The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said that more than 270,000 people, mostly women and children, are sheltering in over 60 sites across the province of Ituri, many of which lack adequate access to water, sanitation and health services.
The office said the United Nations has received reports from local partners that, between Wednesday and Thursday, at least 13 people died in two camps in Bunia, the capital of Ituri. Response teams are urgently investigating whether these deaths are linked to Ebola. Since April, at least 62 deaths have been reported in camps around the city.
“These deaths are occurring amid a broader Ebola flare-up in Bunia, where mistrust of health facilities, congestion, gaps in prevention measures and unsafe handling of bodies are driving transmission risks among people in displacement camps,” OCHA said. “This is particularly concerning as Ituri province remains the epicentre of the outbreak, accounting for more than 90 percent of confirmed cases.”
The office said that as of Wednesday, local authorities had reported 896 confirmed Ebola cases across Ituri, North Kivu and South Kivu.
OCHA said it is working with its partners and local authorities to strengthen community engagement and scale up health and sanitation efforts in the camps. The current measures are insufficient, given the scale of the needs.
“The Ebola epidemic is unfolding against the backdrop of a broader humanitarian crisis,” the office said, adding that the 2026 humanitarian response plan, which calls for 1.4 billion U.S. dollars, seeks to respond to the full spectrum of humanitarian needs, including food security, protection, water and sanitation, health care and education, for 7.3 million of the DRC’s most vulnerable people.
Yet the appeal is only just over half funded, OCHA noted.
A drone view of displaced people from the Kigonze camp attending the burial of Ebola victims at Nyamurongo Cemetery, one month after an outbreak was declared, in Bunia, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, June 18, 2026.
The decision, issued on June 19, confirms an earlier ruling by the Kicukiro Primary Court of May 26, 2026, which found that there are strong grounds to suspect the accused of committing multiple offenses.
The alleged offenses include human trafficking, complicity in human trafficking, unlawful arrest and detention, issuing threats, failure to report a serious crime, and forgery, alteration, and use of falsified documents.
Dr. Semwaga is separately charged with complicity in human trafficking, failure to report a serious crime, and forgery, alteration, and use of falsified documents.
Prosecutors say the case arises from a fertility arrangement set up by Nsabimana and his wife Mukahigiro, which connected infertile couples with women willing to carry pregnancies on their behalf. Authorities allege that the arrangement later became commercialized and involved illegal practices.
It is further alleged that women who agreed to carry pregnancies were promised medical and social support during pregnancy, but that these commitments were not fulfilled. Some of the women were also allegedly threatened when they raised concerns.
Investigators allege that Dr. Semwaga was involved in embryo transfer procedures for participating women. However, the prosecution maintains that the procedures were carried out outside approved legal and institutional frameworks, and without the knowledge of the hospital where he worked.
Dr. Semwaga had requested provisional release, arguing that he needed to continue providing medical follow-up for women who had undergone embryo transfers and were nearing delivery. He also offered bail of 20 million Rwandan francs, which the court rejected.
On May 28, the accused filed an appeal at the Nyarugenge High Court, which was registered on June 1, seeking to overturn the lower court’s decision to keep them in custody.
During a closed-door appeal hearing held last week, Dr. Semwaga reiterated his request for release, stating that the women involved still required his medical attention and continued to consult him from the Nyarugenge Correctional Facility for treatment guidance.
The co-accused also argued that they were not a flight risk and should be released pending trial. The court, however, dismissed all arguments and ordered that they remain in provisional detention pending the substantive hearing of the case.
Dr. Emmanuel Semwaga and his co-accused will remain in provisional detention.
According to the DRC government, the term refers to the millions of Congolese who were killed during the plundering of the country’s natural resources, particularly strategic minerals needed for modern technology such as coltan, tantalum, tungsten, and others. The DRC argues that these tragedies should be recognized as genocide and acknowledged as such by the international community.
Although the issue concerns the Congo, its implications extend to neighboring countries, including Rwanda. Rwanda sees it differently. It argues that “Genocost” is a political tool intended to distract attention from the DRC’s internal problems, overlook the role of the Kinshasa government in conflicts that have persisted for decades, and attempt to rewrite the history of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
The controversy has gained greater significance as relations between Rwanda and the DRC continue to deteriorate, particularly over the presence of the FDLR armed group in eastern DRC and the conflict involving FARDC and AFC/M23.
A controversial term
Although “Genocost” is now used by senior DRC officials, it is not a long-established concept in the country’s political history. The term was introduced in 2013 in London by activists from the Congolese Action Youth Platform (CAYP) as a combination of the words “genocide” and “cost,” intended to describe what they considered a genocide driven by economic interests.
They designated August 2 as a day of remembrance for crimes committed in the DRC since the 1990s. The date was chosen because it coincides with the launch of the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (RCD), a movement that fought against the government of Laurent-Désiré Kabila in 1998 during the Second Congo War.
However, even within the DRC there is no consensus about the date from which “Genocost” should begin. Some associate it with 1998, others with 1996, when Laurent-Désiré Kabila’s AFDL was launched. Meanwhile, Fonarev—the DRC government fund responsible for compensating victims of war-related violence and serious crimes—argues that the history should begin in 1993, before the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
This lack of agreement itself highlights a major issue with the term: there is no consensus regarding the period it covers, the crimes it encompasses, the perpetrators involved, or the specific group that was allegedly targeted in a systematic manner, as required under international legal definitions of genocide.
Although “Genocost” is now used by senior DRC officials, it is not a long-established concept in the country’s political history.
The DRC says it is about justice and dignity
From Kinshasa’s perspective, “Genocost” represents an effort to give a name to the suffering of Congolese people who, for years, have been killed, raped, displaced from their homes, or turned into internally displaced persons within their own country.
Supporters of the term argue that conflicts in the DRC cannot be explained solely as ethnic wars or internal political disputes. Instead, they contend that foreign interests and the trade in mineral resources are fundamental drivers of the violence.
In 2023, after “Genocost” was incorporated into DRC law through legislation adopted on December 26, 2022, which also established Fonarev, President Félix Tshisekedi presided over the first official state commemoration. In 2025, the DRC inaugurated a “Genocost” memorial and announced plans to build six additional memorials across the country.
Tshisekedi has also raised the issue at the United Nations, arguing that the international community has both political and humanitarian obligations to recognize what happened in the DRC as genocide.
Why Rwanda views “Genocost” as a political campaign
Rwanda says the issue is not about denying that Congolese people have died or suffered abuse. It acknowledges that the DRC has experienced severe tragedies involving war, killings, violence, and decades of poor governance.
What Rwanda opposes, however, is the attempt to label those crimes as “genocide” in a manner it argues is inconsistent with international law and is being used politically to accuse Rwanda and diminish the significance of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, has stated that genocide is not a term that can be used arbitrarily. He argued that genocide is defined under international law, while crimes driven by economic exploitation or resource looting already have established legal classifications, including corruption, poor governance, embezzlement of public funds, war crimes, or crimes against humanity, depending on the circumstances.
This forms the basis of Rwanda’s argument that the extraordinary suffering experienced by the DRC does not automatically mean every mass killing constitutes genocide.
Under international law, genocide requires proof of an intent to destroy a protected group defined by ethnicity, nationality, race, or religion.
Without evidence of such intent, crimes may qualify as war crimes or crimes against humanity, but not necessarily genocide.
“Genocost,” a term that targets an ethnic group
According to the article, the version of “Genocost” promoted by Fonarev includes language that assigns collective blame to an ethnic group.
Fonarev defines “Genocost” as killings of “Congolese people” allegedly planned by what it describes as “Tutsi from Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi.” Rwanda has frequently argued that such language is dangerous because it risks turning public suffering into a tool for promoting ethnic hatred.
This rhetoric comes at a time when eastern DRC has witnessed statements and actions targeting Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese, particularly Congolese Tutsi. On various occasions, videos have circulated showing Tutsi individuals being killed, burned, or subjected to violence because of their appearance or perceived identity.
For this reason, Rwanda argues that the DRC government should not present itself as a champion against genocide while anti-Tutsi rhetoric and actions continue within the country.
Stephanie Nyombayire, spokesperson for Rwanda’s Office of the President, has stated that the Kinshasa government is “inventing a genocide” to conceal its own shortcomings. She argued that many Congolese who died in the past and those who continue to die today are victims of poor governance, as the state has failed to protect its citizens while leaders prioritize their own interests over public security.
“Genocost” has become a propaganda tool
The DRC’s international campaign to promote recognition of “Genocost” has coincided with renewed fighting in eastern DRC, where Kinshasa accuses Rwanda of supporting AFC/M23.
Researcher Pierre Boisselet of the Ebuteli Institute has suggested that the way Kinshasa uses the term may be intended to portray Congolese suffering as equal to, or greater than, the suffering of Rwandans during the Genocide against the Tutsi. According to him, this could undermine what he described as Rwanda’s “unique moral standing” derived from the events of 1994.
Experts in international law have also pointed out that promoting a term that has not been recognized in legal frameworks may be difficult because states cannot be compelled to accept a concept that has never been internationally agreed upon.
Rwanda therefore argues that if crimes have been committed in the DRC, they should be thoroughly investigated and those responsible brought to justice, but not through the creation of a new term used to wage a political battle.
President Tshisekedi has prominently used the term “Genocost” in political discourse.
Some Congolese disagree with the government
The activists who originally launched the “Genocost” campaign have themselves begun expressing concerns about how the DRC government is using it.
CAYP, the organization that introduced the term, has criticized Kinshasa’s approach, arguing that it has become overly focused on conferences, discussions, and symbolic public events rather than implementing concrete measures to protect civilians and assist victims.
Some critics also question how the government can claim to pursue justice for war crimes while including officials who have been associated with past conflicts. One example frequently cited is Jean-Pierre Bemba, who serves within Tshisekedi’s administration but is also linked to the history of the Second Congo War.
Others argue that the pursuit of justice should not involve distorting history, assigning blame to an entire ethnic group, or attempting to compete with the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The Genocide against the Tutsi has a documented history, identified perpetrators, a clear extermination plan, organized hate propaganda, state institutions that implemented it, and rulings from international courts confirming its occurrence. Comparing it to a newly coined term that lacks recognition under international law may therefore be viewed as a form of genocide minimization.
Saibari struck after just 71 seconds, netting the fastest goal of the tournament so far and handing the Atlas Lions a crucial three points. The victory lifted Morocco to four points from two matches and into second place in Group C, level with leaders Brazil but behind on goal difference.
The decisive moment came almost immediately after kickoff. Real Madrid playmaker Brahim Diaz delivered a perfectly weighted pass over the top, and Saibari timed his run to perfection after being played onside by Grant Hanley.
The PSV Eindhoven midfielder controlled the ball expertly before unleashing a powerful finish beyond Scotland goalkeeper Angus Gunn.
Morocco, who drew 1-1 with Brazil in their opening match, dominated possession and looked dangerous whenever they attacked. Bilal El Khannouss squandered a promising opportunity before the break, while Saibari came close to doubling his tally early in the second half when his effort struck the crossbar following a deflection from Jack Hendry.
Gunn kept Scotland in the contest with a fine save from an El Khannouss header moments later, ensuring the margin remained just one goal.
Scotland, buoyed by their opening victory over Haiti, struggled to create meaningful opportunities against a disciplined Moroccan defence. Their first real threat arrived in first-half stoppage time when Andy Robertson’s cross found John McGinn, but the midfielder could not direct his effort on target.
Steve Clarke’s side improved after the interval, with Ryan Christie firing over from a promising position and Scott McTominay striking the side-netting late on. However, they failed to register a shot on target as Morocco comfortably absorbed the pressure.
Later on Friday, Brazil climbed to the top of Group C with a convincing 3-0 victory over Haiti. Matheus Cunha scored twice on his first start of the tournament, while Vinicius Junior also found the net as Carlo Ancelotti’s side produced a much-improved display following their draw with Morocco. The result eliminated Haiti and left Brazil and Morocco level on four points, with Scotland on three heading into the final round of group fixtures.
Elsewhere on Matchday 9, the United States became the first team from Group D to secure a place in the knockout stage after defeating Australia 2-0, while Paraguay boosted their qualification hopes with a 1-0 victory over Türkiye.
Morocco will book their place in the last 32 with a positive result against Haiti next week, while Scotland face a daunting encounter with five-time champions Brazil as they fight to keep their World Cup dream alive.
Saibari struck after just 71 seconds, netting the fastest goal of the tournament so far and handing the Atlas Lions a crucial three points.Morocco, who drew 1-1 with Brazil in their opening match, dominated possession and looked dangerous whenever they attacked.
If no deal is reached within 60 days beginning Thursday, “we will do things that won’t make them happy,” Trump said at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland. “But I don’t think it’s going to get to that.”
The text of the MoU states that the two sides commit to negotiating and achieving the final deal within a maximum of 60 days, extendable with mutual consent.
U.S.-Iran talks scheduled in Switzerland on Friday have been postponed, with neither side offering an official explanation. Multiple media reports said that Iran withdrew from the talks in response to the latest Israeli strikes in Lebanon.
Earlier on Friday, Trump told NBC News that he had spoken with Israeli leaders and urged them to agree to a ceasefire with Hezbollah.
“It’s a positive,” Trump said in the phone interview. “It’s a little icing on the cake.”
Meanwhile, the U.S. State Department said that a new round of talks between Israel and Lebanon will be held in Washington, D.C. next week.
U.S. President Donald Trump said Friday, June 19, 2026, that he expects Iran to agree to a final deal within 60 days of the signing of the memorandum of understanding (MoU).
Held under the theme “Rooted. Growing. Thriving ”, the event builds on the success of the first edition organized in 2025.
The initiative aims to provide young Rwandans with a platform for dialogue, reflection, and collaboration, while supporting their personal, academic, and professional development and reinforcing their connection to Rwandan values.
Equipping young people to thrive in a changing world
Students, young professionals, entrepreneurs, as well as young people born and raised in Germany, represent a generation navigating a multicultural and constantly evolving environment.
This reality offers numerous opportunities, but also raises important questions related to identity, belonging, civic responsibility, and integration into social, professional, and economic systems that can sometimes be complex.
Rwandan Youth Connect Germany seeks to create constructive spaces where young people can share experiences and develop solutions adapted to their realities.
This second edition will focus on several key themes, including cultural identity in the digital age, personal development, resilience, social responsibility, and the skills needed to succeed in international professional environments.
Participants will also have the opportunity to discuss topics related to financial literacy, entrepreneurship, and opportunities for collaboration between Rwanda and Germany.
The goal is to encourage young people to develop critical thinking skills, make informed decisions, and become positive contributors within their communities.
Strengthening the connection between the diaspora and Rwanda
Beyond the discussions, the initiative seeks to strengthen ties between Rwandan youth in the diaspora and Rwanda itself.
Organizers aim to encourage young people to leverage their international experiences to contribute to the country’s development and foster cooperation among Rwandan communities living abroad.
The summit is supported by the Embassy of Rwanda in Germany, which continues to promote youth engagement and empowerment within the diaspora.
With this second edition, Rwandan Youth Connect Germany reaffirms its ambition to become a sustainable platform serving a new generation of young Rwandans.
Photos from the previous edition
The initiative aims to strengthen identity, skills, and future readiness among young Rwandans living in Germany.The event focuses on key themes including identity, resilience, entrepreneurship, and opportunities between Rwanda and Germany.Organizers say the initiative seeks to strengthen ties between the Rwandan diaspora and Rwanda while empowering youth to contribute to national development.Rwandan Youth Connect Germany provides a platform for dialogue, reflection, and collaboration among young members of the diaspora.
The 60-day agreement is intended to pave the way for broader negotiations toward a permanent ceasefire. Among its 14 key provisions are the cessation of hostilities between the two sides in the Middle East, mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, and the reopening of Iranian ports.
Iran is required under the deal to halt nuclear weapons development, while the United States has agreed to ease sanctions and release frozen Iranian funds held in international banks. Washington has also committed to contributing an estimated $300 billion for reconstruction of war-damaged areas.
Following the announcement, global oil prices quickly dropped back to pre-conflict levels. During peak tensions, crude oil had risen to as high as $120 per barrel, but it has since fallen to around $77.69. U.S. crude is trading at approximately $74.90 per barrel.
The Strait of Hormuz, through which about 20% of the world’s oil supply passes daily, is a critical route for energy and trade shipments between the Middle East and global markets.
The earlier spike in international oil prices had a direct impact on Rwanda, where fuel prices reached historic highs. On June 5, 2026, a litre of petrol cost 2,938 Rwandan francs, while diesel rose to Rwf 2,927, driven by global market volatility.
Speaking to the media on June 6, Prime Minister Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva said that without government subsidies, a litre of diesel would have cost Rwf 3,581, meaning the state was covering about 18.16% of the cost through subsidies.
U.S. President Donald Trump signed the agreement while attending a G7 meeting in France. Iran also confirmed that President Masoud Pezeshkian signed the document on June 17.
Speaking to the press on June 16, Minister of Finance and Economic Planning Yusuf Murangwa said that while the agreement was welcome news, Rwanda would take a cautious approach.
“So far, we have received good news that there are initial agreements on the war in the Middle East. But our principle is to wait and see. There are two main reasons for this. First, we want to see whether the agreement is actually effected and whether it holds for a long period of time,” he said.
Fuel prices in Rwanda are reviewed every two months, and the country also maintains strategic reserves to cushion against supply shocks.
Shipping routes from ports such as Dubai or Bandar Abbas typically take between six and 12 days to reach Mombasa in Kenya or Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, with additional time required for transport into Rwanda. This means that goods already in transit or stored in warehouses may still reflect earlier, higher prices.
Murangwa noted that even if global conditions normalize immediately, local markets would continue to feel the effects of previous disruptions.
“Second, even if everything were to stabilize today, there would still be a backlog of issues. So, we still expect that we’ll continue to see the effects of the blockage that happened.
“It is not yet clear when this will be resolved. We will have to observe how the global business and supply chain communities manage to unlock the backlog of goods that were stuck in the Gulf,” he said.
The initial agreement also provides for the removal of naval mines and other maritime obstacles in the Strait of Hormuz within 30 days. During this period, shipping volumes are expected to return to pre-conflict levels, with the United States withdrawing naval forces deployed in the area.
The agreement stipulates that commercial shipping should return to normal levels under Iranian supervision.
Rwanda maintains that its fuel reserves have not been affected since the start of the Iran conflict and says it is working to ensure stable supply in the domestic market, along with other essential goods.
According to the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, consumer prices increased by 12.9% in May 2026 compared to the same period in 2025.
The Strait of Hormuz is a key route for global oil shipments.
The annual event, commonly known as the King’s Birthday Party, brought together government officials, diplomats, business leaders, and artists for an evening that blended formal diplomacy with a festival-style celebration.
British High Commissioner to Rwanda Alison Thorpe said the choice of June for the celebration reflects a longstanding British tradition of marking the monarch’s birthday twice, once in June and again in November during the actual birthday month.
“For those of you who were here in November, you might be wondering why we are celebrating again so soon. The answer is a wonderfully British tradition,” she said, noting that the June timing was also chosen for its favourable summer weather.
Thorpe said this year’s theme focused on music festivals, describing them as spaces where people come together for “great music, good friends, and lots and lots of dancing.”
She highlighted the cultural parallels between global festivals such as Glastonbury in the United Kingdom and Rwanda’s own Kivu Fest, saying both reflect the power of music to connect communities.
The High Commissioner also used the occasion to outline the United Kingdom’s evolving approach to Africa, saying London has shifted from a traditional donor model to what she described as a more balanced partnership focused on investment and shared growth.
“In plain terms, that means we have moved from being an old-fashioned donor to a genuine investor and partner,” she said, adding that the new approach prioritises trade, development partnerships, and people-to-people links.
She highlighted growing economic ties between Rwanda and the UK, including efforts to increase exports of Rwandan tea and coffee to British supermarkets, expand high-value investment projects, and deepen cooperation through the British Chamber of Commerce in Rwanda.
Thorpe also emphasised long-standing institutional partnerships, noting cooperation between Rwandan institutions such as the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR) and the Rwanda Revenue Authority (RRA), as well as more than 60 university partnerships between the two countries.
On development cooperation, she said the relationship has evolved into one built on shared expertise and mutual learning, while reaffirming commitments in areas such as education, climate resilience, financial sector development, and Ebola preparedness.
The UK has recently committed £800,000 (about Rwf 1.6 billion) in new funding to strengthen Rwanda’s preparedness for Ebola and other viral haemorrhagic diseases.
“We have long partnerships and we can and will do more,” she affirmed.
Rwanda’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Usta Kaitesi, who was the guest of honour, echoed the message of strong bilateral ties, describing the relationship between Rwanda and the United Kingdom as one grounded in mutual respect, regular dialogue, and shared development goals.
She noted that while differences may occasionally arise on regional or international issues, such moments do not define the partnership.
“Such moments do not define our relationship. Rather, they remind us that genuine partnerships are strengthened through honest dialogue, mutual understanding, and continued engagement,” she remarked.
Dr. Kaitesi highlighted key areas of cooperation, including education, social protection, climate resilience, public financial management, and Ebola preparedness. She also pointed to expanding economic engagement, with British investment active in sectors such as renewable energy, mining, agriculture, hospitality, infrastructure, and financial services.
She welcomed the establishment of the British Chamber of Commerce in Rwanda as a milestone in strengthening trade and investment relations.
The Minister also acknowledged cultural and creative initiatives supported by the UK, including efforts to connect Rwandan fashion designers with their British counterparts through the Rwanda Fashion Entrepreneurship Programme, describing it as an example of diplomacy extending beyond policy into people-centred collaboration.
“This initiative demonstrates that diplomacy is not only about governance, it is equally about creating opportunities for people, innovation, and cultural exchange,” she noted.
Dr. Kaitesi reaffirmed Rwanda’s commitment to working with the UK to promote peace, stability, and shared prosperity before proposing a toast to His Majesty King Charles III and the continued friendship between the two nations.
Beyond the formal speeches, the celebration featured live performances by Okay Bisoke, Umuriri Band, Coco, DJ Cynthasizer, DJ JP Zed, and DJ Trick. Guests also enjoyed traditional drumming, gymnastics, juggling, and fire-eating performances.
The festival-themed event included food stalls, craft beers, cocktails, silent disco and lounge areas, with menus inspired by the traditional King’s Birthday Parade offerings, including dishes such as cod.
The vibrant evening reflected what both sides described as a growing partnership, one that blends diplomacy, economic cooperation, and cultural exchange into a shared celebration of friendship between Rwanda and the United Kingdom.
The annual event, commonly known as the King’s Birthday Party, brought together government officials, diplomats, business leaders, and artists for an evening that blended formal diplomacy with a festival-style celebration.British High Commissioner to Rwanda Alison Thorpe said the choice of June for the celebration reflects a longstanding British tradition of marking the monarch’s birthday twice, once in June and again in November during the actual birthday month.Rwanda’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Usta Kaitesi, who was the guest of honour, echoed the message of strong bilateral ties, describing the relationship between Rwanda and the United Kingdom as one grounded in mutual respect, regular dialogue, and shared development goals.Dr. Kaitesi reaffirmed Rwanda’s commitment to working with the UK to promote peace, stability, and shared prosperity before proposing a toast to His Majesty King Charles III and the continued friendship between the two nations.It was a night to celebrate music, culture, and friendship under the stars.The festival-themed event included food stalls, craft beers, cocktails, silent disco and lounge areas, with menus inspired by the traditional King’s Birthday Parade offerings, including dishes such as cod.One of the guests won a two-night all-inclusive stay for two at the newly refurbished Sambora Kinigi Lodge through a raffle draw.
The decision was made following the presentation of a report by the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, Cooperation, and Security, which assessed the suitability of the nominees.
Among those approved is Lt Gen (Rtd) Emmanuel Karenzi Karake, who was nominated as Rwanda’s ambassador to China.
Presenting the committee’s findings, Senator Murangwa Ndangiza Hadidja said Karenzi Karake brings extensive experience and expertise that will enable him to effectively carry out his diplomatic duties.
His previous roles include serving as a consultant at the Ministry of Interior, advisor to the President of the Republic, Secretary-General of the National Intelligence and Security Service, and Commander of the Rwanda Peace Academy, among other senior positions in the Rwanda Defence Force.
Karenzi Karake said he intends to strengthen bilateral relations and cooperation between Rwanda and China, with a focus on security, technology, trade, industry, and existing partnership agreements between the two countries.
Maj Gen Aimable Bayingana, who was approved as Rwanda’s ambassador to Israel, has also held several senior positions, including chairing a committee on the history of Rwanda’s liberation struggle, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Defence, Air Force Chief of Staff, and Vice Chairperson of the National Itorero Commission.
He said he will focus on learning from Israel’s innovation systems, strengthening security cooperation, preserving the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi and combating its denial and distortion, and promoting technology-driven agriculture.
He also emphasized the importance of attracting Israeli agricultural experts to Rwanda, arguing that this would be more effective than sending Rwandans abroad for training. He further highlighted the need for Rwanda to learn from Israel’s vocational education system.
Col (Rtd) Jeannot Ruhunga was approved as Rwanda’s ambassador to Poland.
He previously served as Secretary-General of the Rwanda Investigation Bureau (RIB) and Head of Military Intelligence in the RDF, among other roles.
Ruhunga said he will focus on providing accurate information about Rwanda to European countries, many of which, he said, still hold misconceptions about the country.
He also pledged to learn from Poland’s development model, strengthen cooperation in education, improve social welfare collaboration, and identify new areas of partnership between the two countries.
Ambassador Christine Nkulikiyinka will become Rwanda’s first resident ambassador to Spain. Until now, Rwanda’s representation in Spain was handled through its embassy in France.
As the new ambassador, she pledged to contribute to the implementation of defense cooperation agreements between Rwanda and Spain, attract Spanish investors to Rwanda, explore opportunities for Spanish universities to open branches in Rwanda, and strengthen cooperation on gender equality, among other priorities.
Senator Murangwa also noted that senators urged the new ambassadors to play a role in combating genocide ideology, learn from their host countries, and strengthen cooperation in key sectors such as education.
Senator John Bonds Bideri said the nominees have the experience and capacity needed to fulfill their responsibilities.
“There is no doubt they have the willingness to serve their country. Many of them contributed to the liberation of Rwanda and have continued to serve in different capacities over the years. Their appointment gives us confidence that they will perform well,” he said.
Senator Sosthène Cyitatire noted that the ambassadors have a strong commitment to serving their country, given their long history of public service since the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
He also welcomed the decision to appoint ambassadors with military backgrounds to key countries such as China, Israel, and Poland, saying modern diplomacy increasingly includes military diplomacy.
He said, “It was a timely decision because modern diplomacy today includes military diplomacy.”
Among other appointments approved by the Senate were Florien Habiyaremye Rurihose, who was reappointed as Deputy Chief Gender Monitor in Charge of Gender Mainstreaming; Maximilien Byilingiro, appointed Director General of the Energy Utility Corporation Limited (EUCL); and Michelle Umurungi, appointed Deputy CEO in charge of investments at the Rwanda Social Security Board (RSSB).
Lt Gen (Rtd) Karenzi Karake has been approved as Rwanda’s ambassador to ChinaCol (Rtd) Jeannot Ruhunga has been approved as Rwanda’s ambassador to PolandMaj Gen Emmanuel Bayingana pledged to strengthen Rwanda–Israel relationsAmbassador Nkulikiyinka will oversee Rwanda’s interests in Spain
The DRC national football team secured a historic 1-1 draw against Portugal in its opening match at the FIFA World Cup.
Tshisekedi, who watched the match from the stadium, saw Les Léopards earn their first-ever World Cup point and score their first goal in the tournament. The DRC is making only its second World Cup appearance, 52 years after its debut.
Instead of focusing solely on the team’s achievement, Tshisekedi later addressed members of the Congolese diaspora in the United States, linking the result to the ongoing conflict in his country.
He praised the players for their performance despite the challenges facing the DRC, saying many had expected them to struggle against a Portuguese side featuring global football star Cristiano Ronaldo.
Turning to politics, Tshisekedi claimed that his government had identified individuals collaborating with the AFC/M23 coalition, which controls large parts of eastern DRC. He said he had initially believed such collaborators were based only in Rwanda but had discovered they had also infiltrated Kinshasa.
“Do not betray your country. Sorcerers exist. We thought they were only in Rwanda, but they have infiltrated our country.”
Tshisekedi said that after the rule of Mobutu Sese Seko, the DRC had a good leader in Laurent-Désiré Kabila, but that later those he called enemies entered their country and removed him from power, installing someone he referred to as a “dog” and training him to do what they wanted.
In addition to targeting Joseph Kabila, Tshisekedi told Congolese citizens living in the United States that, in the near future, they would retake the cities of Goma and Bukavu, which have been outside government control for more than a year.
“I am confident that in the coming days, the whole of Congo will be liberated,” he said. “Our brothers and sisters in Goma and Bukavu will celebrate with us. We have learned lessons from what has happened and must now build something stronger.”
Reacting on X, Rwanda’s government spokesperson Yolande Makolo said the DRC team’s performance had united and inspired Africans, but Tshisekedi had chosen to undermine the occasion.
“The Leopards gave Africa a moment of great joy during their opening World Cup match. President Tshisekedi chose to spoil that moment by insulting Rwandans and Congolese alike and, while on U.S. soil, declaring his intention to continue military offensives in eastern DRC.
“Tshisekedi not only exploited a remarkable sporting achievement for petty political purposes, but his belligerent rhetoric also demonstrates disregard for both the letter and spirit of the Washington Agreement,” she said.
The Washington Agreement, signed between Rwanda and the DRC on December 4, 2025, outlines measures aimed at addressing security concerns in the region. It includes commitments by the DRC to dismantle the FDLR, a terrorist group responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Once those measures are implemented, Rwanda is expected to lift defensive measures taken along its border. The agreement also includes provisions on refugee repatriation.
Beyond security, the deal provides for deeper economic cooperation between the two countries. Rwanda and the DRC are expected to strengthen collaboration on the Rusizi III hydropower project, a 206-megawatt plant expected to supply electricity to more than 300,000 people. The $800 million project is scheduled for completion by 2030.
The agreement also promotes cooperation in the minerals sector, encouraging both countries to move beyond raw mineral extraction toward local processing and value addition. It further calls for harmonized regulations to enhance the security and transparency of mineral trade.
In addition, the agreement envisages joint efforts to extract methane gas from Lake Kivu and convert it into electricity. Despite the signing of the deal, implementation on the Congolese side has reportedly been slow.
The Rwandan government maintains that both countries have significant opportunities to benefit from cooperation and believes that fully implementing the Washington Agreement could contribute to lasting peace in the region.
