Minister of Information and Communications Technology Shadric Namalomba, who is also the government spokesperson, told local media that the country’s fuel reserves are completely dry as the conflict in the Middle East has disrupted global oil supplies, and the Malawian government has no foreign exchange to pay importers for petroleum products.
He said the much-needed 120 million dollars would cater for the procurement of 120 million liters of fuel, a volume he said would help ease the situation in the country.
Long queues of vehicles have become a common sight in filling stations across the country, with residents expecting the fuel to become fully available.
On April 1, the Malawi Energy Regulatory Authority hiked the fuel prices by an average of 35 percent, saying the Middle East conflict had pushed prices for petrol and diesel to very high levels.
On Monday, during the opening of the 2026 tobacco marketing season, Minister of Agriculture, Irrigation and Water Development Roza Mbilizi said the Malawian government is counting on the tobacco market to generate more foreign exchange and strengthen the country’s import cover.
On April 1, the Malawi Energy Regulatory Authority hiked the fuel prices by an average of 35 percent, saying the Middle East conflict had pushed prices for petrol and diesel to very high levels.
The directive was issued in a letter addressed to directors of finance across all government institutions on April 14, 2026.
The measure is part of Rwanda’s broader plan to reduce emissions by 38% by 2030. Vehicles are estimated to account for about 12% of the country’s total emissions.
Among the strategies already in place is the promotion of electric mobility in public transport. In the City of Kigali, the number of electric buses has been steadily increasing, alongside the growing use of electric motorcycles.
According to the letter, all public institutions are required to ensure that at least 30% of newly procured vehicles are electric, starting immediately. This is intended to help lower emissions, reduce dependence on fossil fuels, and promote sustainable, clean transport.
The Ministry emphasized that all institutions must comply with the 30% requirement. In cases where the calculated share results in less than one vehicle or requires rounding, priority should still be given to purchasing electric vehicles. Any deviation from the directive must be justified and approved in advance by the Ministry.
Data shows that 43% of vehicles imported into Rwanda are hybrid models.
In terms of buses, 2,084 units were imported in 2021, increasing to 2,287 in 2022, and 2,892 in 2023—reflecting an average annual growth rate of 17.8%.
Electric vehicles currently available in Rwanda include models from South Korean manufacturers Kia and Hyundai, as well as Chinese brands such as BYD and Dongfeng. Other models include those from Nissan and Toyota, particularly the RAV4 hybrid.
By 2024, Rwanda had 512 fully electric vehicles, alongside 7,172 hybrid vehicles. These figures do not include electric buses.
The government recently acquired 300 buses for use in Kigali’s public transport system, some of which are electric.
Meanwhile, the agency responsible for public transport has announced that upcoming shuttle services from Kigali International Airport to various hotels will soon be operated exclusively by electric vehicles.
Electric vehicles continue to increase on the Rwandan marketMost vehicles in Rwanda are hybridMany institutions are embracing the use of electric vehicles
Security reports circulating within the country and internationally painted a grim picture: the situation was rapidly deteriorating in multiple regions, yet any meaningful intervention still seemed far off.
That morning, Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General and head of the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR), issued an urgent appeal calling for the evacuation of most UN personnel.
In a letter addressed to Kofi Annan, he warned that large numbers of Tutsis were being killed, particularly in southern regions such as Gitarama, Butare, and Gikongoro.
He also reported intense fighting between government forces—formerly aligned with President Juvénal Habyarimana—and the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), the military wing of the RPF, which was attempting to stop the killings.
He described a night marked by heavy gunfire, including the use of powerful weapons. Reinforcements had reportedly been seen moving from Ruhengeri toward Kigali, and communication with the outside world had become extremely difficult.
Efforts had been made to coordinate with airport authorities and the RPA to keep Kigali International Airport neutral, although this remained uncertain. By that time, a group of UN troops had already been evacuated to Nairobi.
Booh-Booh also indicated that government troops were unwilling to relinquish control of the airport. Instead, they proposed jointly managing it with UNAMIR, a move he suggested was aimed at maintaining strategic advantage.
There were concerns that control of the airport could be used to pressure the RPA into accepting a ceasefire without first addressing the ongoing mass killings.
He warned that the airport could become a major flashpoint, as both sides sought to control it and its surroundings. This, he noted, posed serious risks to UN operations, including the evacuation process, supply lines, and the safety of peacekeepers.
Booh-Booh further expressed doubts about the government forces’ willingness to pursue peace. He cited an earlier incident on April 19, when mortar shells were fired into Amahoro Stadium, a site under UN protection where many Tutsi civilians had sought refuge. The attack left several people dead and dozens injured, and additional shelling in surrounding areas caused further civilian casualties.
Given the worsening security situation, he warned that UN personnel themselves were at risk and recommended a rapid withdrawal. He suggested that a reduced force—around 250 personnel, both military and civilian—could remain to monitor humanitarian efforts and any potential ceasefire.
Despite advocating for a large-scale troop withdrawal, he stressed that civilians sheltering in locations such as Hotel des Mille Collines, Red Cross facilities, St. Michel, and other areas were in grave danger, as killings had already intensified across Kigali.
The UN Security Council had originally established UNAMIR on October 5, 1993, under the leadership of Lieutenant General Roméo Dallaire, to oversee the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords between the government of Habyarimana and the RPF.
However, following Booh-Booh’s warning, the Security Council decided on April 21, 1994, to drastically reduce the UNAMIR force—from about 2,500 troops to just 270. The decision was largely influenced by pressure from member states, particularly after the killing of 10 Belgian peacekeepers.
Those Belgian soldiers had been assigned to protect Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana. They, along with the Prime Minister, were killed by government troops from the Kanombe military camp on the morning of April 7, 1994.
The withdrawal marked a critical moment in the genocide, significantly weakening international presence at a time when mass killings were escalating, and leaving countless civilians without protection.
The UN Security Council had originally established UNAMIR on October 5, 1993, under the leadership of Lieutenant General Roméo Dallaire, to oversee the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords.Following Booh-Booh’s warning, the Security Council decided on April 21, 1994, to drastically reduce the UNAMIR force—from about 2,500 troops to just 270.
Lt Gen Yav previously commanded the DRC’s third defence zone. He was arrested in September 2022 after M23 rebels captured large parts of North Kivu Province.
The prosecution, represented by Lt Gen Lucien-René Likulia, alleged that Yav had been in contact with an official from the Rwandan government, claiming that messages found on his phone served as evidence of their collaboration.
However, testimony presented in court revealed inconsistencies. Among the witnesses were Lt Gen Constant Ndima, former governor of North Kivu, and Maj Gen Sylvain Ekenge Bomusa, former spokesperson of the Congolese army—but their accounts contradicted each other.
Lt Gen Ndima told the High Military Court that Yav had received a message from retired General James Kabarebe, a senior figure who previously held key roles in Rwanda’s military. When asked whether he had personally seen the message, Ndima admitted that he had not.
In a surprising turn, Maj Gen Ekenge, who also served in North Kivu, stated instead that the message had come from an aide to Gen (Rtd) Kabarebe—not from Kabarebe himself.
The prosecution was further questioned on whether it could present the alleged messages from Yav’s phone, which has been in custody for four years. It responded that accessing the device had been difficult due to multiple security passwords set by the officer.
When pressed to identify anyone who had actually seen the messages, the prosecution cited Maj Gen Peter Cirimwami, a former North Kivu governor. However, it acknowledged that he could not testify, as he died in January 2025. With the evidence still unverified, the court turned to experts from the national cyber security agency (CNC) to attempt to access the phone and retrieve the alleged messages.
Yav’s lawyer, Charles Ngwapitshi, argued that the inclusion of Gen (Rtd) Kabarebe in the case was intended to exaggerate its significance, given his prominence in Rwanda’s security establishment.
“After what was said by Gen Ndima, it is clear there is a problem from the outset,” Ngwapitshi told the court. “To strengthen their case against Gen Yav Irung Philémon, they had to inflate it by introducing the name of James Kabarebe. I want to understand why there are so many contradictions.”
Although the CNC had been expected to submit its findings after being granted additional time, it informed the court on April 21 that it had not retrieved the alleged messages and requested an open-ended extension.
Ngwapitshi maintained that the prosecution’s case lacked merit, urging the court to reach a swift decision so that his client—who has spent four years in detention—can reunite with his family.
Presiding judge Lt Gen Joseph Mutombo Katalayi ruled that the court could not grant an indefinite extension without a clear deadline. He ordered the CNC to return Yav’s phone, effectively halting the forensic examination.
The decision marked a significant blow to the prosecution. Ngwapitshi reiterated that the case was baseless, describing it as “an empty shell.”
The court set May 5, 2026, as the date when both the prosecution and the defense will present their final submissions, which will inform the final judgment.
Lt Gen Yav previously commanded the DRC’s third defence zone.
Speaking at a press conference after meeting with visiting Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, Macron urged a “political agreement” between Israel and Lebanon to guarantee security for both countries, safeguard Lebanon’s territorial integrity, and pave the way for normalized relations.
Macron also warned that the European Union (EU) could reconsider its ties with Israel if its policies remain unchanged. He said suspending the EU-Israel Association Agreement – which has governed trade relations since 2000 – would become a “legitimate question” under such circumstances.
Addressing broader regional tensions, Macron called for extending negotiations between the United States and Iran as their ceasefire approaches expiration, stressing that “war must not be allowed to resume.”
For his part, Salam reiterated Lebanon’s demand for the “complete withdrawal” of Israeli forces from its territory, along with the return of Lebanese prisoners and displaced persons.
French President Emmanuel Macron (L, front) greets visiting Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam (R, front) at Elysee Palace in Paris, France, April 21, 2026. French President Emmanuel Macron said Tuesday that Israel must “renounce its territorial ambitions” in Lebanon, calling for a political settlement to ensure regional stability. (Photo by Henri Szwarc/Xinhua)
“Based on the fact that the Government of Iran is seriously fractured, not unexpectedly so and, upon the request of Field Marshal Asim Munir, and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, of Pakistan, we have been asked to hold our Attack on the Country of Iran until such time as their leaders and representatives can come up with a unified proposal,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.
The U.S. president said he will “extend the ceasefire until such time as their proposal is submitted, and discussions are concluded, one way or the other.”
The U.S. military will continue the blockade against Iran and “remain ready and able,” Trump said.
Trump said on Monday that it was “highly unlikely” for him to extend the truce, and on Tuesday morning he told U.S. media that he doesn’t want to do that, expecting the United States to “end up with a great deal” with Iran while threatening to bomb Iran again if no deal is reached.
U.S. Vice President JD Vance, whose trip to Pakistan for talks with Iran has been put on hold, was at the White House for meetings on Tuesday, along with Trump’s envoy Steve Witkoff and son-in-law Jared Kushner, multiple media outlets reported.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth arrived at the White House on Tuesday afternoon to join discussions over Washington’s next steps, according to the reports.
The United States violated the ceasefire by starting a naval blockade of Iran’s ports, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Tuesday on X.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei told state TV late Tuesday that Iran has not yet decided whether to join fresh peace talks since it was upset about what he called mixed messages from Washington.
“It is not out of indecisiveness, it is because we are facing contradictory messages and behaviors, and unacceptable actions from the American counterpart,” Beghaei said.
As U.S. forces have intercepted and taken custody of an Iranian-flagged cargo ship on Sunday and Iran has not yet announced its decision to send a negotiating team for talks, the prospect of an expected second round of U.S.-Iran talks remains unclear, according to media reports.
U.S. President Donald Trump said Tuesday he will extend the ceasefire with Iran as the current two-week truce is set to expire on Wednesday night.
The bootcamp, running from April 20 to April 24, 2026, brings together finalists selected from more than 1,200 applicants aged between 18 and 35. All participants submitted technology-driven solutions aimed at improving agriculture.
During the training, the entrepreneurs are being equipped with practical skills to scale their businesses, attract investors, and manage finances. They are also engaging with leaders from various institutions who are providing mentorship and professional guidance.
In addition, participants are being coached on how to effectively present and refine their business ideas before a panel of judges, as they prepare for the competition’s final pitch.
The Country Director for Heifer International Rwanda, Verena Ruzibuka, said the bootcamp was designed to bridge gaps identified among the selected entrepreneurs, particularly in aligning their current progress with their long-term ambitions.
“We identified a gap between where the selected entrepreneurs are and where they need to be to grow their ventures effectively. This bootcamp is meant to close that gap,” she said.
Ruzibuka added that the goal is for participants to emerge as credible, investment-ready entrepreneurs and leaders in agri-tech, capable of transforming smallholder farming in Rwanda.
She noted that supporting these entrepreneurs goes beyond individual projects, contributing to broader goals such as strengthening the agricultural sector, creating jobs, supporting smallholder farmers, and safeguarding future food systems.
One of the participants, Abdu Usanase, founder of Agriresearch Unguka Ltd, described the bootcamp as a valuable opportunity.
“Being part of the AYuTE bootcamp is a major step for us. We are gaining mentorship, building networks, and taking part in activities that will help refine our projects to better support young farmers. We are excited to learn, grow, and compete in the next stage,” he said.
The Agriculture, Youth and Technology (AYuTE) Africa Challenge is a competition that promotes innovative agri-tech solutions to boost agricultural development.
Prize money for winners has increased from Rwf 50 million to Rwf 65 million. The initiative targets young people interested in investing in Rwanda, offering them an opportunity to gain practical skills while also competing for financial support to scale their businesses.
Young agri-tech entrepreneurs are undergoing training and mentorship to refine their innovations before pitching in the AYuTE Africa Challenge.Twelve finalists selected from over 1,200 applicants are taking part in an intensive bootcamp ahead of the AYuTE Africa Challenge finals.Participants engage in business training, investor readiness, and pitching sessions during a bootcamp preparing them for the AYuTE Africa Challenge final stage.
One of the global concerns linked to the conflict has been the sharp rise in petroleum prices, driven by disruptions to supply routes and reduced oil processing in the Middle East.
These effects have reached many countries, including Rwanda, which imports a significant share of its food and other goods.
A survey of major Kigali markets, including Kimironko Market and Nyabugogo Market, shows mixed trends: while prices of some essential food items have remained unchanged, others have risen sharply, making them less affordable for many consumers.
At Kimironko Market, locally produced cooking oil has seen a notable increase. A five-liter container now sells between Rwf 14,000 and Rwf 15,000, up from Rwf 11,000–12,000 just two months ago.
However, staple foods such as rice and maize flour have remained stable. A 25 kg sack of rice imported from Tanzania still costs around Rwf 38,000, while higher-quality varieties range between Rwf 47,000 and 50,000—prices that have held steady since late last year.
The same applies to rice from India, Pakistan, and locally produced varieties, which continue to retail between Rwf 1,100 and Rwf 1,300 per kilogram.
Sugar prices have also remained unchanged, selling between Rwf 1,400 and Rwf 1,600 per kilogram, similar to prices recorded two months ago.
Traders say there has been no major shock in food prices so far, though some note reduced purchasing activity. One vendor explained that many families are currently focused on paying school fees, which has affected household spending on food.
Prices of rice have seen slight increase
Fruits record sharp increases
Despite stability in some staples, fruit prices have risen significantly. A kilogram of oranges, which cost Rwf 1,000 in January 2026, now sells for about Rwf 1,500. Lemons have increased from Rwf 1,200–1,500 to between Rwf 1,800 and Rwf 2,000 per kilogram.
Tree tomatoes have also risen to around Rwf 2,000 per kilogram, up from Rwf 1,500–1,800. Other items such as cooking bananas and passion fruits have followed a similar trend.
Traders attribute these increases mainly to high transport costs, as most fruits are sourced from rural provinces or neighboring countries. The higher prices have also reduced the number of customers.
Potatoes have also gone up. At Kimironko Market, Irish potatoes from Kinigi now cost between Rwf 700 and Rwf 800 per kilogram, up from Rwf 650 six months ago. White potatoes have increased from Rwf 400 to around Rwf 600 per kilogram.
Cooking bananas have risen from Rwf 400 to between Rwf 500 and Rwf 600 per kilogram.
Meat prices, however, have remained relatively stable. Mixed beef cuts still sell between Rwf 6,500 and Rwf 7,000 per kilogram, with only slight fluctuations. Chicken prices vary but have not seen a major increase.
Meat prices have slightly gone up
Nyabugogo market shows similar trends
At Nyabugogo Market, where slaughtering facilities are also available, beef prices have remained steady at around Rwf 6,500 per kilogram.
Other meat prices have not changed significantly, except for chicken, which fluctuates and can exceed Rwf 5,000.
Rice prices remain stable as well, with Tanzanian rice selling between Rwf 1,800 and 2,100 per kilogram.
However, locally produced cooking oil has increased from Rwf 2,500 to about 3,200 per liter.
White potatoes now cost around Rwf 650 per kilogram, up from 400, while Kinigi potatoes have risen to Rwf 800 from 500 in just two months.
Tomatoes have doubled in price from Rwf 500–600 per kilogram, while fruits have increased by Rwf 200–500 per kilogram, raising the overall cost of doing business.
One fruit trader said the rising prices have made it harder to operate, as capital requirements have doubled in some cases while supply remains inconsistent.
Most traders agree that rising fuel prices are the main driver behind these increases. However, they note that relatively stable diesel prices have helped prevent even steeper hikes in other goods.
A kilogram of tomatoes has increased from Rwf 600 to Rwf 1200
Construction materials also affected
Traders dealing in construction materials report that cement and electrical cables have been among the most affected.
A 50 kg bag of Cimerwa cement, which cost around Rwf 9,500 two months ago, now sells for nearly Rwf 15,000. Meanwhile, Tanzania’s Twiga cement has increased from Rwf 14,000 Frw to between Rwf 16,000 and 16,500.
Electrical cables have also surged. A 100-meter roll of Alpha cables now costs between Rwf 65,000 and Rwf 70,000, up from Rwf 40,000–45,000.
Other materials have seen moderate or no changes. For example, 12-meter steel rods (12 mm thickness) still cost around Rwf 16,000, while roofing sheets (gauge 30)have increased from Rwf 9,500 to about 12,000.
According to the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, consumer prices in Rwanda rose by 9.2% in March 2026 compared to the same period in 2025, reflecting broader inflationary pressures in the economy.
Traders dealing in construction materials report that cement and electrical cables have been among the most affected.Rice prices have been reportedly remained stablePineapples have also been affacted by change in prices.
The meeting took place on the afternoon of April 20, 2026, according to a statement from the Office of the President.
The statement noted that their discussions centered on strengthening ties between Rwanda and the Ashanti Kingdom, with a particular focus on expanding opportunities in trade, investment and mineral trading.
The Ashanti Kingdom is one of around 16 traditional kingdoms in Ghana and is among the most historically influential in both Ghana and West Africa.
It rose to prominence in the 18th and 19th centuries. Located in central Ghana, the kingdom covers an area of more than 24,000 square kilometers.
The Ashanti people belong to the Akan ethnic group, which established the kingdom around the 1600s under King Osei Tutu.
Kumasi serves as the capital of the Ashanti Kingdom and is widely regarded as a major center of culture and history in Ghana.
Today, the kingdom is led by King Otumfuo Nana Osei Tutu II, the 16th ruler, known as the Asantehene. He serves as both a political and spiritual leader of the Ashanti people, although he does not hold an official role within Ghana’s government.
King Otumfuo Nana Osei Tutu II ascended to the throne on April 26, 1999, following the passing of his uncle, Otumfuo Opoku Ware II. He is widely respected in Ghana for his cultural leadership and is seen as a symbol of unity among the Ashanti people.
The Ashanti Kingdom’s economy is largely driven by gold mining, agriculture, trade, and tourism.
Cooperation between Rwanda and the Ashanti Kingdom adds to Rwanda’s already strong bilateral relations with Ghana. The two countries maintain partnerships in areas such as air transport, defense, and security.
They also collaborate in the private sector, tourism, culture, finance, and trade.
Rwanda opened its High Commission in Ghana in 2020, while Ghana established its High Commission in Rwanda in 2024.
President Paul Kagame has received a delegation led by Prince Oheneba Yaw Otchere, Royal Ambassador of the King of the Ashanti Kingdom in Ghana.The meeting took place on April 20, 2026. President Kagame and Prince Oheneba Yaw Otchere held discussions centered on strengthening ties between Rwanda and the Ashanti Kingdom
They identified Augustin Bizimungu, who had led the Ex-FAR before the country’s liberation, as the most capable figure to command their military efforts. Meanwhile, Agathe Kanziga, the wife of Habyarimana, continued leading diplomatic efforts to secure external support.
Many members of the inner circle known as “Akazu” were based in Kenya, where numerous meetings were held to plan their return, especially focusing on acquiring weapons for Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces based in then Zaïre.
However, heavy pressure from the United Nations on Mobutu Sese Seko, who had been supporting these forces, forced him to expel some Rwandan refugees in a move seen as a diversion tactic.
Fearing that Ex-FAR and Interahamwe fighters might be disarmed or repatriated to Rwanda, thus collapsing their plan, members of the Akazu decided to bribe Zaïrean soldiers to allow their fighters to remain in camps with their weapons intact.
According to Andrew Wallis in his book Stepp’d in Blood: Akazu and the Architects of the Rwandan Genocide Against the Tutsi, Félicien Kabuga sent $35,000 to Gen Bizimungu to bribe Zaïrean troops so they would allow Ex-FAR and Interahamwe fighters to keep their weapons in camps near the border.
At one point, a Zaïrean officer demanded $60,000 to ignore continued arms deliveries to camps such as Mugunga, near Goma. Kabuga and his associates in Nairobi mobilized additional funds to meet these demands.
On November 4, 1995, several Akazu members met at the home of Gratien Kabiligi in Nairobi to raise more funds. Contributions included a cheque from Kabuga, $340 from Protais Zigiranyirazo (Habyarimana’s brother-in-law), and $1,500 from Aloys Ntabakuze, a former commando leader. A total of $17,000 was collected that day.
Despite continued fundraising efforts, morale declined among Akazu members, who grew frustrated with Bizimungu’s delay in launching military operations despite the availability of resources. Contributions dropped sharply—from $20 to as little as $1.
Kabuga, however, insisted he would continue giving everything he had to restore their power, even declaring he would return to Kigali “with nothing,” if necessary.
Internal mistrust deepened within the group. Some members suspected others of prioritizing personal interests, such as securing visas to Europe or starting businesses in Nairobi, while others struggled with financial hardship.
Criticism also mounted against Bizimungu, with accusations that he spent time socializing with Kabuga in Kenya rather than advancing their military plans.
Despite these divisions, the government of Jacques Chirac, which came to power in May 1995, reportedly supported efforts to arm and train Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces.
In early December 1995, a high-level meeting was held in Zaïre involving Kanziga, Mobutu, senior Zaïrean generals, Bizimungu, Kabiligi, Seraphin Bararengana (a relative of Habyarimana), and Augustin Ngirabatware.
Senior French officers, led by Gilbert Canovas, also attended, alongside Christian Refalo, who had previously trained Ex-FAR troops in the 1990s. The meeting focused on refining plans to attack Rwanda.
They agreed on a military route entering through Gisenyi, advancing through Kibuye and Gikongoro, with support from French mercenaries using British passports.
Mobutu reportedly promised Kanziga $6 million if they succeeded in capturing Cyangugu Airport.
Meanwhile, Théoneste Bagosora, despite disagreements with Bizimungu, independently sought weapons from South Africa and Seychelles, reportedly acquiring 360 tonnes of arms, many originating from Bulgaria, with travel expenses allegedly covered by the Chirac administration.
Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya was also said to have pledged weapons, including AK-47 rifles, ammunition, mortars, rockets, and grenades.
Additional expected support included modern rifles and landmines from South Africa, and mortars from Hosni Mubarak’s Egypt.
By late December 1995, Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces were estimated at around 49,000 fighters, many of them newly recruited. However, indiscipline became a major issue—some soldiers sold weapons to locals, while others engaged in misconduct, including activities that led to the spread of HIV/AIDS.
Wallis notes that Akazu leaders had planned for an attack on Rwanda by the end of December 1995. However, growing divisions within both military and political ranks ultimately derailed the plan.
At one point, Bizimungu informed Kanziga by phone that he had told Mobutu he could not proceed with the invasion to overthrow Rwanda’s government. He indicated he would soon appoint a replacement to lead their forces, referring vaguely to “resolving the Rwanda problem.”
Ultimately, internal conflicts within the Akazu network, divisions within Ex-FAR, and international pressure against arms proliferation led to the collapse of the plan to regain power.
Instead, Ex-FAR and Interahamwe shifted to launching cross-border insurgent attacks, particularly in border regions, resulting in the deaths of many Rwandan civilians.
Agathe Kanziga and other Akazu members attempted to return to power, but were foild by internal divisions.Augustin Bizimungu openly told Mobutu Sese Seko that he was unable to overthrow Rwanda’s government.
