China’s State Administration for Market Regulation said Friday that Tesla would recall about 2.98 million vehicles, including 973,156 Model 3 cars manufactured between March 4, 2019, and April 29, 2026, and 1.96 million China-made Model Y vehicles produced between November 16, 2020, and April 30, 2026. The recall also covers more than 35,000 imported Model 3s, around 8,000 Model X vehicles and roughly 2,000 Model S cars.
The vehicles are equipped with electronic door latches and mechanical emergency releases that can be difficult to identify in an emergency. Tesla will install warning labels free of charge to help occupants locate the manual releases.
A woman opens the door for a Tesla Model YL electric vehicle at a showroom in Beijing.
The recall is part of a broader Chinese effort involving 11 automakers to address concerns surrounding emergency door mechanisms. Nine manufacturers, including Tesla, will add warning labels, while all 11 companies will issue software updates as part of the recall campaigns. Xiaomi, Xpeng, and Geely brands Zeekr and Lynk & Co. are among the other automakers affected.
Electronic door latches have become increasingly common as automakers seek to offer more seamless entry systems, including smartphone and NFC-based access. However, such systems can become unusable when a vehicle loses power after a crash. Manual releases are generally installed as a backup, but some are concealed behind panels or placed in locations that may not be obvious to passengers.
China announced in February, following a two-year review, that it would ban hidden electronically actuated exterior door handles from 2027.
Tesla has faced similar scrutiny in the United States. The country’s top auto safety regulator opened an investigation into Tesla’s door-latching systems late last year after concerns were raised about the accessibility of emergency releases. U.S. lawmakers have also proposed legislation requiring manual releases to be intuitive and readily accessible.
Tesla, which helped popularise flush exterior door handles and electronic latches, has said it is working to redesign its door handles in future vehicles. The company’s latest recall in China adds to growing regulatory pressure on automakers to ensure passengers can quickly escape vehicles when electronic systems fail.
China has ordered Tesla to recall nearly three million vehicles over concerns that emergency door releases could be difficult for occupants to locate following a serious crash or power failure, marking the electric vehicle maker’s largest-ever recall campaign in the country.
In minutes, they took four masterworks by 15th-century painter Antonello da Messina, the city’s native artist. The loot included three panels from the 1473 San Gregorio Polyptych and a double-sided devotional panel featuring the Virgin Mary and Christ, which was cut out of an armored glass display case.
The stolen pieces carry an estimated valuation of $80 million to $92 million (about Rwf 136 billion) on the open art market. Yet, this heist leaves behind an intriguing economic contradiction: the stolen works are almost impossible to convert into cash.
Three of the five surviving panels of the Polyptych of San Gregorio were taken.
Antonello da Messina (c. 1430–1479) is a central figure of the Early Italian Renaissance. He bridged the gap between Northern and Southern European traditions by introducing Flemish oil-painting techniques, known for luminous light and fine detail, to the structured geometry of Italian painting. Fewer than 40 confirmed works by Antonello survive globally.
Earlier this year, the Italian government bought his devotional painting Ecce Homo at a Sotheby’s sale for $14.9 million. The four pieces stolen in Messina represented the last remaining Antonello masterpieces in his hometown, having survived the catastrophic 1908 earthquake that destroyed the original monastery where the San Gregorio altarpiece was housed.
For the perpetrators, the stolen masterpieces present a severe operational challenge because famous art cannot be sold through legitimate market channels. Once an artwork of this caliber is entered into global police networks and INTERPOL’s Stolen Works of Art Database, legitimate auction houses, private dealers, and galleries cannot touch it.
Art crime specialists note that on the illicit market, stolen masterworks rarely function as liquid assets. Instead, they typically move through three main channels: as non-monetary collateral for transactions between criminal syndicates (such as securing loans for arms or narcotics trades), held hostage for “artnapping” ransoms or legal plea bargains, or, in rare instances, kept concealed in private spaces for corrupt collectors.
During the getaway, two additional altarpiece panels that had been taken were abandoned outside the museum building and subsequently recovered by police. This sudden abandonment suggests the thieves faced physical weight or time constraints during their escape.
The remaining missing pieces represent a significant cultural loss for Messina, stripping the city of the last surviving works by its most influential artist. The Carabinieri’s specialized art protection unit continues its investigation, seeking to recover the missing panels before they disappear into illegal underworld networks.
A double-sided panel of the Madonna with Child and Christ in Pietà was also stolen.
The commitment is contained in the AfDB Group’s 2025 Country Portfolio Performance Review (CPPR) report for Rwanda, released on August 20, 2026, which assesses the performance of Bank-funded operations in the country as of November 2025.
According to the report, Rwanda’s active AfDB portfolio is heavily concentrated in infrastructure, which accounts for 87% of total commitments. Water supply and sanitation alone represents 34% of the portfolio, followed by energy at 30%, multi-sector operations at 11%, finance at 10%, and transport at 9%. By contrast, agriculture, communications, social and urban development together make up just 6% of the portfolio’s value.
The report describes this infrastructure dominance as reflecting the Bank’s “longstanding support to the government’s foundational utility priorities,” but warns that such concentration “poses a significant risk, potentially constraining the case for additional stand-alone infrastructure investments.”
In response, and in direct alignment with Rwanda’s Second National Strategy for Transformation (NST2, 2024/25–2028/29), the Government of Rwanda has requested a strategic pivot toward agriculture. The reorientation is intended to rebalance the portfolio, mitigate concentration risk, and “catalyse transformative growth in high-priority productive sectors,” the report states.
NST2 itself prioritises private sector-led growth, agricultural modernisation, and export-oriented manufacturing, alongside efforts to accelerate inclusive growth and create jobs for youth and women.
Existing agriculture pipeline
The planned $400 million push builds on a currently modest agriculture portfolio. As of January 2026, AfDB-financed agriculture operations in Rwanda stood at just UA 11.2 million (approximately $15.2 million), representing only 9.2% disbursement, and centred on the Development of Agroforestry and Sustainable Agriculture project.
A larger agriculture operation is already in the pipeline: the Climate Smart Agriculture Results-Based Financing (RBF) programme, valued at USD 348 million (UA 254 million), blending ADF and ADB loan financing, according to the report’s annex on the Indicative Operations Programme.
Wider portfolio
The agriculture pivot comes against the backdrop of a rapidly growing but increasingly strained AfDB portfolio in Rwanda. As of 31 January 2026, the Bank’s active portfolio comprised 29 operations, 27 public sector and 2 private sector, with total commitments $2.6 billion), a 71% increase from $1.49 billion) in November 2023.
However, the share of red-flagged projects facing performance challenges doubled from 13% in 2023 to 26% in 2025, driven largely by procurement delays and weaknesses in contract management. The cumulative disbursement rate across the portfolio currently stands at 36%.
The Bank and the Government of Rwanda, through the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning (MINECOFIN), have endorsed a 2025 Country Portfolio Improvement Plan (CPIP) aimed at addressing these bottlenecks, including measures to fast-track project readiness, strengthen contract management, and streamline procurement processes.
The 2025 CPPR report has been submitted for information to the AfDB’s Committee on Operations and Development Effectiveness (CODE).
The African Development Bank (AfDB) plans to invest over $400 million (approximately Rwf590 billion) in Rwanda’s agriculture sector over the next three years, as part of efforts to rebalance a portfolio currently dominated by infrastructure, which accounts for 87% of total commitments.
The couple, who have lived in California since 2020 after stepping back from their roles as senior working royals, are expected to settle in a private residence outside London. Their return could mark a significant new chapter for the family, particularly as their two children, Prince Archie and Princess Lilibet, are expected to begin at a British school in September.
Harry and Meghan stepped back from their royal duties in 2020, saying they wanted to become financially independent and spend more time away from the pressures of life as senior royals. Their decision came amid growing tensions over media coverage, privacy and their position within the Royal Family. They later settled in California, where they have lived for more than six years.
Prince Harry and Meghan had last been in the UK together at the late monarch’s funeral.
The latest move has reportedly surprised members of the Royal Family. King Charles was informed about the plans last weekend and is said to welcome the opportunity to spend more private time with his son and grandchildren.
Royal commentator Robert Hardman summed up the surprise surrounding the news, telling BBC Radio 4’s Today programme: “Surprise is an understatement.” He added that the Sussexes “have always been very good at delivering surprises”.
Hardman also highlighted the importance of Archie and Lilibet starting school in Britain, saying it suggested the children would be raised as “British rather than American”.
There are no plans for Harry or Meghan to return as working royals. They will remain private individuals.
The news comes after Harry’s visit to the UK in July, when he met his father at the King’s Highgrove home in Gloucestershire. The meeting was described by the Palace as a private family occasion and was reportedly the first time the King had seen Archie and Lilibet in person for more than four years.
The Sussexes’ children Archie and Lilibet are enrolled in a British school.
However, the return also raises questions about security. Harry has previously expressed concerns about bringing his wife and children to Britain and lost a legal challenge over the level of protection provided to him after he stepped down as a working royal.
It remains unclear what security arrangements will be in place when the family moves back. Hardman suggested some security issues may have been resolved, although details of the arrangements and who will pay for them remain unknown.
The Sussexes have not yet publicly commented on their plans.
Their return is likely to attract considerable interest in Britain and beyond, particularly because of the couple’s complicated relationship with the Royal Family and the British press. For their young children, meanwhile, the move could mark the beginning of a new chapter as they experience life and education in the country where their father was born.
The three are Henriette Buyukenya, Aline Umutoni and Regine Mukayiranga.
The tournament kicks off on Friday, August 21, at Kigali Pele Stadium, with teams competing for a place in the group stage of the CAF Women’s Champions League.
Ahead of the competition, the Council of East and Central African Football Associations (CECAFA) announced the officials who will oversee the matches.
Ali Ahmed, a member of the CECAFA Referees Committee, said the officials are in good condition and ready for the tournament.
“We are pleased with the level of the referees and their assistants who have been invited and are here today. We are confident that they will give their best to ensure that the matches run smoothly,” he said.
The tournament will run from August 21 to 31 in Kigali and will feature 10 teams. A total of eight referees and nine assistant referees have been appointed for the competition.
Umutoni is the only Rwandan referee on the list. She recently officiated at the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco and will be joined in Kigali by Kenya’s Josephine Wanjiku, who also officiated at the continental tournament.
The other referees are Henriette Buyukenya and Regine Mukayiranga of Rwanda; Diana Murungi and Immaculate Ongiera of Uganda; and Joseyline Nsabimana and Anitha Niyokindi of Burundi.
The officiating team also includes Kenya’s Josephine Wanjiku and Virginia Wangui, Deka Muse of Djibouti, Mary Sulaimani and Zawadi Yusuf of Tanzania, Yordanos Mulgeta and Woinshet Abera of Ethiopia, Arsema Haile of Eritrea, and Emmanuella Ako and Stella Sebit of South Sudan.
The 10 participating teams are Rayon Sports WFC, Yei Joint Star FC, Mafunzo SC, Denden FC, CBE FC, Kawempe Muslim Ladies, FC Ujeco, Simba Queens, Kenya Police Bullets FC and Top Girls Academy FC.
The three are Henriette Buyukenya, Aline Umutoni and Regine Mukayiranga.
The tournament kicks off on Friday, August 21, at Kigali Pele Stadium, with teams competing for a place in the group stage of the CAF Women’s Champions League.
Ahead of the competition, the Council of East and Central African Football Associations (CECAFA) announced the officials who will oversee the matches.
Ali Ahmed, a member of the CECAFA Referees Committee, said the officials are in good condition and ready for the tournament.
“We are pleased with the level of the referees and their assistants who have been invited and are here today. We are confident that they will give their best to ensure that the matches run smoothly,” he said.
The tournament will run from August 21 to 31 in Kigali and will feature 10 teams. A total of eight referees and nine assistant referees have been appointed for the competition.
Umutoni is the only Rwandan referee on the list. She recently officiated at the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco and will be joined in Kigali by Kenya’s Josephine Wanjiku, who also officiated at the continental tournament.
The other referees are Henriette Buyukenya and Regine Mukayiranga of Rwanda; Diana Murungi and Immaculate Ongiera of Uganda; and Joseyline Nsabimana and Anitha Niyokindi of Burundi.
The officiating team also includes Kenya’s Josephine Wanjiku and Virginia Wangui, Deka Muse of Djibouti, Mary Sulaimani and Zawadi Yusuf of Tanzania, Yordanos Mulgeta and Woinshet Abera of Ethiopia, Arsema Haile of Eritrea, and Emmanuella Ako and Stella Sebit of South Sudan.
The 10 participating teams are Rayon Sports WFC, Yei Joint Star FC, Mafunzo SC, Denden FC, CBE FC, Kawempe Muslim Ladies, FC Ujeco, Simba Queens, Kenya Police Bullets FC and Top Girls Academy FC.
Three Rwandan referees have been selected to officiate the 2026 CAF Women’s Champions League CECAFA qualifiers, which bring together top women’s clubs from East and Central Africa.
While dismantling the FDLR may still appear a distant prospect, disarming the group is reportedly part of an agreement between the DRC government and the FDLR aimed at encouraging fighters to voluntarily lay down their weapons, place them in designated facilities and eventually reintegrate them into civilian life.
Rwanda has rejected the arrangement, saying it is not provided for under the Washington peace agreements.
Floribert Anzuluni, the DRC minister responsible for regional integration, confirmed the agreement in July 2026. He later said that an African country had agreed to receive FDLR fighters who refuse to return to Rwanda, adding that discussions were ongoing with other countries.
However, the history of the FDLR suggests that the problem may not end with the laying down of weapons. The group’s networks, political structures and ideology could survive, as this is not the first attempt to dismantle the organisation while allowing elements associated with it to remain active.
This has prompted the International Contact Group for the Great Lakes (ICG), which works closely with the European Union, the United States, France and other partners monitoring developments in the region, to remind the DRC that it must dismantle the FDLR as required under the Washington peace agreement.
The ICG has also called on the DRC to establish a clear plan and timetable for dismantling the FDLR and to explain how the group’s leaders or fighters suspected of serious crimes will be brought to justice.
The FDLR problem goes beyond weapons
Following the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, members of the defeated former Rwandan Armed Forces (Ex-FAR), Interahamwe militia members and others involved in the genocide fled to then-Zaire, which later became the DRC. The FDLR was established in 2000 by former members of these groups.
The US Treasury Department says the FDLR has committed ethnically motivated violence, killed civilians, abducted people and recruited children as soldiers. These activities have led to sanctions against the group’s leaders.
Regional political analysts argue that any country considering receiving FDLR fighters must recognise that disarming them would not automatically eliminate the ideology they have embraced for decades or the support networks they have built.
UN experts’ reports have indicated that the FDLR has continued to be led by Rwandans, while increasingly recruiting large numbers of Congolese fighters over the years.
The group has also maintained longstanding links with the DRC authorities. Within the Congolese army, there has reportedly been an officer responsible for coordinating with the FDLR, while FDLR fighters have at times been incorporated into government forces during periods of conflict.
These links demonstrate the resources and influence the group has accumulated during its decades in the DRC, as well as the extent to which it has become embedded in parts of Congolese society and armed networks.
Genocide ideology could move with them
One of the greatest risks for any country receiving FDLR fighters would be allowing the group’s former structures and leadership to remain intact.
If leaders and fighters continue operating under what they describe as political objectives, they could potentially maintain activities aimed at destabilising Rwanda or spreading division.
They could do so through networks of supporters built over many years or through social media, allowing their ideology to gradually reach people in the host country and potentially even influence political structures, as has happened in parts of the DRC.
At that point, the issue would no longer simply concern “former Rwandan fighters”. It could become a domestic security and social problem for the host country if the group’s divisive ideology begins taking root there.
Accounts from former FDLR members have frequently referred to military training in Burundi. In recent years, some Burundian officials have also made statements appearing to defend the group or downplay the threat it poses.
Relocating FDLR fighters without dismantling their structures could therefore risk spreading the group’s extremist ideology beyond the DRC.
The lesson from the DRC
UN expert reports have documented links between the FDLR and Congolese armed groups including APCLS and Nyatura. The FDLR has also frequently cooperated with the Congolese army and armed groups incorporated into the Wazalendo coalition.
The FDLR has been accused of playing a significant role in the formation and leadership of groups including Nyatura, APCLS and CMC. Its cooperation with such groups has been particularly important because they have provided protection and hiding places for FDLR fighters when attacks were expected.
Another concern is the group’s ability to rebuild its resources through illicit economic activities. The United States says the FDLR has generated revenue through mining, kidnapping for ransom, looting and environmental destruction, including charcoal production.
If these sources of financing are not dismantled, the FDLR could potentially recreate them in another country where its fighters are relocated.
Beyond relocation
An African country that agrees to receive some FDLR fighters would need a programme that goes far beyond providing them with a place to live.
The FDLR would need to be disarmed and stripped of its financing networks, while those suspected of involvement in the genocide, crimes against humanity or other serious offences would need to face justice rather than disappear into a broader reintegration programme.
UN principles on disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) stress that simply removing fighters from armed groups is not enough. They need support to rebuild civilian lives, while host communities must also be involved so that former fighters can become part of local economic and social activities.
An African country that receives FDLR fighters could therefore give them an opportunity to begin new lives. But if it accepts them as a group that retains its leadership, networks and ideology, it could expose itself to some of the same problems the FDLR has created in the DRC.
More than 12,000 former fighters who left the forests of the DRC and returned to Rwanda have gone through reintegration programmes run by Rwanda’s Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission (RDRC).
They have received training and support to rebuild their lives and are now participating in civilian life and contributing to Rwanda’s development.
The FDLR has a history of spreading genocide ideology and ethnic hatred while carrying out acts of violence.
The figures were announced on August 20, 2026, during the official launch of a project aimed at strengthening Rwanda’s capacity to respond to fires and other emergencies.
The project is funded by Poland through the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO).
As part of the project, an assessment was conducted to better understand the causes of fires in Rwanda.
The Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Internal Security, Benjamin Sesonga, said the Rwanda National Police plays an important role in fighting fires but cannot address the challenge alone.
He said cooperation with other institutions and young people is also needed to strengthen fire prevention and response.
“The Rwanda National Police has many responsibilities. We can also help by training young volunteers so that when we get equipment and broader training, we believe we will reach every citizen. When you do not work together with citizens, your activities do not reach everyone,” he said.
Sesonga said this was one of the reasons the project was launched, noting that Rwanda does not want people’s property and economic activities to be destroyed by fires.
“We do not want the development we have achieved, the businesses of Rwandans, or someone who establishes a billion-franc factory today to be reduced to ashes the next day. We are using this opportunity so that every individual understands what we are saying and puts the required measures into practice to prevent fires across the country,” he said.
According to the figures presented, 71% of the fires recorded over the past five years were attributed to improper use of electricity, while 13% originated from cooking gas used in households.
Another 8% were linked to illegal activities, including hunting, while 5% were attributed to the improper mixing and storage of materials that can cause fires, including paint stored with gas or petroleum.
The remaining 3% were linked to strong winds and disasters, including landslides and floods, which disrupted electricity-generating infrastructure and resulted in fires.
The Rwanda National Police says more than 90,000 people have so far been trained in fire prevention and response across the country.
Ministry of Interior partners have backed project to strengthen Rwanda’s fire responseThe Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Internal Security, Benjamin Sesonga, said the Rwanda National Police plays an important role in fighting fires but cannot address the challenge alone.Rwanda recorded 1,380 fire incidents over the past five years, resulting in the deaths of 28 people and damaging commercial buildings, workshops, vehicles and other property.
Montréal will host the 99th edition of the World Championships, following the 2025 edition held in Kigali, which was the first time the competition was staged on the African continent.
National team coach Félix Sempoma selected the 19 cyclists who began the training camp this week. Their preparations will run until September 16, 2026, before they travel to Canada for the World Championships scheduled for September 20-27.
The group includes cyclists competing in the elite men’s and women’s categories, Under-23 and junior categories for riders under the age of 19.
In the women’s junior category, those attending the training camp are Yvonne Masengesho, Donatha Akimana and Zawadi Kanyange.
The elite and Under-23 women’s group includes Xaveline Nirere, Claudette Nyirarukundo, Diane Ingabire, Liliane Uwiringiyimana (U23), Mariate Byukusenge (U23) and Jazilla Mwamikazi (U23), who is currently training in Europe.
In the men’s elite category, Shemu Nsengiyumva is the only rider above the age of 23. The other riders are Shadrack Ufitimana, Aimé Ruhumuriza, Kevin Nshutiraguma and Samuel Niyonkuru.
The junior men’s riders attending the training camp are Brian Ishimwe, Jackson Nkurikiyinka, Jonathan Rafiki Muhawenimana, Pacifique Byusa and Jules Mugabo.
In 2025, Rwanda was represented by 23 cyclists when the World Championships were held in Kigali.
Fourteen of those cyclists have been selected again for the 2026 preparations. They are Nsengiyumva Shemu, Niyonkuru Samuel, Ufitimana Shadrack, Ruhumuriza Aimé, Nshutiraguma Kevin, Ishimwe Brian, Byusa Pacifique, Nkurikiyinka Jackson, Ingabire Diane, Nyirarukundo Claudette, Uwiringiyimana Liliane, Mwamikazi Jazilla, Nirere Xaveline and Masengesho Yvonne.
The 19 cyclists selected for Rwanda’s World Championships preparations are training in Musanze ahead of the competition scheduled for September in Montréal.Rwandan cyclists are stepping up preparations for the 2026 World Championships, with 19 riders currently training at the UCI Regional Satellite Centre in Musanze.Nineteen Rwandan cyclists have entered a training camp in Musanze as they prepare for the 2026 UCI Road World Championships in Montréal, Canada.
The forum took place on August 20, 2026, according to the Rwanda Development Board (RDB).
The event aimed to explore ways to further strengthen cooperation between Rwanda and Brazil while showcasing opportunities available in the African market.
Rwanda’s Ambassador to Brazil, Lawrence Manzi, said Rwanda offers Brazilian businesses seeking a foothold in Africa a strategic gateway.
“For Brazilian businesses seeking a foothold in Africa, Rwanda is the gateway of choice. Our ease of doing business and strategic location make Rwanda the perfect bridge to the continent,” Manzi said.
Claver Tuyishimire, Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Trade and Industry, said Rwanda’s small size does not limit its investment opportunities.
“While Rwanda is small in size, it is vast in opportunity. Positioned at the heart of Africa and connected through the AfCFTA and regional markets, Rwanda provides a gateway to over 1.3 billion consumers across the continent,” Tuyishimire said.
The forum comes as Rwanda continues to encourage international investors to take advantage of opportunities in the country and its position as a bridge to different African markets.
In 2025, Rwanda registered investments worth $2.62 billion across 799 projects, up from 612 projects in 2024.
The newly registered investments were concentrated in sectors including real estate, manufacturing and mining.
Rwanda has set a target of doubling private investment to $4.6 billion by 2029.
Rwanda-Brazil ties
Rwanda and Brazil established diplomatic relations in 1981, and the two countries have since signed several agreements to strengthen bilateral cooperation.
In 2019, the two countries signed a Bilateral Air Services Agreement (BASA).
In 2011, Rwanda and Brazil also signed an agreement on cooperation aimed at strengthening food security.
Brazil is the world’s leading producer of coffee, soybeans, sugarcane and oranges.
Since 2022, Rwanda has imported wheat from Brazil after imports from Ukraine declined. Rwanda also imports products including sugar from Brazil.
In February 2026, the governments of Rwanda and Brazil signed an agreement providing a framework for cooperation in promoting trade, facilitating investment and strengthening cooperation in various sectors.
More than 200 Brazilian investors have discussed how to tap into opportunities offered by Rwanda.
According to a former FDLR official, this belief was sustained through a combination of prophecies, rumours and teachings that circulated within the group for years.
He said the promises of an imminent victory encouraged some fighters to remain in the forests rather than abandon the armed struggle and return to civilian life.
The fighters were reportedly told that the time to “capture Rwanda” was approaching and that signs supporting the prophecy were already emerging. When the predicted victory failed to materialise, however, new explanations and further prophecies were reportedly used to maintain their morale.
Pastor Niyonzima Jean Damascène, who previously served in the FDLR’s intelligence structures and was also involved in delivering prophecies within the group before returning to Rwanda in 2023, told IGIHE that the practice developed partly as a way of encouraging fighters who lacked the resources and military strength needed to achieve their objectives.
He said former Rwandan government soldiers, commonly known as Ex-FAR, and Interahamwe fighters who remained in eastern DRC had reorganised with the intention of attacking Rwanda but lacked sufficient military equipment.
“The people who remained in the east reorganised themselves so that they could attack Rwanda, but because they did not have the equipment, telling them to attack Rwanda had little effect because they did not have the strength to do so,” he said.
A prophet brought in to boost fighters’ morale
Niyonzima said the group subsequently sought the help of a prominent prophet from Masisi Territory, Nyiraruvugo Taciana, whom he described as a respected figure among local communities.
“To give them strength, there was a prophet named Nyiraruvugo Taciana from Masisi. We called her. She was a well-known person who was respected by the local population, and people believed that she delivered messages from God,” he said.
According to Niyonzima, Nyiraruvugo was brought in because the fighters were more likely to believe the message if it came from someone they regarded as a genuine prophet.
He claimed that the group instructed her to tell the fighters that God had given them Rwanda and that they would succeed if they launched an attack.
“She came and said what we had told her to say. We told her that she had to tell the soldiers that God had given us the country, that we should attack and that we would win. We also told her to say that although we lacked equipment, we would find what we needed once we reached Rwanda, and that this would help us capture the country,” Niyonzima said.
New prophecies after fighters’ defeat
Niyonzima said the FDLR subsequently attacked Rwanda but was defeated.
The defeat, he said, created a challenge for the group’s leadership because fighters had been assured that they would emerge victorious and seize power.
“We were defeated and returned to Congo. We then prepared other prophets because we had established groups of people responsible for prayer,” he said.
According to Niyonzima, the group then sought to explain the failed prophecy by telling fighters that the defeat was not evidence that God had lied.
Instead, he said, the fighters were told that they had failed to fulfil certain obligations and had committed acts that were presented as the reason for their defeat.
“We told those prophets that they had to explain to the people that the defeat did not mean God had lied to them. Instead, it was because there were responsibilities we had been given that we had not fulfilled. Some had become drunk, others had committed adultery, some had stolen, and others had killed innocent people. That was presented as the reason we were defeated,” he said.
Niyonzima said fighters were subsequently told that the prophecy remained valid and that they needed to repent for the alleged wrongdoing before resuming their efforts to attack Rwanda and seize power.
The former FDLR member’s account illustrates how, according to his testimony, religious beliefs and prophecies were allegedly used to maintain morale within the group and encourage fighters to remain committed to its armed struggle despite setbacks and failed predictions.
Former FDLR members who returned have undergone rehabilitation and reintegration into civilian life.
Using prophecies to keep fighters committed to the armed struggle
Maj. (Rtd.) Makuza Anastase, who worked closely with FDLR president Lt. Gen. Victor Byiringiro for 19 years in communications before returning to Rwanda in 2020, said the prophecies used within the group had nothing to do with divine messages but were instead decisions made by its leadership.
“We attributed them to God, but in reality, they were decisions made during meetings of the leadership. If an attack on Rwanda was being planned, we needed to prepare the soldiers and refugee population so that they would understand the plan. The decisions made during those meetings would then be presented through prayer gatherings, where people would pray for an operation that was about to be carried out in Rwanda,” he said.
According to Makuza, the prophets would then deliver messages telling fighters that victory was certain.
“They would say, ‘I have seen us capturing Rwanda. I have seen the leaders preparing us to attack Rwanda. We will attack Rwanda and capture it.’ These were fabricated stories. We made them up to deceive people,” he said.
Makuza said FDLR leaders gave special treatment to those presented as prophets and elevated them within the group so that they would not leave and reveal that the prophecies were fabricated.
He said the group also benefited from the arrival in the Democratic Republic of Congo of people accused of involvement in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi who had fled Rwanda.
According to Makuza, such individuals could be presented to FDLR fighters and civilians as prophets rather than refugees.
“Let me put it this way: when someone who had committed genocide here and fled justice arrived, we considered that a gain for us. We did not call that person a refugee. We called them a prophet and introduced them to soldiers and civilians by saying, ‘A prophet has arrived,’” he said.
Makuza said those who had fled were instructed not to tell fighters that they were running from justice. Instead, they were expected to claim that they had voluntarily left Rwanda, abandoned everything they owned and joined the FDLR because they believed the time to capture Rwanda was approaching.
“We would take them around to visit soldiers at their positions and civilians, where they would give their testimony. They would then say, ‘God sent me to tell you to prepare yourselves.’ They had fled justice, but we did not want them to be seen as refugees,” he said.
‘Oracle du Seigneur’ attack
In 2001, FDLR fighters launched a major attack on Rwanda that they called ‘Oracle du Seigneur’, meaning “Oracle of the Lord.”
Makuza said the attack was based partly on prophecies used to convince fighters that they were going to capture Rwanda.
“That attack was called ‘Oracle du Seigneur.’ We had prepared prophets to tell the fighters that the time had come to attack Rwanda. We knew what we had planned and that we were going to fight, but those we were leading believed they were taking part in a plan ordained by God,” he said.
Makuza said many FDLR fighters were captured during the operation, while those who survived returned to the DRC.
He said the surviving fighters were then brought together for morale-building sessions accompanied by prayers. According to him, prophets told them that the attack had failed because the fighters had committed sins, including sexual misconduct.
Pastor Niyonzima Jean Damascène also recalled an occasion when he and other FDLR fighters were preparing to launch a major attack on Rwanda.
He said that when they reached the Virunga area, they stopped to pray, during which prophets allegedly claimed they had seen the Gisenyi-Ruhengeri road captured.
“There was a time when we reached the Virunga area and stopped to pray. The prophets said, ‘We can see that the Gisenyi-Ruhengeri road has been captured. We can see soldiers moving towards Kigali.’ I remained in the Virunga area, while the soldiers we had travelled with had come from Rutshuru. There were about 2,000 soldiers, but we returned with no more than 50. The others were either captured or killed,” he said.
Former members urge fighters to leave the FDLR
Makuza and Niyonzima both described the prophecies used within the FDLR as fabricated messages intended to influence fighters and maintain their morale.
They urged those who remain in the group, particularly young fighters, to stop relying on such messages and to reject what they described as manipulation by older members.
They called on FDLR members to abandon the armed group, return to Rwanda and rebuild their lives, following the example of former fighters who have already returned and begun new lives.
Pastor Niyonzima Jean Damascène said that the FDLR’s use of prophecies began with Nyiraruvugo Taciana, a well-known prophet from Masisi.Young FDLR fighters are misled by self-proclaimed prophets who promise that they will capture Rwanda, keeping them in the forests of the DRC because of that belief.Maj. (Rtd.) Anastase Makuza said FDLR leaders knew the prophecies were fabricated, while young fighters believed their attacks were part of God’s plan.
