led the lower house until 2024. She did not seek re-election after completing two terms as an MP.
Mukabalisa returned to the Senate in 2024, where she served until her death. Her career in public service spanned more than two decades, during which she held key leadership positions in Rwanda’s legislative institutions.
Senate President Dr François Xavier Kalinda paid tribute to Senator Mukabalisa Donatille, highlighting the legacy she leaves behind.Senior government officials, lawmakers, family members and friends gathered at Parliament to honour the life and service of Senator Mukabalisa Donatille.A farewell ceremony for Senator Mukabalisa was held at the Parliament building.
By the time the dust settled, 224 people were dead, including 12 Americans, and more than 4,500 were wounded. Nairobi accounted for the vast majority of the casualties: 213 killed and roughly 4,000 injured, most of them Kenyan office workers, students and bus commuters who had nothing to do with American diplomacy. Dar es Salaam recorded 11 dead and 85 injured.
What has aged worse than the rubble is how avoidable much of it was. Government investigators, and the ambassador who ran the Nairobi mission that day, later laid out in painstaking detail how a warning that reached Washington months earlier went unheeded, and how the embassy itself sat exposed on one of the city’s busiest corners, with no buffer between the public street and the chancery walls.
Nairobi accounted for the vast majority of the casualties: 213 killed and roughly 4,000 injured, most of them Kenyan office workers, students and bus commuters.
Al-Qaeda’s justification for the attacks was laid out months earlier. Osama bin Laden had grown increasingly hostile toward Washington over the US military presence in Saudi Arabia and Somalia, and sought to force American personnel out of the region.
In February 1998, he and Ayman al-Zawahiri’s Egyptian Islamic Jihad announced a “World Islamic Front” and issued a fatwa calling on Muslims to kill Americans and their allies “wherever and whenever they find them”. Prosecutors later called the East Africa bombings his first major attempt to carry that out. Bin Laden was indicted in the US that November.
The Tanzania blast went off nearly simultaneously, to the one in Kenya on August 7, 1998, leaving 11 people dead.
A cable that went unanswered
Prudence Bushnell, then US ambassador to Kenya, had flagged the danger well before the bombing. In a cable to Washington on December 24, 1997, more than seven months before the attack, she laid out reports of terrorist and criminal threats against the mission and stressed that the embassy’s lack of standoff distance from the road left it acutely exposed. She asked for backing to build a new, more secure chancery.
The response, in January 1998, was that the post’s existing “medium” threat rating for political violence and terrorism was appropriate, and that the Bureau of Overseas Buildings Operations was not planning a new office building. Washington offered a security assessment team instead, and the exchange ultimately produced a reduction in embassy staff, with some personnel reassigned to Pretoria rather than the building itself being replaced or moved.
U.S. Ambassador Prudence Bushnell, center, is helped by unidentified men, as she is evacuated from the area of the U.S. Embassy following an explosion in downtown Nairobi, Friday, Aug. 7, 1998.
Bushnell has spent the years since turning that decision into a wider argument about institutional failure. In her 2018 memoir, Terrorism, Betrayal, and Resilience: My Story of the 1998 U.S. Embassy Bombings, she traces how intelligence agencies and policymakers had already been tracking Osama bin Laden’s Nairobi cell since 1996, yet the threat assessments and bureaucratic priorities in Washington failed to translate that scrutiny into protection on the ground. She has also noted that no congressional hearings followed the bombings and that the national security establishment conducted no broad after-action review. At the time, Congress was in recess, and Washington’s attention that week was consumed by the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal.
What the official inquiry found
The State Department’s own investigation, an Accountability Review Board chaired by retired admiral William Crowe, reached a more measured but still damning conclusion in January 1999. It found that security systems at both embassies generally met, and in places exceeded, the standard requirements set for posts rated at medium or low threat, but that those standards had simply never been built to withstand a large vehicle bomb. It also found that both the intelligence community and State Department policymakers had leaned too heavily on narrow, tactical intelligence to gauge the threat level at individual posts, rather than weighing the broader strategic picture building around al-Qaeda.
Despite documenting these systemic gaps, the Board stopped short of finding any individual government employee derelict in their duty, a conclusion that let the officials who turned down Bushnell’s request for a new chancery escape personal accountability, even as the report acknowledged the standoff problem directly contributed to the scale of the Nairobi casualties.
In Dar es Salaam, the picture was different. The Marine Security Guard detachment there had run bomb-response drills in the months before the attack and mobilised within minutes once the blast occurred, a response the review board credited for helping contain the chaos. The main operational failure flagged in Tanzania was logistical: Washington’s Foreign Emergency Support Team was delayed 24 hours in departing after a late decision to add a second aircraft, though the delay did not end up affecting the immediate crisis response.
Scene of the Tanzania bomb blast.
The aftermath that reshaped US diplomatic security
The bombings forced a rethink of how American missions abroad are built and guarded. Congress approved roughly $1.4 billion for new, more secure embassy construction, and the Diplomatic Security Service saw a 25 percent increase in staffing in the years that followed. Regional security officers were given new authority, reporting directly to ambassadors rather than through a longer chain of command. The families of victims also pushed for the creation of the State Department’s Office of Casualty Assistance in 1999, to support the relatives of Americans killed or injured overseas, an office whose recent closure Congressional leaders have criticised as a disservice to the legacy of the 1998 victims.
But as Bushnell has argued in the years since, much of that institutional memory faded fast. Three years later, the September 11 attacks eclipsed East Africa’s bombings in the American public consciousness, turning what should have been a foundational case study in ignored warnings into what she has called “little more than a historical footnote” in Washington.
Compensation, and the gap that remains
American victims and their families pursued compensation for years through US courts, arguing that Sudan and Iran had provided material support to al-Qaeda before the bombings. Federal judges awarded them billions of dollars in default judgments from 2014 onward, upheld on appeal in 2017, though sovereign immunity protections made actually collecting on those judgments difficult. That changed in 2020, when Sudan’s transitional government, seeking removal from Washington’s list of state sponsors of terrorism, agreed to pay $335 million to settle claims from the 1998 bombings alongside other attacks, including the USS Cole bombing.
Margaret Achieng, who lost her daughter to the August 7, 1998 bombing of US Embassy in Nairobi seen praying at the August 7th Memorial Park in 2019.
The initial deal drew criticism for paying naturalised US citizens far less than those who held citizenship at the time of the attack, one advocacy estimate put the gap at roughly 8 percent, prompting Congress to pass the Sudan Claims Resolution Act that December, adding $150 million to narrow the disparity. According to a US Government Accountability Office review, the State Department ultimately found 78 people eligible for compensation under the Act, with individual payments ranging from $170,000 to $10 million.
For Kenyan and Tanzanian victims, who made up the overwhelming majority of the dead and wounded, the picture remains far less resolved. Of the 224 people killed, only 12 were American; most of the rest were Kenyans and Tanzanians killed on their own streets or at desks in nearby buildings, with 44 locally hired embassy staff among the dead. US law generally allows lawsuits against state sponsors of terrorism only on behalf of US citizens, government employees or contractors, which excludes most ordinary Kenyan bystanders from the same legal route available to American victims and locally hired embassy staff.
The blast on August 7, 1998 at the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya, killed more than 200 people. Kenyan security guards keep watch on August 8, 1998, at the scene of explosion.
Survivors such as Douglas Sidialo, blinded in the Nairobi blast, have spent years appealing directly to Washington, including during President Barack Obama’s 2015 visit to Kenya, for compensation on humanitarian grounds. US officials have said Washington spent tens of millions of dollars assisting victims and families in the years after the bombing, but campaigners describe that assistance as ad hoc rather than a structured scheme comparable to what American victims eventually secured.
Doreen Oport, an American employee of the Nairobi embassy who was badly burned in the blast, put the disparity in blunt terms when the 2020 settlement terms became public:
“It’s unfair when they want to make us feel of a lesser value than Americans. It basically sets a value of human lives, both American and Kenyan… when basically, if it was not for Foreign Service Nationals doing the work, then these embassies or consulates would not stand. The work continues. Human lives should not have a value of who gets what and who doesn’t get what. We are all the same.”
Twenty-eight years on, that imbalance remains the East Africa bombings’ most visible unfinished business, as the legal and compensation framework continues to treat American and Kenyan lives lost in the same attack differently.
American Ambassador to Kenya Prudence Bushnell is overcome by emotion after laying a wreath at the site of the Nairobi U.S. Embassy bombing Wednesday, Aug. 12, 1998.
Marking the day in Nairobi
In Kenya, the memory has not faded the same way. The site of the old embassy on Haile Selassie Avenue is now the August 7th Memorial Park, opened in 2001, with a wall bearing the names of those who died. Survivors, victims’ families and government officials gather there every year to lay wreaths and light candles. Kenya’s National Counter Terrorism Centre typically marks the day with a renewed public pledge to prevent future attacks, and current and former US ambassadors have made a practice of attending the commemoration. Then-Secretary of State Antony Blinken laid a wreath at the memorial in 2021, and the US mission has continued the tradition at senior levels since.
For Bushnell, who returned to Kenya for the 20th and 25th anniversaries, the park itself has become part of the story she tells about recovery. Reflecting on the site in 2023, she called it “a green oasis on a busy street corner,” and the visible result of a Kenyan and American community that rebuilt after the attack and helped each other heal. Twenty-eight years on, the physical wound has become a green space in the middle of the city. The bureaucratic failure that helped cause it remains a cautionary tale in how governments weigh warnings against the cost of acting on them.
In a statement issued on Friday, the ICRC said the operation took place between August 6 and 7 at the request of the parties and in line with the Doha Mechanism they signed in September 2025.
According to the humanitarian organisation, the 15 individuals voluntarily agreed to take part in the transfer.
They departed Beni in North Kivu on the evening of August 6 and travelled through Uganda, which facilitated their passage, before arriving in Rutshuru Territory on August 7, where they were handed over to AFC/M23.
The ICRC said the operation was conducted in coordination with health authorities and under strict Ebola prevention measures, including the deployment of a Uganda Red Cross ambulance to respond to any medical emergencies.
“We hope that this operation will bring some comfort to families who have been separated from their loved ones for so long and that it will pave the way for further detainee release operations, as agreed by the parties during various negotiations, bringing hope to populations affected by the armed conflicts,” said Stephanie Eller, the ICRC’s Head of Operations in Kinshasa.
Under the Doha Process, the ICRC is acting as a neutral intermediary in response to requests from the parties, in particular regarding the safe transport and handover of detainees.
The latest operation follows an earlier humanitarian mission in May 2025, when the ICRC accompanied convoys carrying several hundred disarmed members of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC), the Congolese National Police, and their families from Goma to Kinshasa.
In a judgment delivered at the Malindi High Court on Friday, Justice Mugure Thande declared that holding the next presidential election on any date other than the second Tuesday of August 2026 would contravene constitutional provisions governing the election cycle.
The judge, however, suspended the implementation of the ruling until after the 2027 General Election, allowing the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) to proceed with preparations for the planned polls.
Justice Thande ruled that the Constitution requires presidential elections to be held in the fifth year after an election, not after the completion of a full five-year presidential term.
She said the interpretation of Article 136(2)(a) of the Constitution means the next presidential election should have taken place on the second Tuesday of August 2026, which falls within the fifth year after the August 2022 presidential election.
“The correct interpretation of Article 136(2)(a) of the Constitution is that the second Tuesday in the fifth year before the next presidential election must mean August 11, 2026,” the judge ruled.
The court also found that the Constitution does not guarantee the President a fixed five-year term, stating that the timing of elections takes precedence over the length of the presidential tenure.
The ruling followed a petition challenging the date set for Kenya’s next General Election, with petitioners arguing that the Constitution required the polls to be held in 2026.
While the court agreed with the petitioners’ interpretation, it suspended the declaration that the 2027 election date would be invalid, citing concerns that overturning the current election schedule could create uncertainty and instability.
The decision means Kenya’s 2027 elections will proceed as planned, despite the court’s finding that the Constitution would have required an earlier election date.
William Ruto took the oath of office as Kenya’s fifth President on September 13, 2022. He is among candidates who have declared interest in running for the presidency in the next election.
This is the spirit behind Umuganura, one of Rwanda’s oldest cultural traditions.
Celebrated every year on the first Friday of August, Umuganura is commonly described as Rwanda’s harvest festival. But calling it only a harvest festival does not fully capture its meaning.
For generations, Umuganura has been a time for Rwandans to give thanks, celebrate achievements, share with others, strengthen relationships and reflect on what they hope to accomplish in the future.
In 2026, Umuganura is being celebrated today on Friday, August 7.
The meaning and origin of Umuganura
The word Umuganura is linked to the idea of enjoying and celebrating the results of one’s work. Traditionally, it referred to the first harvest and the moment when people gathered to appreciate what they had produced after months of effort.
For Rwandans of the past, agriculture was at the centre of life. A successful harvest meant food, security and prosperity for families and communities.
However, Umuganura was not only about crops. It represented gratitude, unity and responsibility. It reminded people that achievements were the result of commitment, cooperation and respect for one another.
The tradition dates back centuries in Rwanda. Historical accounts describe Umuganura as one of the most important ceremonies in the traditional Rwandan kingdom. At the national level, the celebration was led by the King together with Abiru, royal ritualists who played a significant role in preserving traditional practices.
During the ceremony, the first produce from the harvest was presented as a symbol of prosperity and appreciation. Crops such as sorghum held an important place because they were among the products that represented abundance and wellbeing.
The celebration connected the success of individual families and communities with the prosperity of the entire kingdom.
How Umuganura was celebrated traditionally
Although Umuganura was recognized as a national celebration, it was also deeply rooted in family and community life.
Families gathered together to prepare and share food made from their harvest. Relatives and neighbours came together, stories were shared and people celebrated the results of their collective efforts.
Traditional music and dance were important parts of the celebration, creating an atmosphere of joy and togetherness.
One of the most important values behind Umuganura was sharing. A good harvest was not meant to benefit only one person or one family. People were encouraged to share what they had with others, especially members of their community.
This spirit of sharing reflected the belief that prosperity should contribute to the wellbeing of everyone.
Beyond celebration, Umuganura was also a moment of reflection. People looked at what they had achieved during the year and considered what could be improved in the future.
It was a time to celebrate yesterday’s achievements while preparing for tomorrow’s goals.
Rwandans gather to celebrate Umuganura, a tradition rooted in harvest, gratitude and togetherness at a past event.
The interruption and revival of the tradition
Like many cultural practices, Umuganura experienced changes throughout Rwanda’s history.
During the colonial period, the traditional ceremony was interrupted and eventually abolished in 1925. Since the celebration was closely connected to traditional institutions and cultural identity, its disappearance represented a significant loss in public cultural life.
For many years, Umuganura was no longer celebrated as a national tradition.
However, Rwanda later revived Umuganura as part of efforts to preserve and promote cultural heritage. In 2011, the celebration was officially restored as a public holiday, giving it a new place in Rwanda’s national calendar.
The modern Umuganura maintains the spirit of the traditional celebration while adapting to the realities of today’s Rwanda.
Umuganura in modern Rwanda
Today, the meaning of harvest has expanded beyond agriculture.
While farmers continue to celebrate the fruits of their work, Rwanda also uses Umuganura to recognize achievements in different areas, including education, business, technology, sports, culture, tourism and community development.
For a farmer, the harvest may be crops collected from the land.
For a student, it may be completing an education journey.
For an entrepreneur, it may be building a successful business.
For a community, it may be completing a development project that improves people’s lives.
This broader understanding has allowed Umuganura to remain relevant in a changing society.
The celebration encourages Rwandans to appreciate progress while remembering the importance of teamwork and determination.
Why Umuganura remains important today
One of the reasons Umuganura continues to hold importance is because it represents values that go beyond one day of celebration.
First, it promotes gratitude. It encourages people to recognize the effort behind every achievement instead of taking success for granted.
Second, it strengthens unity. By bringing families and communities together, Umuganura reminds people that progress is often achieved through cooperation.
Third, it preserves cultural identity. As younger generations learn about the tradition, they gain a deeper understanding of Rwanda’s history and values.
For young Rwandans, Umuganura provides an opportunity to connect with their heritage while also celebrating the achievements of their own generation.
The tradition shows that culture is not only about remembering the past. It is also about giving meaning to the present and inspiring the future.
Fresh agricultural produce take centre stage during Umuganura, symbolising the fruits of hard work.Umuganura offers Rwandans a moment to appreciate their achievements, strengthen community bonds and celebrate together. Traditional Rwandan culture comes alive through music, dance and communal celebrations during Umuganura.
