The law, which declares France’s colonization of Algeria from 1830 to 1962 a crime, was described by officials as “a step to preserve national memory and honor the sacrifices made during the colonial period.”
In December 2025, the lower house unanimously adopted the draft law calling for an official apology from France and affirming Algeria’s right to reparations.
However, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune later clarified that Algeria seeks France’s recognition of its crimes rather than financial compensation.
To this end, a joint parliamentary committee was established to resolve differences between the two houses and produce a unified text.
The final version adopted by both houses reportedly removed broad reparations clauses and apologies from France, while retaining provisions related to victims of French nuclear tests in the Sahara.
The diplomatic rift between Algeria and France has deepened recently, fueled by disputes over immigration, historical grievances, and France’s backing of Morocco regarding Western Sahara.
Tebboune has maintained that direct talks with French President Emmanuel Macron are the only path to resolving these bilateral issues.
In 2021, Macron acknowledged that the colonization of Algeria was a “crime against humanity,” but stopped short of offering a formal state apology.
Algeria’s Council of the Nation (upper house of parliament) on Sunday adopted a draft law criminalizing French colonization.
The blockade, in accordance with U.S. President Donald Trump’s proclamation, will be enforced “impartially” against vessels of all nations entering or departing Iranian ports and coastal areas, including all Iranian ports on the Arabian Gulf and Gulf of Oman, according to the statement, which was posted on social media platform X.
U.S. Central Command forces “will not impede freedom of navigation for vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz to and from non-Iranian ports,” it added.
The statement came a few hours after Trump announced on Truth Social that the U.S. Navy would begin blocking ships trying to enter or leave the Strait of Hormuz.
In an interview with Fox News, Trump said that the United States and allied countries would deploy minesweepers to the strait to clear sea mines and secure shipping lanes.
After Trump’s statement on Strait of Hormuz naval blockade, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy Command warned Sunday that any “wrong move” in the Strait of Hormuz would trap its enemies in “deadly whirlpools.”
A demonstrator holds a placard in front of the White House in Washington, D.C., the United States, on April 7, 2026.Iranian soldiers patrol the Strait of Hormuz in southern Iran, April 30, 2019
The trip is expected to be one of the most demanding of his early pontificate, combining intense travel, high-level diplomacy, and major religious celebrations across a continent where the Catholic Church is growing rapidly.
Africa is now home to about 288 million Catholics, roughly 20.3 percent of the global Catholic population, according to the Vatican Yearbook (2024). The visit is therefore seen as both symbolic and strategic, highlighting the Church’s growing center of gravity in the Global South.
Pope Leo will travel with senior Vatican officials, including Cardinal Pietro Parolin, Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle, and Cardinal Peter Turkson, as well as diplomatic and communications teams. Around 70 journalists will accompany the delegation. In total, the pope will complete 12 plane journeys and four helicopter transfers, delivering multiple speeches, homilies, and greetings in English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish.
April 13–15: Algeria – Peace, memory, and dialogue
The journey will begin in Algeria, where Pope Leo will make the first papal visit in the country’s history. He will be received in Algiers by President Abdelmadjid Tebboune in a state ceremony that includes full military honors.
His program in the capital will include a visit to the Maqam Echaid memorial for Algeria’s war of independence, a private meeting at the presidential palace, and a major address to political, diplomatic, and civil society leaders. The speech is expected to focus on peacebuilding and dialogue in a country shaped by both colonial legacy and a violent civil war in the 1990s.
On April 14, he will travel to Annaba, the ancient city of Hippo and the historic seat of St. Augustine. There he will pray at archaeological sites linked to the saint, meet religious communities caring for the poor and elderly, and celebrate Mass at the Basilica of St. Augustine.
On April 15, after meetings with local bishops and the Catholic community, he will leave Algeria for Cameroon.
April 15–18: Cameroon – Calls for unity and reconciliation
Pope Leo will be welcomed in Yaoundé by Prime Minister Joseph Dion Ngute and will later meet President Paul Biya, one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders.
In the capital, he is expected to address political leaders, diplomats, and civil society at the Palace of Congresses, with a message focused on peace and national unity. His visit comes at a time when Cameroon continues to face conflict in its English-speaking regions.
On April 16, he will travel to Bamenda in the northwest, where he will take part in an “encounter for peace” with Christian and Muslim leaders at St. Joseph’s Cathedral. He will also celebrate a large open-air Mass for tens of thousands of faithful before returning to Yaoundé.
On April 17, he will travel to Douala, Cameroon’s largest city and economic hub, where he will celebrate Mass at Japoma Stadium and visit a hospital. Later, he will address students and academics at the Catholic University of Central Africa.
On April 18, he will celebrate Mass at the airport in Yaoundé before continuing his journey to Angola.
April 18–21: Angola – Healing and social justice
In Luanda, Pope Leo will be welcomed by President João Manuel Gonçalves and will take part in official state ceremonies. He is expected to address national leaders on issues including poverty, inequality, corruption, and post-war reconstruction.
Angola, still shaped by the legacy of its civil war (1975–2002), will provide a key backdrop for his messages on reconciliation and development.
On April 19, he will celebrate a major outdoor Mass in Kilamba, expected to draw around 200,000 people. He will later travel to Muxima, one of Africa’s most important Marian shrines, where millions of pilgrims visit each year.
On April 20, he will visit Saurimo in the country’s diamond-rich northeast, meeting the elderly and celebrating Mass for large crowds. He will later return to Luanda for meetings with bishops and Church leaders.
On April 21, he will leave Angola for Equatorial Guinea, marking the anniversary of Pope Francis’s death.
April 21–23: Equatorial Guinea – Youth, hope and renewal
Pope Leo will be received in Malabo by President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. He will meet government officials and address civil society at the presidential palace, followed by an engagement with students and staff at the newly named Leo XIV Campus of the National University.
On April 22, he will travel to Mongomo, where he will celebrate Mass in one of Africa’s largest churches before visiting a technical school and continuing to Bata. There he will visit a prison, meet victims of a 2021 explosion, and address young people and families at the stadium.
On April 23, he will conclude his African journey with a final Mass in Malabo before departing for Rome, where he is expected to hold a press conference reflecting on the visit.
Across 10 days, Pope Leo’s first African trip is expected to underline the continent’s growing importance in the Catholic Church. With a focus on peace, dialogue, and development, the visit will be closely watched as both a spiritual pilgrimage and a major diplomatic moment in the early months of his papacy.
Pope Leo’s first African trip is expected to underline the continent’s growing importance in the Catholic Church.
The visit took place on April 10, 2026. During the tour, staff members were briefed on the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Ntarama and shown various pieces of evidence documenting the atrocities committed.
One employee noted that the visit served as a reminder of their collective responsibility to combat genocide ideology.
“Visiting the Ntarama Memorial reminds us that remembrance goes beyond the victims’ families. It is an ongoing duty that calls on all of us to actively fight genocide ideology. As Rwandans, we remain committed to standing against it and upholding these values,” the employee said.
Following the memorial visit, the staff travelled to Bugesera District to meet elderly women survivors residing at Impinganzima. They engaged with them in conversation and expressed solidarity during the ongoing national commemoration period.
The General Manager of Mövenpick Kigali, Médiatrice Umulisa, said the visit was intended to offer comfort and reassurance to the survivors.
“Today, as the Mövenpick Kigali Hotel family, we came to tell you that we stand with you, that we are close to you, and that you remain in our thoughts at all times. We are not here merely as visitors, but as your children and as friends who care deeply and wish to support you during this period of remembrance,” she said.
She added that their presence was also meant to reaffirm that survivors are not alone.
“We are here to support and comfort you. We will continue to stand with you and do everything possible to ensure you feel supported and remembered,” she said.
Olivier Granet, CEO of Kasada Capital Management, which manages Mövenpick Kigali Hotel, said Rwanda’s journey from tragedy to unity offers a powerful lesson to the world.
“It is difficult to comprehend what happened here and the weight of remembering it, yet what stands out is the country’s ability to rebuild unity, live together again, and look toward the future. This carries a strong message for the world, particularly in the times we are living in,” he said.
Mövenpick Kigali emphasised that Kwibuka is not merely a ceremonial observance, but a shared responsibility for all Rwandans and institutions, underscoring the importance of standing with and supporting survivors.
Staff members of Mövenpick Kigali visited the Ntarama Genocide Memorial on April 10, 2026. The staff members paid tribute to the victims laid to rest at the memorial and were briefed on the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi.After the memorial visit, the staff travelled to Bugesera District to meet elderly women survivors residing at Impinganzima.
He made the remarks on April 11, 2026, during a commemoration event marking the 32nd anniversary of the killing of Tutsis at ETO Kicukiro, where Belgian peacekeepers withdrew and left behind more than 2,000 Tutsis who had sought their protection, leaving them vulnerable to attack by Interahamwe militia.
Nduhungirehe said no professional soldier should have acted in the way the Belgian contingent did.
“Sometimes we soften it because saying that Belgian soldiers abandoned the Tutsis is an understatement,” he said. “When those troops were ordered to withdraw from ETO, they packed their equipment and even their dogs. Outside ETO there were Interahamwe waving machetes. Any professional soldier who carries out such an action, leaving civilians behind while seeing armed killers, is not merely abandoning them, it is handing them over to killers.”
He argued that the incident reflects a broader pattern of international responsibility in the events leading up to and during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which he said began long before 1994, during the colonial period under Belgian administration.
Colonial roots and early violence
According to Nduhungirehe, the first phase of foreign involvement began with colonial-era policies that institutionalised ethnic divisions, introducing identity-based classifications and governance systems that deepened divisions among Rwandans.
He said these policies contributed to violence against Tutsis in the post-colonial transition period, including the 1959 crisis, and subsequent killings between 1961 and 1963. He described this period as an early genocide in Rwanda in which more than 35,000 Tutsis were killed and many others fled into exile, with Belgian authorities implicated.
Preparation phase of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi
The second phase, he said, involved the preparation of the 1994 genocide. From 1990, when the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) began its liberation struggle, multiple foreign military presences were deployed in Rwanda.
He specifically cited French forces, noting that they remained in the country and contributed to training elements of the Rwandan army (ex-FAR) and the Interahamwe militia.
Nduhungirehe also referenced reports from UNAMIR forces, including communications by its commander, Lt. Gen. Roméo Dallaire, who warned of planned mass killings and requested authority to seize weapons caches.
“On January 11, he sent warnings to the United Nations saying there was a witness reporting that weapons were being prepared in Kigali to kill Tutsis,” Nduhungirehe said. “He asked for permission to seize those weapons, but he was told to report it to President Habyarimana. That decision, to inform a leadership involved in the preparations, reflected the UN’s failure.”
He said the international response amounted to inaction despite clear warnings.
Withdrawal of UN forces during the genocide
Nduhungirehe also cited the UN Security Council’s decision on April 21, 1994, adopting Resolution 912, which reduced UNAMIR forces in Rwanda from 2,548 troops to about 270.
“At that time the country was in mourning and genocide was ongoing,” he said. “But instead of intervening, the UN decided to withdraw its forces from Rwanda.”
The minister said that a third phase concerned the international recognition of the Genocide against the Tutsi, which he said was long delayed due to resistance from powerful states that preferred the term “genocide in Rwanda” instead of explicitly acknowledging its targeting of Tutsi.
He noted that it took 26 years for April 7 to be officially recognised as the International Day of Reflection on the Genocide against the Tutsi, a designation only formally adopted in 2020.
Call to youth
Nduhungirehe urged young people to remember that genocide ideology still exists and that it is their responsibility to fight it.
“All Rwandans are not yet fully liberated,” he said. “There are young people, especially those outside Rwanda, who still hold genocide ideology. I call on their peers to educate them, and if necessary, confront them with the truth.”
The 32nd commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi included the “Walk to Remember” and wreath-laying ceremonies at mass graves in Nyanza, where remains of more than 2,000 Tutsis who had sought refuge at ETO Kicukiro and were later killed are buried.
Participants took part in a commemorative walk in remembrance of Tutsis who had sought refuge at ETO Kicukiro and were killed after Belgian troops withdrew.The French Ambassador to Rwanda, Aurélie Royet-Gounin, laid wreaths at the memorial site.The Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Amb. Olivier Nduhungirehe, laid wreaths at the memorial site.Officials from various institutions attended the commemoration.The Chief Executive Officer of the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), Jean-Guy Africa, also attended the 32nd commemoration of the Tutsi killed in Nyanza, Kicukiro.
The monument also recognises the contribution of Ghanaian peacekeepers during the genocide, paying tribute to Major General Henry Kwami Anyidoho (Rtd) and the contingent he led, who played a key role in sheltering and protecting targeted Tutsis, alongside other African soldiers who intervened to save lives during the crisis.
The unveiling ceremony, held under the theme “Remember, Unite, Renew,” brought together members of the university community, representatives of the Rwandan High Commission, the Ghana Armed Forces, and other invited guests. Participants also joined a symbolic procession titled “A Walk to Remember,” reinforcing the importance of unity and collective memory.
The monument honours victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and also recognises the contribution of Ghanaian peacekeepers.
Speaking at the event, Rwanda’s Minister of Education and Guest of Honour, Joseph Nsengimana, commended the Ghanaian peacekeepers and other African forces for their role during the genocide. He emphasised African solidarity, noting that their actions reflected the principle that “our destiny cannot be outsourced.”
He described the initiative as a significant milestone in remembrance efforts, praising the university for raising awareness about the genocide and stressing that the lives lost, men, women, and children, remain central to shared African humanity.
Rwanda’s Minister of Education and Guest of Honour, Joseph Nsengimana, commended the Ghanaian peacekeepers and other African forces for their role during the genocide.
The university’s President and Founder, Patrick Awuah, said the Genocide against the Tutsi had a profound influence on his decision to return to Africa. He noted that witnessing the tragedy while working abroad strengthened his commitment to reshaping narratives about the continent through education and storytelling, and urged Africans to elevate stories of courage and resilience.
On behalf of the peacekeeping contingent, Major General Anyidoho expressed gratitude for the recognition and paid tribute to colleagues who lost their lives during the mission, saying their service was guided by duty and shared humanity.
He also reflected on Rwanda’s recovery, commending its progress in reconciliation and development, and called on African nations to prioritise peace as a foundation for sustainable development and the preservation of human dignity.
Participants joined a symbolic procession titled “A Walk to Remember,” reinforcing the importance of unity and collective memory.The unveiling ceremony brought together members of the university community, representatives of the Rwandan High Commission, the Ghana Armed Forces, and other invited guests.
Human DNA is made up of long chains of three‑letter units called codons. These codons tell the cell how to build proteins, and many of them can be different but still produce the same amino acid. Until now, scientists assumed that those different codons with the same meaning were interchangeable.
However, a research team from Kyoto University and RIKEN, led by scientists Osamu Takeuchi and Takuhiro Ito, has shown that cells don’t treat all codons equally. Some codons are more efficient at producing proteins, while others are weaker. The team discovered that cells actively recognize and silence the less efficient messages, giving stronger instructions priority in gene expression.
Central to this process is a protein called DHX29, which acts like a quality controller. The researchers found that DHX29 attaches to the ribosome the cell’s protein‑making machinery especially when it encounters these weaker codons. Once there, DHX29 recruits another set of proteins, the GIGYF2•4EHP complex, to selectively suppress the weaker genetic messages.
Co‑corresponding author Masanori Yoshinaga explained the importance of the findings:
“Together, these findings reveal a direct molecular link between synonymous codon choice and the control of gene expression in human cells.”
This discovery challenges the long‑held assumption that synonymous codons are functionally the same, revealing a hidden layer of genetic control. It could deepen scientific understanding of critical biological processes such as cell differentiation, balance within cells, and even the development of diseases like cancer.
The researchers say they will continue to explore how DHX29 influences gene activity in both normal physiology and disease.
New discovery reveals hidden “second code” in DNA that regulates gene expression.
A French military command document dated April 8, 1994, indicates that beginning on the morning of April 7, members of the unit that had been responsible for Habyarimana’s protection became active, launching attacks against Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) forces stationed at the CND (National Development Council). The document further states that political opponents and Tutsi civilians were arrested and killed during the early hours of the violence.
Among those killed on the morning of April 7 were Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, President of the Supreme Court Joseph Kavaruganda, and Minister of Labour and Social Affairs Landouald Ndasingwa, all members of the transitional government established under the Arusha Agreement.
The French government reported that violence and looting intensified as armed Interahamwe militias and disorganised soldiers moved through Kigali. It also noted repeated attacks on French forces operating in the city.
According to the same document, troops guarding Habyarimana’s residence surrounded bases hosting United Nations peacekeepers from UNAMIR, restricting their movement. It also indicates that some peacekeepers were killed during this period.
As security conditions in Kigali deteriorated rapidly, the French government concluded that the safety of its nationals was at risk and decided to urgently evacuate all French citizens from Rwanda.
This decision led to the launch of “Operation Amaryllis,” a military evacuation mission aimed at extracting French nationals from Kigali. Those located in provincial areas such as Gitarama and Butare were assisted in crossing into neighbouring countries, including Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) and Burundi.
To secure the evacuation in Kigali, France deployed special forces, some of whom were tasked with securing Kigali International Airport starting on the morning of April 9, 1994.
Additional commando units stationed in Bangui (Central African Republic) and Libreville (Gabon) were placed on alert to reinforce operations in Kigali if the situation deteriorated further.
Lieutenant Colonel Jean-Jacques Maurin, a security adviser at the French Embassy in Kigali, was appointed to lead Operation Amaryllis, while Colonel Henri Poncet oversaw troop deployment and coordination.
French forces were assigned to secure the airport, protect the embassy, and safeguard other designated assembly points where French nationals were gathered. They also escorted evacuees to Kigali International Airport.
The troops were instructed not to intervene in the fighting between the RPA and the former Rwandan government army (Ex-FAR), though they were authorised to use force in self-defence if their evacuation operations were obstructed.
In April 2022, Rwanda’s Minister of National Unity and Civic Engagement, Dr. Bizimana Jean-Damascène, stated that French forces witnessed Tutsis being killed by Ex-FAR and Interahamwe militias but did not intervene, focusing instead on evacuating French nationals.
“Those French soldiers watched people being killed but never intervened. They left them to die while continuing to evacuate their own people. They did not seek to stop the violence taking place in front of them, particularly at Kanombe airport, where many were killed,” he stated.
The evacuation order initially prioritised around 60 individuals considered at high risk, based on a list provided by French Ambassador Jean-Michel Marlaud. Subsequent evacuations were carried out in additional phases.
Among those evacuated on April 9 under Operation Amaryllis were members of Habyarimana’s family, including his wife Agathe Kanziga, their children, and close associates, all of whom were located at their residence in Kanombe, near Kigali International Airport.
Operation Amaryllis concluded on April 12, 1994. French authorities stated that the mission was successfully completed. Nine transport aircraft were used, including eight C-160 aircraft and one C-130.
Operation Amaryllis prioritised the evacuation of French nationals and designated individuals from Rwanda, as violence escalated and Tutsis who were being killed were left without assistance.
Delegations from both countries departed Islamabad on Sunday without a breakthrough, each side blaming the other for the collapse of talks aimed at ending a war that has killed thousands and disrupted global energy markets.
U.S. Vice President JD Vance, who led the American delegation, acknowledged the outcome shortly before leaving Pakistan.
“We’ve had a number of substantive discussions with the Iranians,” he said. “The bad news is that we have not reached an agreement.”
Vance emphasised that Washington’s key demands had not changed, particularly regarding Iran’s nuclear ambitions. He said the U.S. had sought firm guarantees that Tehran would not pursue nuclear weapons or the capability to rapidly develop them.
“We just could not get to a situation where the Iranians would accept our terms,” he added, describing the proposal on the table as the United States’ “final and best offer.”
Vance also revealed the level of direct coordination with Washington during the talks, saying he had spoken with President Donald Trump as many as a dozen times throughout the negotiations. Even as discussions continued, Trump downplayed the necessity of reaching an agreement.
“We’re negotiating. Whether we make a deal or not makes no difference to me, because we’ve won,” President Trump told reporters on Saturday.
Iranian officials, however, pushed back, accusing Washington of making unreasonable demands. A spokesperson for Iran’s foreign ministry described the talks as “intensive” but said progress depended on “seriousness and good faith” from the U.S. side. Iranian media reported that disagreements over the country’s nuclear programme and control of the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz were among the main obstacles.
The negotiations, held over two days and stretching overnight, marked the first direct high-level engagement between the two countries in more than a decade. They followed a temporary ceasefire agreed earlier in the week, which Pakistani officials have urged both sides to maintain despite rising tensions.
Pakistan’s Foreign Minister stressed the importance of preserving the truce, calling it “imperative” for regional stability. Officials in Islamabad had hoped the talks would pave the way for a broader de-escalation, but signs of strain were evident throughout the discussions. One source familiar with the negotiations described “mood swings” and fluctuating tensions as talks progressed.
Beyond nuclear concerns, broader geopolitical issues complicated the negotiations. Iran has reportedly demanded the release of frozen assets, war reparations, and greater control over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global oil route through which roughly one-fifth of the world’s energy supply passes. The U.S., meanwhile, has insisted on ensuring free navigation through the strait and curbing Iran’s nuclear enrichment capabilities.
The failure to secure a deal leaves the region in a precarious position. Although some oil tankers have begun moving through the Strait of Hormuz following the ceasefire, many vessels remain stranded, and global markets continue to react nervously to the uncertainty.
Adding to the volatility, fighting linked to the broader conflict continues elsewhere in the region. Israel has carried out strikes against Iran-backed Hezbollah targets in Lebanon, underscoring the risk of further escalation beyond the immediate U.S.-Iran confrontation.
Despite the setback, officials on both sides have not ruled out future negotiations. For now, however, the breakdown in Islamabad highlights the deep divisions that remain, and the challenges ahead in turning a temporary ceasefire into lasting peace.
Images showed Vance, who headed the US delegation, along with other members, boarding a plane back to the United States, just minutes after a brief press conference in which he announced that the round of negotiations in Islamabad had ended without an understanding.
In a statement, AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka said government forces shelled civilian areas on Saturday and continued the attacks into Sunday.
“The Kinshasa authorities have deliberately chosen to sabotage the negotiation process underway in Switzerland,” the statement said. “On the night of April 11, 2026, between 22:00 and 04:00, drone strikes targeted densely populated areas of Minembwe and surrounding locations.”
Kanyuka further protested that the actions reflect a refusal by the Congolese government to honor commitments linked to the peace process, and were intended to weaken the planned negotiations.
Delegations from the Democratic Republic of Congo and the AFC/M23 coalition are expected to meet for peace talks in Switzerland from April 13 to April 17, 2026.
The talks are being facilitated by Qatar, which requested Switzerland to host the discussions. They were previously held in Doha but were relocated due to regional instability linked to the conflict involving the United States, Israel, and Iran, which has affected several countries in the Middle East.
Media reports indicate that while Switzerland serves as the host, the process remains under the mediation of Qatar, with Qatari representatives expected to facilitate the proceedings via video conference to maintain the “Doha Process” framework.
In a statement, AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka said government forces shelled civilian areas on Saturday and continued the attacks into Sunday.
