Eighteen-year-old Daniel Muhoza emerged as the hero, scoring a spectacular overhead kick in the 97th minute to hand the Rwandan giants their second regional title, adding to the trophy they won in 1998 against Zanzibar’s Mlandege. The victory also capped a flawless campaign in which Rayon Sports won every match and claimed the tournament’s $30,000 top prize.
Roared on by a capacity home crowd, Rayon Sports made a bright start and broke the deadlock in the 29th minute. Herman Junior Kameni reacted quickest inside the six-yard box to divert the ball past Gor Mahia goalkeeper Bryne Omondi and give the hosts a deserved lead.
Gor Mahia came back stronger after the break and equalised in the 53rd minute through Musa Sharif Sirengo, setting up a tense finish as both sides searched for a winner.
Neither team could find the breakthrough in the remainder of normal time, sending the final into extra time.
Seven minutes into the additional period, in the 97th minute, Muhoza produced a stunning overhead kick that beat Omondi and proved to be the match-winning goal, sparking wild celebrations among the home supporters.
Rayon Sports were reduced to 10 men after a late red card in extra time but held firm to secure a famous victory on home soil.
Prime Minister Justin Nsengiyumva presented the CECAFA Kagame Cup trophy to Rayon Sports after the final whistle as the club celebrated its first regional title in 28 years.
The triumph marks only the second CECAFA Kagame Cup title in Rayon Sports’ history and completes a remarkable tournament in which the club won every match and conceded just two goals.
Rayon Sports goalkeeper Junior Dande was named Goalkeeper of the Tournament after an outstanding campaign, while Emmanuel Nshimiyimana received the Most Valuable Player award for his influential performances throughout the competition.
For Gor Mahia, the defeat extends their wait for another regional title. The Kenyan side last lifted the trophy in 1985 and have now lost successive CECAFA Kagame Cup finals after also finishing runners-up in 2015. Despite the defeat, they received $20,000 in prize money as runners-up.
In the third-place playoff, Sudan’s Al Hilal defeated South Sudan’s Jamus SC 2-1 to claim the bronze medal and the tournament’s $10,000 third-place prize.
Rayon Sports ended a 28-year wait for the CECAFA Kagame Cup title after defeating Kenya’s Gor Mahia 2-1.Prime Minister Justin Nsengiyumva presented the CECAFA Kagame Cup trophy to Rayon Sports after the final whistle as the club celebrated its first regional title in 28 years. The victory also capped a flawless campaign in which Rayon Sports won every match and claimed the tournament’s $30,000 top prize.
The ceremony, held at the Parliament building on August 7, was attended by senior government officials, members of her family, relatives, friends and colleagues who gathered to honour her life and contribution to the country.
Representing the Liberal Party (PL), MP Munyangeyo Théogène described Mukabalisa as more than just the party’s president, saying she was a mother figure, mentor and leader who dedicated herself to strengthening the organisation.
“Within PL, Honourable Mukabalisa Donatille was not only the president of the party; she was a mother to many, a counsellor, an educator and a leader who was always committed to building a party founded on unity, cooperation and a shared long-term vision,” Munyangeyo said.
He added that Mukabalisa leaves behind a legacy of ideas and initiatives that will continue to guide PL’s efforts to contribute to Rwanda’s development.
Senate President Dr François Xavier Kalinda said Mukabalisa left behind a valuable legacy that will remain a source of inspiration for fellow lawmakers.
“Dear colleague, Honourable Mukabalisa Donatille, your fellow members of Parliament will always remember the great legacy you have left behind, the good work you did for the country, your family and all those who benefited from your service. May these achievements accompany you as you rest in peace,” Kalinda said.
A message of condolence from President Paul Kagame was delivered by the Secretary General of the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi), Ambassador Christophe Bazivamo.
President Kagame described Mukabalisa as a leader who embodied values that have contributed to Rwanda’s progress, including integrity, humility, perseverance and commitment to fulfilling her responsibilities with dedication.
“These qualities came from her deep understanding that serving the country is the greatest responsibility and one of the most valuable duties one can undertake. This spirit of sacrifice and service to others defined her entire life. It earned her respect from those she worked with and the trust she was repeatedly given. The country appreciates her dedication,” President Kagame said.
Mukabalisa was born in Nyamata, Bugesera District, in July 1960. She worked as a law lecturer at the Kigali Independent University (ULK).
She also served with the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), where she worked for 16 years.
In October 2003, Mukabalisa was elected as a Member of Parliament, serving in the Chamber of Deputies until 2008. She later served as a Senator from 2011 to 2013.
In 2013, she returned to the Chamber of Deputies, where she was elected Speaker and led the lower house until 2024. She did not seek re-election after completing two terms as an MP.
Mukabalisa returned to the Senate in 2024, where she served until her death. Her career in public service spanned more than two decades, during which she held key leadership positions in Rwanda’s legislative institutions.
Senate President Dr François Xavier Kalinda paid tribute to Senator Mukabalisa Donatille, highlighting the legacy she leaves behind.Senior government officials, lawmakers, family members and friends gathered at Parliament to honour the life and service of Senator Mukabalisa Donatille.A farewell ceremony for Senator Mukabalisa was held at the Parliament building.
By the time the dust settled, 224 people were dead, including 12 Americans, and more than 4,500 were wounded. Nairobi accounted for the vast majority of the casualties: 213 killed and roughly 4,000 injured, most of them Kenyan office workers, students and bus commuters who had nothing to do with American diplomacy. Dar es Salaam recorded 11 dead and 85 injured.
What has aged worse than the rubble is how avoidable much of it was. Government investigators, and the ambassador who ran the Nairobi mission that day, later laid out in painstaking detail how a warning that reached Washington months earlier went unheeded, and how the embassy itself sat exposed on one of the city’s busiest corners, with no buffer between the public street and the chancery walls.
Nairobi accounted for the vast majority of the casualties: 213 killed and roughly 4,000 injured, most of them Kenyan office workers, students and bus commuters.
Al-Qaeda’s justification for the attacks was laid out months earlier. Osama bin Laden had grown increasingly hostile toward Washington over the US military presence in Saudi Arabia and Somalia, and sought to force American personnel out of the region.
In February 1998, he and Ayman al-Zawahiri’s Egyptian Islamic Jihad announced a “World Islamic Front” and issued a fatwa calling on Muslims to kill Americans and their allies “wherever and whenever they find them”. Prosecutors later called the East Africa bombings his first major attempt to carry that out. Bin Laden was indicted in the US that November.
The Tanzania blast went off nearly simultaneously, to the one in Kenya on August 7, 1998, leaving 11 people dead.
A cable that went unanswered
Prudence Bushnell, then US ambassador to Kenya, had flagged the danger well before the bombing. In a cable to Washington on December 24, 1997, more than seven months before the attack, she laid out reports of terrorist and criminal threats against the mission and stressed that the embassy’s lack of standoff distance from the road left it acutely exposed. She asked for backing to build a new, more secure chancery.
The response, in January 1998, was that the post’s existing “medium” threat rating for political violence and terrorism was appropriate, and that the Bureau of Overseas Buildings Operations was not planning a new office building. Washington offered a security assessment team instead, and the exchange ultimately produced a reduction in embassy staff, with some personnel reassigned to Pretoria rather than the building itself being replaced or moved.
U.S. Ambassador Prudence Bushnell, center, is helped by unidentified men, as she is evacuated from the area of the U.S. Embassy following an explosion in downtown Nairobi, Friday, Aug. 7, 1998.
Bushnell has spent the years since turning that decision into a wider argument about institutional failure. In her 2018 memoir, Terrorism, Betrayal, and Resilience: My Story of the 1998 U.S. Embassy Bombings, she traces how intelligence agencies and policymakers had already been tracking Osama bin Laden’s Nairobi cell since 1996, yet the threat assessments and bureaucratic priorities in Washington failed to translate that scrutiny into protection on the ground. She has also noted that no congressional hearings followed the bombings and that the national security establishment conducted no broad after-action review. At the time, Congress was in recess, and Washington’s attention that week was consumed by the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal.
What the official inquiry found
The State Department’s own investigation, an Accountability Review Board chaired by retired admiral William Crowe, reached a more measured but still damning conclusion in January 1999. It found that security systems at both embassies generally met, and in places exceeded, the standard requirements set for posts rated at medium or low threat, but that those standards had simply never been built to withstand a large vehicle bomb. It also found that both the intelligence community and State Department policymakers had leaned too heavily on narrow, tactical intelligence to gauge the threat level at individual posts, rather than weighing the broader strategic picture building around al-Qaeda.
Despite documenting these systemic gaps, the Board stopped short of finding any individual government employee derelict in their duty, a conclusion that let the officials who turned down Bushnell’s request for a new chancery escape personal accountability, even as the report acknowledged the standoff problem directly contributed to the scale of the Nairobi casualties.
In Dar es Salaam, the picture was different. The Marine Security Guard detachment there had run bomb-response drills in the months before the attack and mobilised within minutes once the blast occurred, a response the review board credited for helping contain the chaos. The main operational failure flagged in Tanzania was logistical: Washington’s Foreign Emergency Support Team was delayed 24 hours in departing after a late decision to add a second aircraft, though the delay did not end up affecting the immediate crisis response.
Scene of the Tanzania bomb blast.
The aftermath that reshaped US diplomatic security
The bombings forced a rethink of how American missions abroad are built and guarded. Congress approved roughly $1.4 billion for new, more secure embassy construction, and the Diplomatic Security Service saw a 25 percent increase in staffing in the years that followed. Regional security officers were given new authority, reporting directly to ambassadors rather than through a longer chain of command. The families of victims also pushed for the creation of the State Department’s Office of Casualty Assistance in 1999, to support the relatives of Americans killed or injured overseas, an office whose recent closure Congressional leaders have criticised as a disservice to the legacy of the 1998 victims.
But as Bushnell has argued in the years since, much of that institutional memory faded fast. Three years later, the September 11 attacks eclipsed East Africa’s bombings in the American public consciousness, turning what should have been a foundational case study in ignored warnings into what she has called “little more than a historical footnote” in Washington.
Compensation, and the gap that remains
American victims and their families pursued compensation for years through US courts, arguing that Sudan and Iran had provided material support to al-Qaeda before the bombings. Federal judges awarded them billions of dollars in default judgments from 2014 onward, upheld on appeal in 2017, though sovereign immunity protections made actually collecting on those judgments difficult. That changed in 2020, when Sudan’s transitional government, seeking removal from Washington’s list of state sponsors of terrorism, agreed to pay $335 million to settle claims from the 1998 bombings alongside other attacks, including the USS Cole bombing.
Margaret Achieng, who lost her daughter to the August 7, 1998 bombing of US Embassy in Nairobi seen praying at the August 7th Memorial Park in 2019.
The initial deal drew criticism for paying naturalised US citizens far less than those who held citizenship at the time of the attack, one advocacy estimate put the gap at roughly 8 percent, prompting Congress to pass the Sudan Claims Resolution Act that December, adding $150 million to narrow the disparity. According to a US Government Accountability Office review, the State Department ultimately found 78 people eligible for compensation under the Act, with individual payments ranging from $170,000 to $10 million.
For Kenyan and Tanzanian victims, who made up the overwhelming majority of the dead and wounded, the picture remains far less resolved. Of the 224 people killed, only 12 were American; most of the rest were Kenyans and Tanzanians killed on their own streets or at desks in nearby buildings, with 44 locally hired embassy staff among the dead. US law generally allows lawsuits against state sponsors of terrorism only on behalf of US citizens, government employees or contractors, which excludes most ordinary Kenyan bystanders from the same legal route available to American victims and locally hired embassy staff.
The blast on August 7, 1998 at the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya, killed more than 200 people. Kenyan security guards keep watch on August 8, 1998, at the scene of explosion.
Survivors such as Douglas Sidialo, blinded in the Nairobi blast, have spent years appealing directly to Washington, including during President Barack Obama’s 2015 visit to Kenya, for compensation on humanitarian grounds. US officials have said Washington spent tens of millions of dollars assisting victims and families in the years after the bombing, but campaigners describe that assistance as ad hoc rather than a structured scheme comparable to what American victims eventually secured.
Doreen Oport, an American employee of the Nairobi embassy who was badly burned in the blast, put the disparity in blunt terms when the 2020 settlement terms became public:
“It’s unfair when they want to make us feel of a lesser value than Americans. It basically sets a value of human lives, both American and Kenyan… when basically, if it was not for Foreign Service Nationals doing the work, then these embassies or consulates would not stand. The work continues. Human lives should not have a value of who gets what and who doesn’t get what. We are all the same.”
Twenty-eight years on, that imbalance remains the East Africa bombings’ most visible unfinished business, as the legal and compensation framework continues to treat American and Kenyan lives lost in the same attack differently.
American Ambassador to Kenya Prudence Bushnell is overcome by emotion after laying a wreath at the site of the Nairobi U.S. Embassy bombing Wednesday, Aug. 12, 1998.
Marking the day in Nairobi
In Kenya, the memory has not faded the same way. The site of the old embassy on Haile Selassie Avenue is now the August 7th Memorial Park, opened in 2001, with a wall bearing the names of those who died. Survivors, victims’ families and government officials gather there every year to lay wreaths and light candles. Kenya’s National Counter Terrorism Centre typically marks the day with a renewed public pledge to prevent future attacks, and current and former US ambassadors have made a practice of attending the commemoration. Then-Secretary of State Antony Blinken laid a wreath at the memorial in 2021, and the US mission has continued the tradition at senior levels since.
For Bushnell, who returned to Kenya for the 20th and 25th anniversaries, the park itself has become part of the story she tells about recovery. Reflecting on the site in 2023, she called it “a green oasis on a busy street corner,” and the visible result of a Kenyan and American community that rebuilt after the attack and helped each other heal. Twenty-eight years on, the physical wound has become a green space in the middle of the city. The bureaucratic failure that helped cause it remains a cautionary tale in how governments weigh warnings against the cost of acting on them.
In a statement issued on Friday, the ICRC said the operation took place between August 6 and 7 at the request of the parties and in line with the Doha Mechanism they signed in September 2025.
According to the humanitarian organisation, the 15 individuals voluntarily agreed to take part in the transfer.
They departed Beni in North Kivu on the evening of August 6 and travelled through Uganda, which facilitated their passage, before arriving in Rutshuru Territory on August 7, where they were handed over to AFC/M23.
The ICRC said the operation was conducted in coordination with health authorities and under strict Ebola prevention measures, including the deployment of a Uganda Red Cross ambulance to respond to any medical emergencies.
“We hope that this operation will bring some comfort to families who have been separated from their loved ones for so long and that it will pave the way for further detainee release operations, as agreed by the parties during various negotiations, bringing hope to populations affected by the armed conflicts,” said Stephanie Eller, the ICRC’s Head of Operations in Kinshasa.
Under the Doha Process, the ICRC is acting as a neutral intermediary in response to requests from the parties, in particular regarding the safe transport and handover of detainees.
The latest operation follows an earlier humanitarian mission in May 2025, when the ICRC accompanied convoys carrying several hundred disarmed members of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC), the Congolese National Police, and their families from Goma to Kinshasa.
In a judgment delivered at the Malindi High Court on Friday, Justice Mugure Thande declared that holding the next presidential election on any date other than the second Tuesday of August 2026 would contravene constitutional provisions governing the election cycle.
The judge, however, suspended the implementation of the ruling until after the 2027 General Election, allowing the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) to proceed with preparations for the planned polls.
Justice Thande ruled that the Constitution requires presidential elections to be held in the fifth year after an election, not after the completion of a full five-year presidential term.
She said the interpretation of Article 136(2)(a) of the Constitution means the next presidential election should have taken place on the second Tuesday of August 2026, which falls within the fifth year after the August 2022 presidential election.
“The correct interpretation of Article 136(2)(a) of the Constitution is that the second Tuesday in the fifth year before the next presidential election must mean August 11, 2026,” the judge ruled.
The court also found that the Constitution does not guarantee the President a fixed five-year term, stating that the timing of elections takes precedence over the length of the presidential tenure.
The ruling followed a petition challenging the date set for Kenya’s next General Election, with petitioners arguing that the Constitution required the polls to be held in 2026.
While the court agreed with the petitioners’ interpretation, it suspended the declaration that the 2027 election date would be invalid, citing concerns that overturning the current election schedule could create uncertainty and instability.
The decision means Kenya’s 2027 elections will proceed as planned, despite the court’s finding that the Constitution would have required an earlier election date.
William Ruto took the oath of office as Kenya’s fifth President on September 13, 2022. He is among candidates who have declared interest in running for the presidency in the next election.
This is the spirit behind Umuganura, one of Rwanda’s oldest cultural traditions.
Celebrated every year on the first Friday of August, Umuganura is commonly described as Rwanda’s harvest festival. But calling it only a harvest festival does not fully capture its meaning.
For generations, Umuganura has been a time for Rwandans to give thanks, celebrate achievements, share with others, strengthen relationships and reflect on what they hope to accomplish in the future.
In 2026, Umuganura is being celebrated today on Friday, August 7.
The meaning and origin of Umuganura
The word Umuganura is linked to the idea of enjoying and celebrating the results of one’s work. Traditionally, it referred to the first harvest and the moment when people gathered to appreciate what they had produced after months of effort.
For Rwandans of the past, agriculture was at the centre of life. A successful harvest meant food, security and prosperity for families and communities.
However, Umuganura was not only about crops. It represented gratitude, unity and responsibility. It reminded people that achievements were the result of commitment, cooperation and respect for one another.
The tradition dates back centuries in Rwanda. Historical accounts describe Umuganura as one of the most important ceremonies in the traditional Rwandan kingdom. At the national level, the celebration was led by the King together with Abiru, royal ritualists who played a significant role in preserving traditional practices.
During the ceremony, the first produce from the harvest was presented as a symbol of prosperity and appreciation. Crops such as sorghum held an important place because they were among the products that represented abundance and wellbeing.
The celebration connected the success of individual families and communities with the prosperity of the entire kingdom.
How Umuganura was celebrated traditionally
Although Umuganura was recognized as a national celebration, it was also deeply rooted in family and community life.
Families gathered together to prepare and share food made from their harvest. Relatives and neighbours came together, stories were shared and people celebrated the results of their collective efforts.
Traditional music and dance were important parts of the celebration, creating an atmosphere of joy and togetherness.
One of the most important values behind Umuganura was sharing. A good harvest was not meant to benefit only one person or one family. People were encouraged to share what they had with others, especially members of their community.
This spirit of sharing reflected the belief that prosperity should contribute to the wellbeing of everyone.
Beyond celebration, Umuganura was also a moment of reflection. People looked at what they had achieved during the year and considered what could be improved in the future.
It was a time to celebrate yesterday’s achievements while preparing for tomorrow’s goals.
Rwandans gather to celebrate Umuganura, a tradition rooted in harvest, gratitude and togetherness at a past event.
The interruption and revival of the tradition
Like many cultural practices, Umuganura experienced changes throughout Rwanda’s history.
During the colonial period, the traditional ceremony was interrupted and eventually abolished in 1925. Since the celebration was closely connected to traditional institutions and cultural identity, its disappearance represented a significant loss in public cultural life.
For many years, Umuganura was no longer celebrated as a national tradition.
However, Rwanda later revived Umuganura as part of efforts to preserve and promote cultural heritage. In 2011, the celebration was officially restored as a public holiday, giving it a new place in Rwanda’s national calendar.
The modern Umuganura maintains the spirit of the traditional celebration while adapting to the realities of today’s Rwanda.
Umuganura in modern Rwanda
Today, the meaning of harvest has expanded beyond agriculture.
While farmers continue to celebrate the fruits of their work, Rwanda also uses Umuganura to recognize achievements in different areas, including education, business, technology, sports, culture, tourism and community development.
For a farmer, the harvest may be crops collected from the land.
For a student, it may be completing an education journey.
For an entrepreneur, it may be building a successful business.
For a community, it may be completing a development project that improves people’s lives.
This broader understanding has allowed Umuganura to remain relevant in a changing society.
The celebration encourages Rwandans to appreciate progress while remembering the importance of teamwork and determination.
Why Umuganura remains important today
One of the reasons Umuganura continues to hold importance is because it represents values that go beyond one day of celebration.
First, it promotes gratitude. It encourages people to recognize the effort behind every achievement instead of taking success for granted.
Second, it strengthens unity. By bringing families and communities together, Umuganura reminds people that progress is often achieved through cooperation.
Third, it preserves cultural identity. As younger generations learn about the tradition, they gain a deeper understanding of Rwanda’s history and values.
For young Rwandans, Umuganura provides an opportunity to connect with their heritage while also celebrating the achievements of their own generation.
The tradition shows that culture is not only about remembering the past. It is also about giving meaning to the present and inspiring the future.
Fresh agricultural produce take centre stage during Umuganura, symbolising the fruits of hard work.Umuganura offers Rwandans a moment to appreciate their achievements, strengthen community bonds and celebrate together. Traditional Rwandan culture comes alive through music, dance and communal celebrations during Umuganura.
The experimental gum was created by scientists at the University of Pennsylvania School of Dental Medicine and was designed to target three microbes linked to the development and progression of head and neck squamous cell carcinoma, one of the most common forms of head and neck cancer.
In laboratory tests using saliva and oral rinse samples from patients, the researchers found that the gum reduced levels of human papillomavirus (HPV) by up to 93% in saliva and by about 80% in oral rinse samples.
Persistent infection with certain high-risk types of HPV has been linked to several cancers, including cancers of the throat and mouth.
The scientists also enhanced the chewing gum with an antimicrobial peptide known as protegrin-1.
This addition nearly eliminated two harmful bacteria Porphyromonas gingivalis and Fusobacterium nucleatum which have been associated with poorer outcomes in patients with head and neck cancer.
One of the study’s notable findings was that the gum had little effect on beneficial bacteria that naturally live in the mouth.
This is significant because some cancer treatments, such as radiation therapy, can disrupt the normal oral microbiome, increasing the risk of other infections.
According to the researchers, the bioengineered gum is made from lablab beans, which contain a naturally occurring antiviral protein called FRIL.
The team believes combining this protein with protegrin-1 creates a locally delivered therapy capable of targeting both viruses and harmful bacteria in the mouth.
Despite the encouraging findings, the researchers stressed that the gum is still in the early stages of development.
The results were obtained from laboratory analyses of patient samples rather than human clinical trials, meaning the product is not yet approved as a treatment or preventive measure for cancer.
The team hopes future clinical trials will determine whether the chewing gum can safely be used alongside existing therapies or as a preventive approach to reduce the spread of cancer-associated microbes.
If successful, the innovation could provide an affordable and non-invasive way to support oral health and potentially lower the risk of head and neck cancers.
Researchers have created chewing gum that targets HPV and bacteria linked to head and neck cancer.
The latest enforcement action, announced on Thursday, marks the fourth list of local manufacturers affected by the nationwide operation. Rwanda FDA had previously closed 101 manufacturers in the first phase, followed by another eight in the second and 27 in the third.
The newly closed manufacturers are INNOPRO Ltd, Rwamagana Banana Wine CPC Company Ltd, Inganzo Flower Drinks Ltd, ALKO Vintage R Ltd, CFRDTA Ltd, J.H Production Ltd, GACELEMUTERI Ltd, Urakire Business Center Ltd, WIPROCO, Ibyiwacu Product Ltd, EMEFRA Company Ltd and USALAMA Ltd.
Their products include a range of banana-based alcoholic beverages, ginger-flavoured alcoholic drinks, wines and other locally produced alcoholic beverages.
In a public announcement, Rwanda FDA said all manufacturing licenses associated with the facilities had been revoked with immediate effect and ordered the withdrawal of all products originating from the affected manufacturers.
The regulator instructed manufacturers to initiate a full product recall, work with distributors to retrieve products already supplied to retailers and consumers, and submit recall reports within three working days.
Distributors and retailers were ordered to immediately stop selling and distributing the affected products and return remaining stock to their suppliers, while consumers were advised to stop consuming the listed beverages immediately.
Rwanda FDA also directed that all advertisements and promotional materials for alcoholic beverages produced by manufacturers listed in the first, second, third and fourth enforcement notices be removed without delay.
“Non-compliance with all the above will result in measures under applicable regulatory provisions,” the regulator warned, adding that additional lists of manufacturers could be published as inspections and regulatory enforcement continue.
The latest action comes a day after the government suspended the importation of 52 alcoholic beverage brands from international markets, including Gilbeys Gin, Konyagi, Kiwingu and 49 other brands, and ordered their immediate nationwide recall.
The suspended products originate from Burundi, India, Kenya, Poland, Tanzania and Uganda, extending the crackdown beyond locally manufactured alcoholic beverages.
The ongoing enforcement campaign is part of government efforts to remove unsafe alcoholic beverages from the market and protect public health.
Speaking to IGIHE earlier this week, Minister of Health Dr. Sabin Nsanzimana said investigations had established links between unsafe alcoholic drinks and more than 50 deaths recorded between January and July.
He added that more than 500 people sought medical treatment after consuming the drinks, over 100 people lost their eyesight, and a nationwide assessment identified nearly 11,000 people struggling with alcohol addiction.
INNOPRO Ltd’s manufacturing plant in Rulindo District, Northern Province, Rwanda, is among those closed in the ongoing crackdown.
The new Airworthiness Directive (AD), issued on Thursday, applies to an estimated 471 U.S.-registered Boeing 737 MAX 8, MAX 9 and MAX 8-200 aircraft. The directive takes effect on September 10.
According to the FAA, the inspections were prompted by reports of cracks in the bear strap and fuselage skin around the forward upper corner of the forward galley door cutout, located near the forward service door on the right side of the aircraft.
“The FAA is issuing this AD to address cracks in the fuselage skin and bear strap, which may lead to the inability of the principal structural element to sustain limit loads and adversely affect the structural integrity of the airplane,” the agency said.
Airlines have been instructed to inspect the affected area based on each aircraft’s usage and repair any cracks before returning the airplane to service. However, the FAA did not ground the affected aircraft, saying the inspection intervals provide multiple opportunities to detect damage before it poses a safety risk.
Boeing said it has completed an engineering analysis to determine the cause of the cracking and is developing design changes to prevent similar issues in the future.
“This issue has not been observed on the 737 MAX fleet, but Boeing extended the inspections to 737 MAX airplanes as the model shares a similar design and build process,” the company said. “We support both directives and continue to support our airline customers.”
The latest directive adds to Boeing’s ongoing safety challenges. In 2019, the FAA ordered inspections of certain Boeing 737-700, 737-800 and 737-900 aircraft after structural cracks were found in a component linking the fuselage to the wings.
Last month, the FAA also proposed another airworthiness directive requiring inspections of seat assemblies on 453 Boeing 737 MAX aircraft over concerns they may have been installed incorrectly.
Boeing has remained under heightened regulatory scrutiny since a door plug detached from an Alaska Airlines 737 MAX 9 shortly after takeoff in January 2024. Investigators later found that four bolts intended to secure the door plug were missing when the aircraft was delivered to the airline in October 2023.
The new Airworthiness Directive (AD), issued on Thursday, applies to an estimated 471 U.S.-registered Boeing 737 MAX 8, MAX 9 and MAX 8-200 aircraft.
Bralirwa Plc’s profit after tax rose by 37.6% to Rwf 25.3 billion in the first six months of 2026, up from Rwf 18.4 billion recorded during the same period last year, as the beverage manufacturer reported stronger sales growth despite continued cost pressures.
The company announced the performance in its financial results for the period ended June 30, 2026, which showed that revenue increased by 20%, driven by higher beer and soft drink volumes, price adjustments to respond to inflationary pressures and continued strong performance of its premium brands.
Bralirwa’s operating result increased to Rwf 39 billion from Rwf 32 billion in the first half of 2025, supported by higher revenues. However, the company said the improvement was partly offset by rising production and operational expenses.
Cost of sales increased by 18.6% compared with the previous year, reflecting higher prices of raw materials and packaging inputs amid global inflation and commodity market pressures.
The company also recorded a 24.5% increase in selling and distribution costs, mainly due to additional investments in brand support and higher transportation costs linked to increased volumes supplied to distributors.
Administrative expenses grew by 16.7%, driven by increased investment in information technology systems and higher fixed operating costs associated with inflation.
Despite the challenging cost environment, Bralirwa benefited from lower finance expenses, which declined by 19.7% year-on-year due to reduced interest costs on bank overdrafts following improved cash collections.
Income tax expenses increased by 15.4% as a result of higher profit before tax compared with the first half of 2025. Commenting on the results, Bralirwa’s Managing Director Ethel Emma-Uche said the company’s performance reflected stronger execution of its sales strategy and efforts to manage costs while maintaining growth.
“During the first half of 2026, BRALIRWA delivered solid growth in top-line results, driven by excellence in sales execution and disciplined implementation of our mix and pricing strategy,” Ethel said.
“While high input costs persisted, our operating performance remained resilient, supported by disciplined cost management and operational efficiency efforts.”
Ethel added that the company would continue prioritising consumers and customers during the second half of the year while investing in sustainable practices, brands, people and digital capabilities to support long-term growth.
Founded in 1957, Bralirwa Plc has been part of the HEINEKEN Group since 1971 and is Rwanda’s leading manufacturer and distributor of beer and non-alcoholic beverages.
Bralirwa has a portfolio of more than 17 alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverage brands.
