Mali had been suspended from the OIF in August 2020 after a military coup ousted President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita.
The OIF had called for Keita’s release and the establishment of a civilian-led transition government amidst the country’s ongoing crisis.
In a similar stance, Burkina Faso and Niger, both also governed by military juntas, announced their departure from the OIF.
These countries, which have distanced themselves from France and strengthened ties with Russia, have also left the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to create their own Sahel confederation.
The OIF, based in Paris, works to promote the French language and foster cooperation in various sectors among its 93 member states.
In a statement, RCSP chairperson Theoneste Murangira expressed deep concern over the worsening security and humanitarian situation in South and North Kivu, warning that tensions between the DRC, Rwanda, and Burundi risk further destabilizing the Great Lakes region.
The apex civil society body emphasized that punitive measures against Rwanda could exacerbate the crisis and hinder ongoing mediation efforts led by African regional blocs.
In recent weeks, the international community has imposed a series of sanctions targeting Rwanda. The United States sanctioned the Minister of State of Foreign Affairs in charge of Regional Cooperation General (Rtd) James Kabarebe.
The European Union (EU) suspended defense consultations and announced a review of its Memorandum of Understanding on Sustainable Raw Materials Value Chains with Rwanda. The United Kingdom halted direct financial aid, except for humanitarian assistance, while Germany and Canada imposed similar punitive measures.
RCSP argued that such actions undermine the principle of collective action, which is crucial for effective conflict resolution, and called on global leaders to adopt a humanitarian, peace, and development lens when addressing the crisis.
“Sanctions could complicate mediation by fostering exclusion, emboldening non-sanctioned parties, and undermining the impartiality of mediators,” the RCSP stated, citing research that suggests sanctions rarely incentivize cooperation or break negotiation deadlocks.
“Instead, they can exacerbate conflicts by strengthening hardliners and prolonging crises.”
The conflict in eastern DRC has intensified since late January 2025, when the M23 rebel group advanced into Goma and other strategic towns after overwhelming the Congolese army and its coalition forces.
The worsening situation prompted urgent interventions from regional bodies, including the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the East African Community (EAC), which have been calling for dialogue to resolve the conflict between M23 and Kinshasa through diplomatic means.
The RCSP highlighted that the humanitarian toll continues to mount, with essential infrastructure destroyed and communities facing acute humanitarian needs. It called for unfettered access to humanitarian aid and the restoration of critical services to alleviate the suffering of affected populations.
RCSP urged regional leaders to focus on a structured and inclusive peace process that addresses the root causes of the conflict. It warned that a ceasefire alone is insufficient without tackling the underlying grievances of all parties involved.
“Ignoring these issues risks future conflict outbreaks with even more devastating consequences,” RCSP cautioned, while encouraging the active involvement of civil society, grassroots communities, women, and youth in peace negotiations.
RCSP also urged all stakeholders to prioritize humanitarian assistance and civilian protection while calling on the UN Security Council to pressure the DRC and other actors to commit to long-term, inclusive peace solutions.
“The DRC crisis is not merely a national emergency but a regional crisis with spill-over effects that require bold, coordinated, and inclusive action,” the platform stressed.
Since Belgium began colonizing Rwanda in 1917, it implemented several oppressive policies that divided Rwandans. Among them was the introduction of forced labor punishments known as “ikiboko,” which involved caning individuals who failed to complete their assigned labor.
In 1930, Belgium introduced identity cards that classified Rwandans into artificial ethnic groups. These identity cards later played a key role in the Genocide against the Tutsi, as they were used to identify those targeted for killing.
The 1978 Constitution and other laws enacted between 1962 and 1994 institutionalized discrimination. For example, these laws stipulated that Tutsi should not exceed 10% of government positions, while Hutu were allocated 89% and Batwa only 1%, based on demographic proportions.
Minister Dr. Bizimana told RBA that “a constitution that reinforces discrimination and divisions is extremely harmful. It was influenced by the Belgians, who strongly supported Habyarimana’s government and political parties in their country.”
He pointed out that in 1946, when Belgium was given the mandate to govern Rwanda, it was supposed to develop the country in all aspects and prepare it for independence. However, it failed to do so.
“Belgium should humble itself and acknowledge the truth—that it is the root cause of Rwanda’s problems. From the moment it signed agreements with the United Nations in 1946 to lead Rwanda to independence, improve living standards, uphold human rights, and provide quality education, it failed in all these aspects and instead introduced ethnic divisions,” he stated.
After Juvénal Habyarimana overthrew Kayibanda in 1973, Belgium continued to support him and helped him draft laws that entrenched discrimination.
He added, “The Belgians helped Habyarimana draft the 1978 Constitution, providing him with two advisors: Filip Reyntjens and René de Wolf, who wrote the Constitution. This Constitution explicitly supported the ethnic-based ideology of Parmehutu.”
This Constitution described the “revolution” of 1959 and Habyarimana’s rise to power as a “cultural revolution” and mandated that they be regarded as fundamental principles in Rwanda’s history and laws.
It also stated that Rwandan refugees living abroad would be governed by laws set by Rwanda, even though the 1966 laws explicitly denied refugees and those exiled to Bugesera and Rukumberi the right to return home or reclaim their properties.
Kayibanda, who operated under Belgium’s influence, even issued directives prohibiting judges from accepting legal claims from refugees or their families regarding property restitution.
Minister Bizimana remarked, “This injustice was embedded in the Constitution drafted by a Belgian legal expert, who was paid with Belgian cooperation funds.”
Article 7 of the Belgian-drafted Constitution established the MRND as the sole political party, forcing every Rwandan to be a member without choice.
In February 2025, Rwanda terminated its development cooperation agreements with Belgium after the latter took sides in the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and engaged in propaganda aimed at isolating Rwanda from international aid.
On March 17, 2025, Rwanda decided to sever diplomatic ties with Belgium due to its historical role in Rwanda’s suffering and its ongoing actions against the country.
According to Africa Intelligence, which cites close sources, Kabila, absent from the DRC since the 2023 general elections, spent a few days in Kampala before departing for Nairobi on March 14.
While the purpose of his visit remains unclear, reports suggest he met with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni to discuss the political and security situation in the DRC.
This visit comes at a time of rising tensions in the region and increasing diplomatic pressure on Kabila’s successor, Félix Tshisekedi.
In recent weeks, Kabila has stepped back into the political spotlight, publishing an op-ed in the Sunday Times on February 23 and granting an interview to Namibia’s NBC News, where he expressed his readiness to “serve the country.”
While there is no confirmed meeting between Kabila and Nangaa, authorities in Kinshasa suspect the former president of aiding collaborations between the opposition leader and the M23 rebels.
The French National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor’s Office (PNAT) has sought her indictment for “conspiracy to commit genocide and crimes against humanity,” further expanding the scope of the investigation.
The request will be reviewed behind closed doors by the investigating chamber of the Paris Court of Appeal on Wednesday, March 19, 2025, at 4:00 PM, with a deliberation to follow.
Agathe Habyarimana, now 82, has been under investigation in France since 2008, following a complaint by the Collective of Civil Parties for Rwanda (CPCR). Despite multiple legal proceedings, she has so far evaded prosecution.
She is accused of being a key figure in the ‘akazu’, the inner circle of Hutu power which orchestrated the Genocide against the Tutsi which claimed over a million lives, but has denied all accusations.
Agathe was evacuated to France three days after President Habyarimana’s plane was shot down on April 6, 1994.
She was evacuated to France with the help of then-French President François Mitterrand who was close to her late husband.
Despite residing in France since 1998, she has been denied asylum due to suspicions about her involvement in the genocide. However, France has also refused to extradite her to Rwanda.
In 2016, she was designated as an “assisted witness,” an intermediate legal status, and in February 2022, the investigating judge signalled the potential closure of the case, citing excessive delays.
{{New developments in the case}}
The PNAT has since pushed for further inquiries, issuing a supplementary indictment in August 2022.
Former National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor Jean-François Ricard, speaking ahead of the 30th anniversary of the genocide, emphasised that the case remains one of the most complex on their docket. The charges include allegations that Agathe Habyarimana gave orders and incited violence during the genocide.
The prosecution argues that the investigating judge failed to take sufficient action and, in September 2024, formally requested her indictment. With no response from the judge, the matter has now been escalated to the Court of Appeal to advance the case.
The CPCR alleges that Agathe Habyarimana financed Radio Mille Collines, the infamous broadcaster of anti-Tutsi hate messages, and participated in the creation of a list of Tutsi figures targeted for execution.
She is also accused of endorsing terror campaigns by the presidential guard following her husband’s death and of ordering the massacre of seven employees at an orphanage she had founded.
Investigators questioned her again under assisted witness status on December 5, 2024.
If the Court of Appeal grants the PNAT’s request, Agathe Habyarimana could finally face charges for her alleged role in one of the 20th century’s worst atrocities. If convicted, she could spend the rest of her life in prison.
The meeting comes just a week after Washington expressed interest in exploring critical minerals partnerships with DRC. In February, a Congolese lawmaker reportedly contacted U.S. officials to propose a minerals-for-security deal.
However, the government has not publicly disclosed any such proposal, only stating its intention to seek diversified partnerships.
The presidential statement referred to Jackson as a “special envoy” for U.S. President Donald Trump but did not directly mention minerals. Instead, Jackson emphasized the need for a stable environment to attract American businesses.
“We want to work so that American companies can come and invest and work in the DRC. And to do that, we have to make sure that there is a peaceful environment,” Jackson was quoted as saying. Tshisekedi is struggling to contain the insurgency led by the M23 rebels, who now control eastern DRC’s two biggest cities.
The government had planned to send a delegation to peace talks in Angola on Tuesday, but hopes for negotiations have been dashed after M23 withdrew from the process at the last minute.
{{M23 withdraws from peace talks}}
In a sudden development, the AFC/M23 coalition announced its withdrawal from the peace negotiations scheduled for March 18, 2025, in Luanda, Angola. The talks were organized under the mediation of Angolan President João Lourenço, who also serves as the Chairperson of the African Union (AU).
Just a day before the scheduled discussions, M23 issued a statement signed by its political spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, blaming international sanctions and ongoing military actions by Kinshasa as key reasons for pulling out.
“The Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC/M23) deeply regrets that certain international institutions are deliberately undermining peace efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo and obstructing the much-anticipated talks,” the statement read.
The group particularly criticized recent sanctions imposed on its members, arguing that they had compromised the credibility of the negotiations.
“Successive sanctions imposed on our members, including those enacted on the eve of the Luanda discussions, severely undermine direct dialogue and make any progress impossible,” M23 stated.
The group further accused Tshisekedi’s administration of continuing military aggression, stating that government forces were conducting indiscriminate attacks on both civilian areas and M23 positions.
“This incomprehensible and ambiguous stance only encourages Mr. Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo to continue with his warmongering program,” the statement claimed.
M23 alleged that Kinshasa’s forces, supported by its allies, had launched multiple ground attacks and aerial bombardments, using fighter jets and CH-4 combat drones.
“AFC/M23 draws the attention of the International and National Community to the warmongering campaign of the coalition forces of the Kinshasa regime through multiple ground attacks and indiscriminate bombardments of densely populated areas as well as our positions,” the group added.
Given these circumstances, M23 declared that it was no longer feasible to participate in the peace talks.
“Under these circumstances, the talks have become impracticable. Consequently, our organization can no longer continue to participate in the discussions,” the statement concluded.
{{Uncertain future for peace in eastern DRC}}
The announcement came just hours after M23 had initially confirmed sending a five-member delegation to the negotiations.
The Congolese government had also confirmed its participation, with a delegation led by Transport Minister Jean-Pierre Bemba, a former Minister of Defense and leader of the armed group Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC).
With the collapse of the peace talks, the future of stability in eastern DRC remains uncertain. Tshisekedi’s government continues to seek international backing while facing mounting challenges in containing the insurgency.
Meanwhile, questions linger over whether his engagement with U.S. lawmakers is a desperate attempt to secure a minerals-for-security deal amid the growing instability.
On March 16, 2025, while addressing a congregation at Vision de Jésus-Christ Church, Ndayishimiye reignited tensions by blaming Rwanda for ethnic divisions in Burundi since 1959 and in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) since 1996.
“Burundi faced problems in 1959 due to events in Rwanda. The Congolese also experienced turmoil after 1996 because of what happened in Rwanda. Should our countries keep suffering from problems originating in Rwanda?” he questioned.
“Let them resolve their own issues and stay out of ours. Here in Burundi, we have no Hutu or Tutsi, we are simply Burundians. If they choose to govern based on ethnicity, that is their concern,” he added.
While Ndayishimiye claimed Burundi does not differentiate between Hutu and Tutsi, he has been accused of collaborating with the Congolese army, Wazalendo and terrorist group FDLR (remnants of those responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda) to target Congolese Tutsis.
The Burundian leader asserted that his country is in a strong position, stating that “the world has woken up” and no longer believes mere rumors, but instead observes the realities on the ground in the DRC.
He told the congregation that the ongoing crisis might be resolved by the end of the 40-day fasting period.
Reiterating his claims of a Rwandan invasion plot, he dismissed the possibility, boasting that Burundi has both visible and invisible military forces. Using biblical references, he emphasized divine protection over his country.
“The idea that Rwanda could invade Burundi is sheer madness. I hear people say, ‘Rwanda has a strong army.’ Uuuh! If only they knew the forces, I have. How would they even know, unless they sought guidance from God to reveal them? Burundi has an army, both seen and unseen. It is well protected,” he said.
Ndayishimiye also claimed that in June and July 2024, God defended Burundi from a major threat, and according to “the enemy’s plans,” his government was not expected to survive beyond October of that year.
In January and February 2025, he launched strong accusations against Rwanda, alleging that it was planning to invade Burundi. However, his rhetoric softened after engaging in discussions with “Rwanda’s friendly nations.”
By February 27, during a meeting with diplomats in Burundi, Ndayishimiye expressed willingness to engage in dialogue with Rwanda, similar to efforts made in 2020 to resolve the ongoing disputes.
“To prevent war between our two countries, we are committed to resolving conflicts through peaceful means. This is what we have been doing since 2020 when Burundi initiated discussions with Rwanda. To this day, Burundi remains open to dialogue with Rwanda to settle our differences,” he said.
Last week, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe confirmed that leaders from both countries are engaged in negotiations to ease tensions.
“Rwanda and Burundi are making significant progress towards ending hostilities and reaching an agreement, as discussions between their leaders continue,” said Minister Nduhungirehe.
His statement suggested that if an agreement is reached, Burundi could reopen its borders with Rwanda, which it had closed in January 2024, accusing Rwanda of supporting the armed group RED Tabara, claims Rwanda has consistently denied.
The nine group winners are assured of a place at the finals in Canada, Mexico and the USA. The four best second-placed sides will have a chance to earn one final spot via play-offs.
A raft of managerial changes has occurred since the last round in June, with Nigeria, Senegal and Tunisia among the sides with new coaches.
{{What should fans look out for?}}
Among the heavyweights of the continental game it is Nigeria who have the greatest need for immediate results. Winless in Group C, and languishing four points behind leaders Rwanda, Eric Chelle assumes an already high-profile role which is amplified by difficult circumstances.
The former Mali coach becomes the first non-Nigerian African to take charge of the Super Eagles. The West Africans travel to Kigali before hosting Zimbabwe, and Chelle accepts they are must-win encounters for the three-time African champions.
“There is pressure in football. I say time is the enemy of the coach. But I’m confident and I believe in my players,” he told the media.
Star striker Victor Osimhen says he and his team-mates are “desperate” to make the finals after missing out on the 2022 edition in Qatar.
Another new boss needing positive returns is Tom Saintfiet, who looks to revive Mali’s campaign in Group I after succeeding Chelle. The four-point gap to group leaders Comoros can be cut straight away as the Eagles travel to face the islanders.
“We are not in an easy position but I have a very talented group. It’s a big luxury to have so many quality players,” Saintfiet said.
Mali have never reached the World Cup finals and, after going unbeaten through preliminaries for the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon), Saintfiet is upbeat about their hopes.
“After six matches with four wins, two draws, I’m quite positive. We going to try everything to write history,” the Belgian added.
Elsewhere in Group I, Ghana will look to put their disastrous Afcon 2025 qualifying campaign behind them against Chad and Madagascar. Corentin Martins is now in the dugout for the latter, while Rigobert Song faces his first games as Central African Republic boss.
{{Teranga Lions tackle surprise package Sudan}}
Senegal boss Pape Thiaw is another man inheriting a World Cup bid after succeeding Aliou Cisse, to whom he was an assistant, last October. The West Africans ended Afcon 2025 qualifying unbeaten and former striker El Hadji Diouf has been impressed by the smooth transition in the Teranga Lions hotseat.
“Pape was there when Aliou was here so we [have] good continuity. Senegal is a family and we have a wonderful group. We have to work together and be happy all together,” Diouf said.
The former continental champions are two points behind surprise Group B leaders Sudan and Thiaw will be without injured Premier League forwards Nicolas Jackson and Iliman Ndiaye for their away game against the Sudanese, which will be played in the neutral Libyan city of Benghazi, and the subsequent home tie against Togo.
Can Sudan boss Kwasi Appiah, who has relied on the power of psychology, continue his team’s remarkable run amid ongoing conflict in the country?
{{Pharaohs in command}}
Pharaohs captain Mohamed Salah was rested during the latter stages of the Afcon 2025 qualifying campaign, but the forward will hope to carry his rich vein of form with Liverpool into games against Ethiopia and Sierra Leone.
Salah will come up against new Leone Stars head coach Mohammed Kallon, and the former Inter Milan and Monaco striker has selected Manchester City’s new teenage defender Juma Bah and 40-year-old Kei Kamara in his first squad.
Meanwhile, Sami Trabelsi is back for a second stint in charge of Tunisia with the Carthage Eagles top of Group H by two points.
Reigning continental champions Ivory Coast have a one-point advantage in Group F, while new Kenya coach Benni McCarthy is targeting a first-ever World Cup qualification as he looks to reduce the five-point gap to the Elephants.
In Group D, Cameroon are just one point ahead of Cape Verde and Libya, who last week appointed Aliou Cisse as their new boss. The Indomitable Lions are looking to add to their eight World Cup appearances.
As things stand, the closest group to call is Group G, where the top five sides are separated by just three points.
Vladimir Petkovic comfortably guided Algeria to qualification for Afcon 2025 but Les Verts face Mozambique and Botswana, two more teams who will be in Morocco in December. Guinea and Afcon 2027 co-hosts Uganda are also poised to capitalise on any slip ups.
{{Congo suspension throws up questions}}
Africa’s top-ranked side Morocco have the only 100% record remaining, but the picture in Group E is complicated. Eritrea withdrew before qualifiers kicked off and last month Congo-Brazzaville were suspended from international football by world governing body FIFA.
The Red Devils’ ties in March against Tanzania and Zambia have been cancelled, and there is little room to rearrange games in a packed international calendar, even if they somehow succeed in overturning their ban.
All eyes are now on FIFA and the Confederation of African Football for a decision on how teams finishing second in their group will be ranked heading into potential play-offs.
If Congo-Brazzaville drop out as well, then things become even more complicated and every game takes on extra meaning.
The 2025 edition of the Safari Rally will be the first on the African Rally Championship (ARC) calendar and is scheduled to take place from March 20-23.
Thanks to the strong diplomatic ties between Rwanda and Kenya, a special vehicle was made available to transport the 62 Rwandans to Kenya for the occasion. The group departed from Kigali on Monday, March 17.
Kenya’s High Commissioner to Rwanda, Janet Mwawasi Oben, stated that this initiative aims to foster connections among East Africans, expressing confidence that the rally will serve as a unifying platform.
“Last year, there was no bus for fans travelling from Rwanda, but this year, one has been made available to encourage participation, as there is much more to experience compared to the previous edition. We believe the Safari Rally will be a great opportunity for East Africans to connect,” she said.
She added, “For Kenya, there are economic benefits, as fans attending the rally will book hotels and other services. Many have also expressed interest in visiting destinations such as Mombasa, our national parks, and various reserves before or after the rally.”
Ambassador Mwawasi Oben emphasized that participation in the event benefits not only Kenya but the entire East African region.
“For the East African Community, this is significant because it brings the region together, allowing residents to interact and potentially engage in business. The journey from Rwanda to Kenya includes a stop in Uganda, where travellers can shop and experience the country. It’s a major opportunity for East Africa,” she noted.
In addition to the bus transport arrangement, Kenya Airways has introduced a 12% discount on flight tickets for those travelling to Kenya to attend the rally between March 19 and 23.
Among the competing cars this year is the Mitsubishi Lancer Evo X, driven by Prince Charles Nyerere, grandson of Tanzania’s founding president, Julius Kambarage Nyerere, alongside his Rwandan co-driver, Rutabingwa Fernand.
Also featured is the Hyundai i20 of Belgian racer Thierry Neuville, the 2024 World Rally Champion, who will compete alongside his co-driver, Martijn Wydaeghe.
This marks the fifth consecutive year, since 2021, that the Safari Rally has been included in the World Rally Championship calendar.
Mwenda argued that Rwanda’s decision demonstrated its commitment to African sovereignty, criticizing Western powers for assuming Africa cannot thrive without them.
Rwanda has officially cut diplomatic ties with Belgium, citing interference in regional affairs and its colonial legacy in destabilizing the country.
Rwanda’s Foreign Ministry accused Belgium of siding against Rwanda in the DR Congo conflict and using misinformation to damage its international reputation.
Belgium expressed regret over the decision, calling it disproportionate and suggesting that Rwanda was unwilling to engage in dialogue. A claim, Kigali has denied.
In response, Rwanda assured compliance with international conventions, pledging to protect Belgian embassy property and archives despite the severed ties.
