The dinner followed the inauguration of the memorial dedicated to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, known as “Les Archives.”
The event forms part of President Macron’s broader efforts since taking office to rebuild and strengthen bilateral relations between Rwanda and France. In 2021, he visited Rwanda, where he joined Rwandans in commemorating the Genocide against the Tutsi and acknowledged France’s role in the events that led to the genocide, issuing an apology for the country’s past failures.
The dinner was attended by several high-profile figures, including Louise Mushikiwabo, Secretary General of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), and former French President Nicolas Sarkozy. Also present was Yonathan Arfi, President of the Representative Council of Jewish Institutions of France.
The dinner followed the inauguration of the memorial dedicated to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, known as “Les Archives.”President Kagame as he was received by his French counterpart, Emmanuel Macron.The dinner was attended by several high-profile figures.Louise Mushikiwabo, Secretary General of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF, attended the dinner.Yonathan Arfi, President of the Representative Council of Jewish Institutions of France, as he arrived at the Élysée Palace to attend the ceremony.
To sustain its activities, the FDLR, whose operations commander, Gustave Kubwayo, commonly known as Colonel Sirkoof, was on Tuesday sanctioned by the United States of America (USA), has relied on a network of revenue-generating activities in eastern DRC, including illegal mining, agriculture, cannabis cultivation and trafficking, and the charcoal trade. The proceeds have enabled the group to purchase weapons, maintain its operations, and recruit new fighters.
The FDLR armed group was formed by remnants of the former Rwandan Armed Forces and extremist militias that fled Rwanda after committing the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Over the years, FDLR has strengthened its presence by recruiting from Rwandan communities that have remained in the DRC and by establishing strongholds in territories such as Rutshuru and Walikale. Despite facing repeated military setbacks, the group has managed to adapt and survive.
The group’s anti-Tutsi ideology has not only targeted Rwandans but also Congolese Tutsis. In areas where it has operated, FDLR has been accused of killings, looting, and the displacement of local communities, forcing many residents to flee to neighbouring countries.
Rise of local resistance
As FDLR expanded its influence, local communities increasingly organised armed groups to defend themselves.
In 2005, residents of South Kivu, including Pastor Jean Musumbu, established the Mai Mai Raia Mutomboki militia to resist FDLR attacks.
A year later, former Congolese army officers led by Gen. Laurent Nkunda formed the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), citing the need to protect Congolese Tutsis from persecution by FDLR, particularly in North Kivu.
The emergence of CNDP highlighted growing frustration among communities that felt abandoned by both the Congolese state and the international community.
In 2008, members of the Nyanga community in Walikale created Nduma Défense du Congo (NDC) under Ntabo Ntaberi Sheka to counter FDLR violence and protect local populations.
Although NDC initially weakened FDLR’s influence in parts of North Kivu, internal divisions later led to the creation of NDC-R under Guidon Shimiray Mwisa, reducing pressure on armed group.
To sustain its activities, the FDLR has relied on a network of revenue-generating activities in eastern DRC, including illegal mining, agriculture, cannabis cultivation and trafficking, and the charcoal trade.
Joint military operations
In December 2008, Rwanda and the DRC launched a joint military offensive against FDLR known as Operation Umoja Wetu, followed by Operation Kimia II.
The operations dealt significant blows to the group, killing senior commanders and hundreds of fighters while encouraging others to return voluntarily to Rwanda.
During the 35-day Umoja Wetu operation in early 2009, 153 FDLR combatants were killed, including Lt. Col. Anaclet Hitimana, commonly known as Gasasira Kabuyoya. Thirteen fighters were wounded, 37 captured, and 103 repatriated to Rwanda.
Creation of proxy forces
Facing increasing military pressure, FDLR adopted a new strategy aimed at ensuring its survival.
According to retired Col. Augustin Nshimiyimana, widely known as Bora Manassé and a former FDLR operations commander, the group began organising and training Congolese armed groups composed mainly of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese Hutu communities.
The militias, collectively known as Nyatura, were established as local allies that would share FDLR’s ideology and help shield the organisation from military offensives.
“I was sent to establish Nyatura on the orders of Gen. Omega, the commander of FOCA,” Bora said in testimony about the group’s strategy. He explained that FDLR sought to recruit young people from Masisi and Rutshuru after suffering losses during confrontations with Raia Mutomboki fighters.
Training of the newly formed Nyatura groups reportedly began around 2010 and was conducted largely by FDLR’s elite CRAP unit under Guillaume Rurakabije.
Over time, multiple Nyatura factions emerged, including Nyatura-Domi, Nyatura John Love, Nyatura Kasongo, Nyatura Jean-Marie, Nyatura Kigingi, Nyatura Gatuza, Nyatura Abazungu, Nyatura Kalume, and Nyatura Karume.
According to former FDLR members, these groups operated in close coordination with FDLR and shared the same anti-Tutsi ideology.
Alliance with APCLS
FDLR also developed close ties with the Alliance of Patriots for a Free and Sovereign Congo (APCLS), a Hunde militia formed in 2010 under Janvier Karairi.
The two groups found common ground in their opposition to Congolese Tutsi communities and later cooperated in military operations.
APCLS traces its origins to PARECO-Hunde and previously fought alongside Congolese government forces against the M23 rebellion during earlier phases of the conflict in North Kivu.
Former fighters and regional analysts say FDLR, Nyatura factions, and APCLS often operate together, making it difficult to distinguish between members of the various groups on the battlefield.
FDLR fighters have also reportedly adopted tactics designed to avoid detection, including frequently changing names, rotating between units, and blending into local communities.
The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) continues to pursue its long-standing objective of destabilising Rwanda.
Ongoing debate over FDLR’s future
The dismantling of FDLR has remained a key issue in regional diplomacy.
Since 2025, discussions involving Rwanda, the DRC, and the United States have increasingly focused on neutralising the group as part of broader efforts to restore stability in eastern DRC.
However, critics argue that progress remains limited.
According to Congolese researcher Dr. Alex Mvuka, FDLR has become deeply intertwined with armed groups operating under the Wazalendo umbrella, including some Nyatura factions and APCLS.
Mvuka argues that disarming FDLR without simultaneously addressing Wazalendo groups would be difficult because of their operational links and shared networks.
As of June 2026, estimates placed FDLR’s strength at between 7,000 and 10,000 fighters. The group’s military spokesperson, Lt. Col. Octavien Mutimura, has claimed that its actual numbers are higher.
Mvuka further argues that FDLR continues to draw recruits from segments of the Rwandan population that remain in the DRC, as well as from Congolese communities influenced by anti-Tutsi narratives, while cooperation with allied armed groups continues to bolster its capabilities.
The FDLR armed group was formed by remnants of the former Rwandan Armed Forces and extremist militias that fled Rwanda after committing the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
He made the remarks on June 2, 2026, during the inauguration of Les Archives, a memorial dedicated to the victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi, where he was accompanied by First Lady Jeannette Kagame and other dignitaries.
In his address, Kagame reflected on his personal experience of displacement and Rwanda’s history of repeated tragedy, noting what he described as a “cycle of thirty years” between earlier violence in the 1960s and the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
He said, “The events of the Genocide against the Tutsi are within living memory. And so the work of memory necessarily begins with the word of survivors.”
Kagame stressed that survivors themselves carry the burden of history, describing them as “living memorials, not only by virtue of the visible scars of the body, but also the indelible wounds of the spirit.”
Speaking about the significance of the newly unveiled memorial, he said it plays a critical role in preserving truth for future generations: “The memorial before us is powerful because it sets the truth in stone and protects it from the heartlessness of time, by instructing the living.”
Kagame added that the memorial is not about validation, but respect, saying it stands as “a mark of respect for the dignity of Rwandans and our history.”
Turning to relations with France, Kagame commended President Emmanuel Macron for his approach to historical responsibility, stating: “President Macron, I want to commend you on both counts: courage and humanity.”
He referenced France’s acknowledgment of its past during Macron’s 2021 visit to Rwanda, noting the recognition that France “could have stopped the genocide but did not,” and describing such acknowledgment as more meaningful than an apology.
Kagame also praised earlier steps taken by France, including historic remarks by former President Nicolas Sarkozy, and efforts by journalists and researchers who helped document the truth of the genocide.
He said Rwanda’s engagement with its past and international dialogue has contributed to what he called an “irreversible journey towards truth.”
Kagame further emphasized Rwanda’s internal responsibility and resilience, saying the country has chosen to confront its history directly and invest in educating younger generations to prevent repetition of past atrocities.
He concluded by stressing that overcoming history requires political will, adding that the unveiling of the memorial in Paris represents a deeper commitment to peace, understanding, and remembrance.
French President Emmanuel Macron also paid tribute to the victims during the official inauguration of the memorial, emphasizing the importance of remembrance.
The French Head of State described the memorial as “the culmination” of the long process of recognition undertaken in recent years regarding the Genocide against the Tutsi.
According to Macron, the construction of the memorial in Paris now places the Genocide against the Tutsi “at the heart of the French capital and its history.”
He noted that the project is the result of years of dedicated work based on survivors’ testimonies, historical research, academic publications, and the sustained commitment of memory and remembrance associations.
The French President also recalled the speech he delivered at the Kigali Genocide Memorial in Gisozi in May 2021, when he acknowledged France’s responsibilities in the events that led to the Genocide against the Tutsi.
“I do not wish to take back a single word of what I said,” Macron stated, reaffirming his commitment to continuing the pursuit of truth between the two countries.
The memorial was inaugurated in Paris on Tuesday, June 2, 2026. President Kagame has hailed Macron for ‘humanity’ and the role played by his country to preserve memory of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. President Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame honored victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi at the unveiled memorial in Paris.
The sanctions were announced on March 2, 2026, with the United States accusing Rwanda of supporting the M23 rebel group fighting the Congolese government, an allegation Kigali has consistently rejected.
Those sanctioned include the Chief of Defence Staff of the RDF, Gen Mubarakh Muganga; the Army Chief of Staff, Maj Gen Vincent Nyakarundi; the Commander of Special Forces, Brig Gen Stanislas Gashugi; and the Commander of the RDF 5th Division, Maj Gen Ruki Karusisi, as well as the RDF as an institution.
The measures are economic in nature. They restrict access to any assets held in the United States or under U.S. jurisdiction, as such property is frozen and placed under the control of the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC).
In an interview with journalist Ally Soudy, Ambassador Mukantabana said the crisis in eastern DRC is rooted in the presence of groups originating from Rwanda who played a role in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and later fled into Congo, where she said they continue to spread genocidal ideology.
“Thirty-two years after the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, which was stopped by Rwandans themselves, the country is at peace. However, as I have explained before, the ideology of genocide did not disappear; it spread among some of our neighbouring communities.
“Those who left after killing victims, they continued to target other communities across the border in Congo. That is what we are still dealing with today. We have not abandoned this issue, and as you know, we are currently engaged in peace agreements with the DRC, including agreements supported by the United States.”
She added that addressing injustices faced by Congolese citizens who speak Kinyarwanda, particularly Tutsi communities allegedly targeted or neglected by the Congolese government, contributed to the emergence of the M23 movement, which says it is fighting for their rights.
The group is among those that some foreign governments accuse Rwanda of supporting—an accusation Rwanda has repeatedly denied, insisting that M23 is composed of Congolese citizens and that Kigali has no involvement in its activities.
Asked what Rwanda is doing to ensure the sanctions are lifted, Ambassador Mukantabana said the measures have not closed diplomatic channels between Rwanda and the United States, and that discussions are ongoing.
She said: “They have not closed doors. We are still following up, we are still engaging. They made their decision, but this is not something where you give up. Instead, it is something you stand firm on and continue addressing.”
She further noted that some Americans understand Rwanda’s position and believe the sanctions were not justified.
“The positive thing is that there are Americans who also do not agree with how those measures were taken. It is about continuing collaboration with such friends so that they can eventually be lifted. Above all, peace in that region must be achieved, because even if they are lifted now, other accusations will continue as long as the conflict persists,” she said.
Mukantabana added that the key solution lies in the full resolution of the conflict in eastern DRC, arguing that as long as instability continues, Rwanda will continue to be blamed.
She said: “That country has many problems, but whenever difficulties arise, Rwanda is often pointed at as a way of shifting responsibility. These are challenges we did not create, but we will continue to engage and we will not back down. We will prevail.”
Since the signing of peace agreement between Rwanda and DRC in June and December 2025, in the United States, DRC has continued to violate agreed commitments.
Rwanda has consistently stated that it remains committed to implementing the agreements and is ready to lift its defensive measures once the DRC fully neutralizes the FDLR terrorist group.
Ambassador Mukantabana said the crisis in eastern DRC is rooted in the presence of groups originating from Rwanda who played a role in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and later fled into Congo.
According to an internal State Department memo obtained by the Associated Press, the number of US diplomatic missions in Africa handling visa applications is set to be cut from nearly 50 to just 20 in the coming weeks.
Although no official implementation date has been announced, the changes are expected to take effect before the end of June.
The move forms part of the Trump administration’s broader efforts to tighten immigration controls, including stricter scrutiny of both immigrant and non-immigrant visa applications and measures aimed at reducing visa overstays.
Under the proposed restructuring, only a limited number of US embassies in Africa will continue processing visa applications. In East Africa, the embassies in Rwanda, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of Congo are expected to retain visa services.
The US embassies in Burundi, Somalia and South Sudan are among those likely to lose the authority to process routine visa applications.
Other countries expected to continue offering visa services include Senegal, Djibouti, South Africa, Nigeria, Togo, Angola, Equatorial Guinea, Liberia, Mauritius, Cape Verde and Cameroon.
If the plan is implemented, applicants from countries where visa services are discontinued will have to travel to designated regional hubs to submit their applications.
The change is expected to increase costs for many travelers, who may need to cover additional expenses for transport, accommodation and other logistics.
Embassies that no longer process regular visa applications will continue to provide consular services such as passport renewals for US citizens, emergency assistance and the handling of diplomatic visa requests.
According to US officials cited by the Associated Press, American diplomats and consular officers were informed during a conference call last week that visa operations across Africa would be consolidated as part of the restructuring.
U.S. is set to scale back visa services at dozens of embassies in Africa with Kigali among visa processing hubs to be retained.
Patrick Nkurunziza, who was born in the neighboring DRC, is among those who lived a life they did not choose. At a very young age, he was recruited into the armed ranks of the FDLR militia group while still a child.
The FDLR is an armed group founded by individuals who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and who have, over time, maintained an agenda aimed at destabilizing the Government of Rwanda.
The group has continued to operate despite concerns over its genocidal ideology and its frequent collaboration with Congolese forces.
As some of its founding members aged and others chose to return to Rwanda, the group increasingly turned to recruiting children born in the DRC into its ranks. It also expanded its activities to include the training of Congolese youth and the creation of allied militias such as Nyatura, alongside other groups influenced by divisive ideology.
Recruitment into the group has largely targeted children born in areas where it operates, particularly Congolese nationals.
Nkurunziza shared his testimony during an “Igihango cy’Urungano” youth dialogue forum, which brings together young people from across Rwanda to reflect on the country’s history and to honor the memory of youth who were killed during the Genocide against the Tutsi.
He explained that he was born in 1997 and was forcibly recruited into the FDLR at a very young age, beginning to handle a firearm at just 14 years old.
He also noted that his father had resisted joining the FDLR despite living in the DRC, but the group attempted to pressure him by forcibly recruiting his child.
“They captured me and another boy called John, blindfolded us, and took us to Rutshuru, into the forests of Walikale. The second aspect was constant psychological pressure, torture, indoctrination, training, and forced participation in harmful narratives aimed at denying the Genocide against the Tutsi,” he recounted.
“We were beaten daily and forced into activities such as stealing, carrying heavy loads, and transporting ammunition. I was a 14-year-old child, but they did not care. I was made to carry loads of up to 60 kilograms. I had no option to refuse; I had to comply until they decided otherwise.”
After this period, he was subjected to military training. He underwent a three-month training program and was issued a firearm at the age of 14, despite lacking the physical or technical ability to use it.
“I was given a gun at 14. They did not care whether I could use it or not. I held it until I learned how to use it, and I became a soldier like others. At that time, we were trained to say: ‘Work hard, we want to attack Rwanda, we want to destroy the Tutsi completely,’” he said.
He further explained that access to food within the group often depended on looting civilians, and in some cases, this involved violence and killings.
Patrick Nkurunziza, who was born in the neighboring DRC, is among those who lived a life they did not choose. At a very young age, he was recruited into the armed ranks of the FDLR militia group while still a child.
While the FDLR is often perceived as being composed mainly of older fighters due to its long history, Nkurunziza emphasized that the group also includes many young recruits, some of whom are his age or even younger, and who live under extremely difficult conditions.
After approximately six months, he began contemplating escape, despite the significant risks faced by a 15-year-old in such an environment.
He eventually approached a soldier he knew and expressed his desire to leave, stating that he no longer wished to remain in the forest due to exhaustion and continuous abuse.
“Even within the military I saw, there was no strength or hope that they would ever take Rwanda. I had no confidence in them at all,” he explained.
In 2010, he made the decision to flee the forest, embarking on a dangerous and uncertain journey.
Reaching peacekeeping MONUSCO forces proved extremely difficult for the 15-year-old and his companion. Along the way, they encountered individuals who attempted to stop them and force them back, with the intention that they be killed as a warning to others considering escape.
Despite these dangers, they managed to persevere and eventually reached MONUSCO protection after days of struggle.
Fearing capture and torture, they continued to move day and night until they reached safety.
While in Bukavu on his way home, Nkurunziza received devastating news that his parents had been killed by the FDLR in retaliation for his escape. The news was deeply distressing, but he continued his journey back to Rwanda.
“When I reached Rusizi at the border, I saw Rwandan citizens happy, healthy, and welcoming. The leaders received me with great warmth, and I heard people speaking Kinyarwanda,” he recounted.
Shock at the absence of heavy security around leaders
Nkurunziza explained that upon returning to Rwanda, he initially believed he might be killed, as he had previously been told that anyone who returned would be eliminated and used in staged recordings to discourage others from coming back.
“I told myself I might as well die like others. If they record me, so be it. In reality, I was already expecting death.”
After crossing the border, he was taken to the Nyarushishi transit center before being transferred to the Mutobo Reintegration Centre in Musanze District, a facility that supports former combatants in returning to civilian life.
At Mutobo, although he initially remained cautious and fearful, he encountered individuals he had previously seen in the DRC, including some with senior ranks, who were alive and well. This reassured him that he had indeed entered a safe environment.
He frequently recounts his experiences with a mix of humor and reflection, describing both the trauma he endured and the choices he made during that period.
During a graduation ceremony for trainees at the centre, he was surprised to see that the Mayor of Musanze District and the Governor of the Northern Province were not accompanied by armed escorts.
“In Congo, I was used to seeing mayors surrounded by soldiers and police. I wondered how there could be peace in a country we were told was full of killers, and that Tutsi were snakes who would be exterminated,” he narrated.
“Then I saw senior generals arriving with only a few soldiers. I immediately realized I had come to a peaceful country. From that moment, life began to feel different.”
Afterwards, the leadership at Mutobo sent him to the Nyarubande centre, which supports children and young people in learning Rwandan cultural values and taboos.
He later enrolled in a six-month hotel management course.
Upon completing his studies, he and other graduates were encouraged to identify and develop their talents. Having never had the opportunity to explore his own abilities due to life in the forest, he discovered his talent for singing.
He was supported and mentored, and went on to record 12 songs in both audio and video formats, marking the beginning of a new chapter in his life.
He used his music to encourage others still in the forests of eastern DRC to return home and participate in national development.
Nkurunziza also secured employment, which further helped him rebuild his life.
In 2023, after rebuilding stability, he got married and started a family. He is now a husband and father of one child.
He expressed appreciation for the Government of Rwanda, security institutions, and citizens whose efforts contributed to building a peaceful and prosperous Rwanda where movement is free and life continues without disruption.
Speakers at the “Igihango cy’Urungano” dialogue urged young people to take part in rejecting and combating genocide ideology.
In a statement released on June 1, AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka accused the Congolese army and allied armed groups of carrying out repeated attacks throughout May in several areas, including Masisi, Minembwe, Numbi and Walikale.
Kanyuka claimed that the DRC government is continuing to deploy troops, weapons and military equipment, particularly in South Kivu Province, in what he described as preparations for large-scale operations targeting both civilian-populated areas and AFC/M23-controlled territory.
He said any new offensive against the group’s positions would be met with a strong response.
According to Kanyuka, AFC/M23 would not only defend areas under its control but would also seek to push back government forces from locations used to launch attacks. He argued that such a move would help create a buffer zone aimed at protecting civilians and their property from future hostilities.
The warning comes days after AFC/M23 reported clashes with Congolese army troops and Wazalendo militia fighters in Masisi Territory.
The group said it had repelled advancing forces and pushed them away from the strategic mining hub of Rubaya after attempts to move closer to the area.
AFC/M23 also sought to reassure residents of Rubaya and neighbouring localities, including Kinigi, saying it remained prepared to protect communities under its control. The group urged residents to continue their daily activities despite the security concerns.
Kanyuka said AFC/M23 would not only defend areas under its control but would also seek to push back government forces from locations used to launch attacks. AFC/M23 has reassured residents , saying it remained prepared to protect communities under its control.
In a statement posted on social media, Sonko said he met President Faye earlier in the day to discuss the formation of the new administration. While the two leaders confirmed areas of agreement, “points of disagreement” emerged, particularly over the role of the parliamentary majority within the executive framework.
“As a result, PASTEF will not participate in the next government and will not be represented by any ministers,” Sonko said, adding that the party wished the new administration “full success.”
The announcement came shortly before new Prime Minister Ahmadou Al Aminou Lo unveiled a 30-member cabinet. The new lineup retained Cheikh Diba as finance minister, with his portfolio expanded to include the economy ministry in a bid to improve policy “coherence,” according to the government.
However, the roster of ministers appointed by Lo included at least three prominent members of PASTEF, revealing a direct political challenge to Sonko’s attempt to pull the party completely out of the executive branch. The inclusion of these figures, despite the party leader’s public directive, highlights a growing internal division between Faye’s administration and Sonko’s legislative bloc.
The political rift unfolds against the backdrop of mounting economic pressure in Senegal, which is grappling with a debt crisis triggered by the revelation in 2024 of previously misreported liabilities by the former administration. The International Monetary Fund subsequently froze a $1.8 billion lending programme, pushing Senegal’s debt burden to around 132% of GDP.
Finance Minister Cheikh Diba told parliament in May that talks with the IMF were expected to resume in June, with hopes of reaching agreement on key issues by the end of the month.
The latest tensions also follow a broader political reshuffle. President Faye recently dissolved the government and dismissed Sonko from his post, prompting the formation of the new cabinet under Prime Minister Lo. Despite this, lawmakers later reinstated Sonko to parliament and backed him as speaker, reinforcing his continued political influence.
Analysts say Sonko’s position could still shape the political landscape, given PASTEF’s large parliamentary majority and his strong opposition to IMF-backed reforms, including debt restructuring proposals.
President Faye recently dissolved the government and dismissed Sonko from his post, prompting the formation of the new cabinet under Prime Minister Lo. Despite this, lawmakers later reinstated Sonko to parliament and backed him as speaker, reinforcing his continued political influence.
Macron said on social media that he has spoken with Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Oman’s Sultan Haitham bin Tariq, United Arab Emirates President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi.
He said he delivers the same message to all these leaders, stressing that it is essential for the United States and Iran to reach an agreement quickly.
According to Macron, the priority is to secure a ceasefire and reopen the Strait of Hormuz without any conditions and in accordance with international law. Discussions should then continue with a view to reaching a comprehensive and robust agreement on other issues, particularly Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs and regional stability.
Macron said France stands ready to play its part, including through a multinational initiative jointly led with Britain to help safeguard maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz.
Macron said regional stability must begin with Lebanon and called on all parties to cease hostilities. He added that France will continue supporting Lebanon’s efforts to restore state sovereignty and territorial integrity.
According to Lebanon’s Public Health Emergency Operations Center, an Israeli airstrike on Sunday struck an area adjacent to Hiram Hospital in the southern city of Tyre, injuring 13 hospital staff members and causing extensive damage to the facility.
Macron said regional stability must begin with Lebanon and called on all parties to cease hostilities. He added that France will continue supporting Lebanon’s efforts to restore state sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Reacting to Saturday U.S. media reports that the United States amended elements of the draft agreement and sent it back to Tehran, Tasnim quoted an informed source as saying that Iran will also make its own amendments to the draft deal, and “nothing is final yet.”
The source said Iran will only accept a draft it agrees to, and the amendments made by the United States do not imply Tehran’s approval.
U.S. media, citing officials, said U.S. President Donald Trump raised concerns over parts of the draft, including the release of Iran’s frozen assets, and wanted tougher terms in the MoU, especially on Iran’s nuclear material.
Iran and the United States are reportedly working to finalize an MoU on ending the war that started on Feb. 28 with joint attacks by the United States and Israel against Iran.
The two sides reached a temporary ceasefire on April 8. Over the past weeks, they have exchanged several proposed plans outlining conditions for ending the conflict through Pakistani mediation.
People attend a funeral ceremony for Alireza Tangsiri, chief commander of the Navy of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC), and other armed forces personnel killed in U.S. and Israeli strikes, in Tehran, Iran, on April 1, 2026. (Xinhua/Shadati)
