Lecornu, a 39-year-old former defence minister and close ally of Macron, was France’s fifth prime minister in under two years. His resignation comes just 27 days after his appointment.
He had been appointed in late September following the collapse of François Bayrou’s government, which fell after parliament rejected its austerity budget aimed at cutting €44 billion in public spending.
In a brief statement outside the Hôtel de Matignon, Lecornu criticised political factions for their unwillingness to compromise.
“I was ready for compromise, but all parties wanted the other party to adopt their entire programme,” he said. He added that parties needed to “cast some egos aside” to make governance work.
The new cabinet, announced on Sunday evening, provoked immediate backlash from both allies and opponents. Critics argued it was either too right-wing or insufficiently reformist, raising doubts about its viability in a fragmented parliament where no party holds a majority.
Several groups have since called for early elections, with far-right National Rally leaders Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella urging Macron to dissolve the National Assembly.
The resignation has sent shockwaves through France’s financial markets. Paris stocks fell sharply, with Societe Generale dropping over 6% and BNP Paribas and Credit Agricole also down, while the CAC 40 index closed 1.5% lower. The euro weakened against both the dollar and sterling, and French government borrowing costs rose to levels last seen during the previous political stalemate.
France’s political turbulence has persisted since snap parliamentary elections in July 2024 produced a hung parliament. Attempts to govern have repeatedly faltered, leaving Macron facing mounting pressure to stabilise the country ahead of the 2027 presidential election.
Far-left leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon called for Macron’s impeachment, while the far-right pushed for new elections, signalling that the country’s political crisis shows no immediate signs of easing.
Lecornu’s resignation marks one of the shortest tenures for a French prime minister in recent history and brings to the fore the ongoing fragility of governance in Paris.
Delegations from both countries had worked tirelessly, day and night. Everything was in order; all that remained was to put pen to paper. But on October 3, 2025, when the day finally arrived, everything changed.
In an unexpected turn of events, President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi instructed his delegation not to sign the agreement with a precondition of “withdrawal of 90% of Rwandan troops.”
Rwanda has repeatedly denied the Kinshasa administration’s claims of troops in the DRC, insisting that its defensive posture along the border is necessary due to the security threat posed by the DRC-backed FDLR militia, formed by the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Meanwhile, Rwanda was stunned by President Tshisekedi’s U-turn. Throughout all the previous discussions, not once had the issue of troops been raised. What was meant to be a historic step towards peace and cooperation suddenly became a story for another day.
Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, said, “They [the delegations] were ready to initial the document the following morning, but President Tshisekedi instructed, at the last minute, his delegation NOT to sign, fearing the negative reaction of his internal public opinion.
Ambassador Nduhungirehe added that the agreement was purely economic and did not touch on security matters.
“Indeed, negotiations on the REIF are purely economic and don’t consider security matters, which are handled by the Joint Security Coordination Mechanism (JSCM),” the minister added.
He explained that the DRC’s last-minute decision caused confusion after months of intense mediation efforts led by Massad Boulos and the U.S. Department of State, who had worked tirelessly to ensure both sides reached an understanding.
Minister Nduhungirehe recalled that in September 2024, it was again Tshisekedi who prevented his Foreign Minister from signing an agreement on dismantling the FDLR militia group and lifting Rwanda’s defensive measures, even though the military representatives of both countries had already agreed on those terms.
{{President Kagame had foreseen it}}
Those closely following Rwanda–DRC relations were quick to recall President Paul Kagame’s remarks during his interview with Mario Nawfal in March 2025 after witnessing Tshisekedi’s latest behaviour.
President Kagame revealed that he had held several discussions with President Tshisekedi since the latter assumed office, but found it difficult to reach a lasting understanding with him, as Tshisekedi often went back on their agreements.
“I have no problem speaking with President Tshisekedi, but making deals is the most difficult thing. You agree on something, but once he steps out of the room, it’s completely different—either forgotten, changed, or he’ll say we never said that,” President Kagame stated.
When asked what he would tell President Tshisekedi if they were sitting together at that very moment, President Kagame responded: “I would tell him I wish he wasn’t president of that good country,” he responded when asked what he would tell the DRC Head of State if they met.
“Next time I meet him, I will tell him that,” he added.
Tshisekedi’s sudden reversal on the agreement has now left many questioning whether he genuinely intends to honour the commitments made under the Washington peace accord between Rwanda and the DRC.
At a time when the world had placed its hopes on this deal as the dawn of a new era of cooperation, President Tshisekedi’s decision has once again cast a shadow of uncertainty over relations between the two nations.
According to the statement, the foreign ministers of the eight countries welcomed “the steps taken by Hamas regarding Trump’s proposal to end the war in Gaza, release all hostages, alive or deceased, and the immediate launch of negotiations on implementation mechanisms,” it said.
They further commended Hamas’s announcement of “its readiness to hand over the administration of Gaza to a transitional Palestinian administrative committee of independent technocrats,” emphasizing the need for the immediate launch of negotiations to agree on mechanisms to implement the proposal and address all of its aspects.
The foreign ministers also welcomed Trump’s call on Israel to “immediately stop the bombing and to begin implementation of the exchange agreement,” expressing appreciation for his commitment to establishing peace in the region.
The ministers affirmed that these developments represent “a real opportunity to achieve a comprehensive and sustainable ceasefire and to address the critical humanitarian conditions facing people in the Gaza Strip.”
The foreign ministers reiterated their joint commitment to supporting efforts to implement the proposal, end the war in Gaza, and reach “a comprehensive agreement” ensuring unrestricted humanitarian aid, no displacement of Palestinians, and the protection of civilians.
They also called for the return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza, unifying Gaza and the West Bank, full Israeli withdrawal, Gaza’s reconstruction, and a just peace based on the two-state solution.
The joint statement came a day after Egypt announced that it would host Israeli and Hamas delegations on Monday to discuss field arrangements and details for the exchange of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners under Trump’s ceasefire proposal.
Israel’s military campaign in Gaza has killed more than 67,000 Palestinians and injured nearly 170,000 others since Oct. 7, 2023, according to an update by Gaza’s health authorities, in addition to destroying infrastructure and causing famine in the enclave.
The remarks, made during an RTNC program hosted by Minister of Information and Government Spokesperson Patrick Muyaya, urged medical professionals not to treat anyone associated with M23 and, if necessary, to kill them.
Human rights organisations and civil society groups have condemned the statements, warning that such rhetoric risks turning ethnic discrimination in healthcare into a weapon of war. Doctors, they note, are sworn to treat all patients without bias.
Analysts suggest Abdallah’s comments are part of a broader pattern of hate speech in the DRC, targeting Tutsi communities and specifically members of AFC/M23, including professionals such as doctors. In North and South Kivu, some Tutsis have reportedly begun avoiding certain hospitals due to rising ethnic hostility.
Human rights groups in Kinshasa and Goma have called on the government to publicly condemn the remarks and hold Abdallah accountable, emphasising that all Congolese, regardless of political or ethnic affiliation, are entitled to equal access to healthcare.
Bruno Lemarquis, Deputy Special Representative to the United Nations Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), recently condemned the spread of hate speech, noting that it undermines unity and fuels conflict.
“Hate speech continues to permeate daily life, families, and social media, often sparking discrimination and threatening reconciliation efforts,” he said.
The rhetoric has intensified following renewed clashes involving the AFC/M23 rebel movement, which advocates for the rights of Kinyarwanda-speaking Tutsi Congolese. Some senior officials have labelled the communities as foreigners due to their language, fueling rising tensions and reinforcing perceptions of Tutsis as enemies.
Videos circulating in recent years have depicted attacks on Tutsi civilians, highlighting fears about escalating ethnic violence in the region.
At the heart of this transformation is the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), which oversees national economic development and ensures that tourism functions as a strategic pillar rather than a peripheral industry. The “Visit Rwanda” initiative is tasked with promoting the country’s natural and cultural assets while ensuring that tourism benefits local communities and preserves critical wildlife ecosystems.
Tourism contributed a record Frw 1.9 trillion (9.8% of GDP) in 2024, a 17.7% increase over pre-pandemic levels. Central to this success is Rwanda’s high-value, low-volume model, which prioritises conservation and attracts affluent travellers seeking luxury eco-tourism experiences, such as gorilla trekking in Volcanoes National Park.
By linking tourism revenue to wildlife preservation and community benefit, Rwanda has transformed its natural capital into a premium, sustainable offering that ensures long-term economic resilience.
{{Global recognition through sports diplomacy
}}
Beyond traditional marketing, Rwanda has leveraged elite sports partnerships to enhance its international recognition. Collaborations with European football clubs such as Arsenal, Paris Saint-Germain (PSG), Bayern Munich, and Atlético de Madrid, along with more recent partnerships with U.S. sports franchises including the LA Clippers and LA Rams, have placed the country firmly on the global stage.
The Arsenal partnership, launched in 2018, alone reaches millions of fans worldwide through stadium branding and broadcast coverage, with a reported annual value exceeding $12 million. PSG’s partnership, renewed through 2028, extends Rwanda’s influence into youth development, education, and cultural exchange, including initiatives like the PSG Academy Rwanda.
Additionally, Bayern Munich and Atlético de Madrid further consolidate visibility across Germany, Spain, and Latin America, while U.S. sports deals connect Rwanda with high-net-worth American audiences.
These partnerships serve dual purposes: generating extensive international media coverage and showcasing Rwanda’s economic strength and stability to the global investment community. By partnering with world-renowned, financially robust institutions, Rwanda reinforces its image as a modern, trustworthy economy and a prime destination for foreign direct investment (FDI).
{{Tangible economic impact
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The branding strategy has produced measurable results. Tourism revenues surpassed $620 million in 2023 and grew to $647 million in 2024, driven by a 27% increase in gorilla tourism revenue and an 11% rise in air travel. The sector directly supported nearly 386,000 jobs, benefiting hospitality, service, and rural communities.
FDI has similarly surged, with total inflows reaching $716.5 million in 2023, a 44.3% increase from the previous year.
Strategic visibility through sports partnerships has also helped attract investment for major infrastructure projects, including the greenfield Bugesera International Airport, designed to handle 14 million passengers annually by 2028. This airport, alongside roads, hotels, and logistics projects, is set to catalyse further tourism and business development.
{{Soft power and human capital development
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The initiative’s benefits extend beyond financial metrics. Partnerships with PSG and Bayern Munich have facilitated skills transfer, mentorship, and youth development, creating a pipeline of talent that elevates Rwanda’s human capital. The PSG Academy Rwanda, for instance, produced the country’s U13 team that won the PSG Academy World Cup in 2022, showcasing Rwanda’s rising youth potential on an international stage.
Domestic buy-in is also crucial. By channelling investments into local communities and job creation, Rwanda ensures that high-profile campaigns garner public support and link global visibility to tangible national development.
{{Resilience amid criticism
}}
The high-profile partnerships have often attracted scrutiny, with critics citing the costs and alleging “sportswashing” aimed at “polishing” Rwanda’s image abroad. Officials have consistently dismissed these claims, defending the strategy as a long-term investment in national branding, economic growth, and youth development.
Tensions with the Democratic Republic of Congo over alleged funding sources have added a geopolitical dimension. Despite calls for termination from the DRC, Rwanda has maintained its agreements, highlighting the strategic resilience and enduring value of the partnerships.
Looking ahead, Rwanda’s future growth will hinge on diversifying tourism offerings, including luxury resorts, golf courses, and experiential centres, while leveraging sports partnerships to expand the Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, and Exhibitions (MICE) sector. Strategic infrastructure projects like Bugesera Airport will further enable high-yield tourism and business travel, translating global recognition into sustainable economic development.
The “Visit Rwanda” initiative exemplifies how developing economies can leverage strategic global partnerships to amplify their voice, attract investment, and drive comprehensive national growth. By aligning tourism, conservation, youth development, and infrastructure, Rwanda has positioned itself as a model of how destination branding can intersect with economic diplomacy to deliver tangible and intangible returns.
A group of young Rwandans living in South Africa has visited their homeland for the first time, participating in a 10-day programme designed to educate them about Rwanda’s history and development.
The visit, organised under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation’s “Come and See, Go and Tell” initiative, aimed to help Rwandans born or raised abroad connect with their roots and share their experiences with others.
During the programme, the youth toured key historical and cultural sites, including the Kigali Genocide Memorial and the Museum of the Struggle to Stop the Genocide. They learned about the events leading to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and the role of the Rwandan Patriotic Front in ending it.
Sixteen-year-old Kazenga Rukundo said the trip gave him a deeper understanding of Rwanda.
“Where we live in South Africa, we don’t know much about our country. I came here to learn so I can return with knowledge of where I come from. I will tell others about how safe Rwanda is and how forgiveness was extended to those involved in the genocide — it’s a lesson other countries could learn from,” he said.
Faith Aisha, another participant, said the visit inspired her to consider working in Rwanda, noting the country’s peaceful environment and opportunities for development.
“I am pleased there is peace, no noise, and the atmosphere is welcoming. It’s a place I would enjoy working in,” she said.
Lehumo Ivan Umutoni encouraged other Rwandans born abroad to visit the country, saying the experience helped him appreciate Rwanda’s culture and history.
“Rwanda is a beautiful and safe country. Everyone who has never visited should take the opportunity to see it,” he said.
The youth will also be assisted in obtaining official Rwandan documents, helping them strengthen their ties with the country.
Maziyateke Sandrine, Director of Rwanda Community Abroad at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, described the programme as an important step in connecting diaspora youth to their homeland.
“This initiative helps children of Rwandans born abroad learn about their country and encourages them to share that knowledge with others. We are hopeful that future visits will see even greater participation,” she said.
The 10-day programme includes visits to multiple sites highlighting Rwanda’s history, culture, and development achievements.
“Hamas must move quickly, or else all bets will be off,” he said in a Truth Social post. “I will not tolerate delay … Let’s get this done, FAST.”
In a separate post on Saturday, the president said that after negotiations, Israel has agreed to the initial withdrawal line, which has been shown to Hamas.
“When Hamas confirms, the Ceasefire will be IMMEDIATELY effective, the Hostages and Prisoner Exchange will begin, and we will create the conditions for the next phase of withdrawal,” he added.
Meanwhile, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he hopes to announce the release of all hostages from Gaza “in the coming days” as indirect talks with Hamas continued in Egypt on Monday on a new U.S. plan to end the war.
In a brief statement late Saturday, Netanyahu mentioned he has sent a delegation to Egypt “to finalize technical details,” adding that “our goal is to contain these negotiations to a timeframe of a few days.”
On Friday, Trump said that Hamas must accept the 20-point peace plan on Gaza by 6 p.m. Eastern Time (2200 GMT) on Sunday, otherwise “all HELL, like no one has ever seen before, will break out against Hamas.” Hamas announced later that it had accepted the proposal in principle and was ready to open mediated talks, a response broadly welcomed by the international community, which urged both sides to seize the chance to end the war and ease civilian suffering.
The 20-point plan outlines a ceasefire-for-hostages deal, a phased Israeli withdrawal, a demilitarized Gaza, and international oversight of Gaza’s reconstruction and governance after the end of the conflict. Hamas will be excluded from the governance structure.
Under the ceasefire terms, Israel will halt military actions and pull back to the agreed lines. Hamas, within 72 hours of Israel publicly accepting the agreement, must release all hostages, alive and deceased. In return, Israel will free 250 life sentence prisoners plus 1,700 Gazans who were detained after Oct. 7, 2023. Disarmed Hamas members who commit to peaceful coexistence will be given amnesty and those who wish to leave Gaza will be provided safe passage to receiving countries.
The ceremony, held in Tchanzu on Wednesday, October 1, 2025, North Kivu, brought together senior commanders of the Congolese Revolutionary Army (ARC) under the leadership of Major General Sultani Makenga.
The new recruits showcased their combat readiness through synchronised parades, tactical manoeuvres, martial arts, and live-fire demonstrations.
Makenga, who presided over the event, hailed the recruits as “revolutionaries of change,” commending their discipline, endurance, and loyalty to the movement’s mission. He urged them to uphold professionalism and integrity, warning that “corruption, tribalism, drug abuse and sexual violence will never be tolerated within the ARC.”
Addressing the recruits in Swahili, Makenga called on them to view their mission as a national duty to restore dignity and unity to a nation he described as “broken by years of poor governance and discrimination.”
“From today, you have become a true army — an army of liberation and deliverance, fighting to bring meaningful change to our country,” he declared.
“We have risen to provide genuine leadership to our nation, one that values discipline, patriotism, and service to the people.”
Makenga emphasised that the new force must distinguish itself from other armed factions by maintaining strong ties with civilians and avoiding abuses against local communities.
“You will be respected as guardians of change only through your actions,” he said. “The people must see you as liberators, not as bandits. If you act otherwise, you will face consequences.”
He further urged the soldiers to remain united and steadfast, pledging continued training and logistical support for those deployed to various battlefronts.
“Our country must be freed through collective effort,” he added. “Let us rebuild a professional and people-centred army — one that earns the respect of the nation.”
The graduation comes just weeks after a separate batch of over 7,000 fighters completed training under the same command.
According to AFC/M23 officials, the expansion signals a new phase in the movement’s reorganisation, positioning it as a structured and disciplined force with ambitions to “defend the Congolese people and build a new, united, and respected Congo.”
The AFC/M23 rebel coalition controls large swathes of territory in the eastern DRC, including the cities of Goma and Bukavu, which were seized earlier this year after a protracted conflict. The group accuses President Felix Tshisekedi’s administration of marginalising Kinyarwanda-speaking communities and poor governance.
In a post on X on Saturday night, October 4, Government Spokesperson Yolande Makolo said the Rwandan delegation in Washington, D.C. was fully prepared to sign the framework, describing it as beneficial to both nations and the wider Great Lakes region.
“The Rwandan delegation in Washington, D.C. this week was ready to sign the Regional Economic Integration Framework (REIF), which benefits both our countries and the region,” Makolo wrote.
“We are puzzled by the DRC’s last-minute decision not to sign the agreement, given the positive atmosphere of the negotiations during which the text of the REIF was finalised, and the diligent mediation work of Senior Advisor Massad Boulos and the State Department.”
Makolo added that while progress had been made under the Peace Agreement signed in June, the DRC had refused to proceed with certain security commitments until specific actions discussed at the Joint Oversight Committee (JOC) meeting earlier in the week were implemented.
That meeting, held on October 1, 2025, in Washington, D.C., brought together representatives from Rwanda, the DRC, the United States, Qatar, Togo (as the African Union facilitator), and the African Union Commission.
According to a joint communiqué issued by the U.S. State Department, the parties discussed concrete steps to neutralise the FDLR militia group and advance the lifting of Rwanda’s defensive measures in line with the peace roadmap. The FDLR was formed by the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, and the Government of Rwanda maintains that the group’s genocidal ideology poses a grave security threat to the Great Lakes region.
The Committee also finalised an Operation Order for the Joint Security Coordination Mechanism and confirmed October 1 as its start date, with both sides reaffirming commitments to refrain from hostile rhetoric.
However, the communiqué also acknowledged rising tensions in Uvira and Walikale, where the AFC/M23 rebel coalition continues to accuse the Kinshasa administration of targeting civilian populations through drone attacks despite a declared ceasefire. The Congolese government has also faced accusations of using foreign mercenaries in its conflict with the M23, in contradiction to ongoing peace efforts. The Committee urged calm and restraint by all actors, warning that renewed hostilities could undermine the fragile progress achieved through recent diplomacy.
Despite the setback on the REIF, Rwanda reaffirmed its commitment to the peace process and the U.S.-mediated approach.
“Rwanda believes in the peace agreement and in the approach of the U.S. mediation, and hopes that the REIF will eventually be signed,” Makolo said. “The peace process must succeed. It is the best chance for stability and economic development for our region.”
{{A blueprint for shared prosperity
}}
The Regional Economic Integration Framework (REIF), first announced in August 2025, was designed to strengthen economic cooperation between Rwanda and the DRC while supporting regional peace efforts.
The framework, finalised after the Washington Declaration of Principles and aligned with the June Peace Agreement, outlines joint commitments in key sectors, including mineral governance, energy, infrastructure, tourism, and public health.
Both countries had agreed to combat the illicit mineral trade, formalise artisanal and small-scale mining, and promote transparency in the critical minerals sector, including tin, tantalum, tungsten, niobium, and gold. The framework also envisions cooperation in energy generation through projects such as Ruzizi III and methane gas extraction from Lake Kivu, as well as infrastructure development linked to the Lobito Corridor.
Further provisions include collaboration on cross-border conservation, tourism, and public health, alongside expanded cooperation in sectors such as agribusiness, education, and ICT.
Officials had described the REIF as a “living platform” for sustained economic collaboration, expected to complement security stabilisation under the Washington peace roadmap.
{{Hopes for renewed momentum
}}
The DRC’s hesitation to sign the REIF comes at a delicate time for regional diplomacy, as both nations work to implement the June 2025 Peace Agreement under U.S. mediation. The agreement’s success is seen as crucial to stabilising eastern Congo and creating conditions for long-term economic recovery.
Rwanda has expressed optimism that the framework will eventually move forward. “The peace process must succeed,” Makolo reiterated, framing economic integration as inseparable from the region’s broader security and development goals.
The next Joint Oversight Committee meeting is expected to take place later this month following sessions of the Joint Security Coordination Mechanism, with hopes that discussions will restore momentum toward implementing both the peace and economic integration agreements.
This came just four days after the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi) and its military wing, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), had launched their armed struggle to liberate the country.
It was a particularly tense moment for President Juvénal Habyarimana. When the RPF attacked the Kagitumba border, Habyarimana was in New York attending the United Nations General Assembly. He rushed back to Kigali in alarm.
At that time, the government army, the ex-FAR, was small and inexperienced, numbering fewer than 5,000 soldiers who had never faced real combat. Their military equipment was limited and outdated.
Alarmed by the Kagitumba attack, Habyarimana began seeking help from allies, notably Zaire’s president Mobutu Sese Seko and France’s president François Mitterrand. France responded quickly, agreeing to send elite troops known for handling high-risk combat.
A special French unit of 300 commandos was selected. According to John Burton Kegel’s book The Liberation Struggle: War and Militarism in African History, the decision to deploy these troops was made on October 3. Two military aircraft were prepared to transport them from France to Kigali.
This intervention was named Operation Noroît, France’s mission to protect Habyarimana’s regime.
The unit was already famous within the French army, having previously carried out the “Kolwezi Mission” in Congo in 1978.
The first plane departed on the night of October 4, 1990, at 3 a.m., followed by a second at 5:45 a.m. Both first headed to Bangui in the Central African Republic, where France had a military base.
According to Kegel, the C-160 Transall aircraft took off from Bangui in the afternoon of October 4, heading to Kigali.
Even these elite soldiers were nervous. They feared Kigali International Airport might be unsafe and came prepared with parachutes in case they had to jump under fire. But French trainers already in Rwanda reassured them that Kanombe Airport was secure despite the gunfire heard overnight.
When the first plane approached Rwandan airspace, French officers on the ground confirmed the situation was calm, so parachutes were not needed. The commandos landed in Kigali around 6:45 p.m. and were told that RPA forces were about 170 kilometres away, much farther than rumours suggested.
The Habyarimana government had deliberately fired heavy gunfire in the capital to create panic, spread false claims of an RPA attack on Kigali, and justify mass arrests of Tutsi civilians, accusing them of collaborating with the rebels. Historians like Bernard Lugan note that FAR soldiers themselves panicked that night, shooting aimlessly and causing chaos.
There was also an attempt to overthrow Habyarimana.
Former Belgian ambassador to Rwanda, Johan Swinnen, later revealed that some FAR soldiers tried to stage a coup that night. According to Swinnen, the U.S. Embassy had been warned beforehand that something unusual might happen.
{{French forces stayed on in Rwanda}}
The French troops did more than protect Habyarimana. They began training the FAR, providing weapons and logistics, even transporting soldiers by helicopter. They helped establish military intelligence and security systems that strengthened Habyarimana’s hold on power, while political tensions and anti-Tutsi persecution deepened.
Thanks to French support, FAR troops grew dramatically, from about 5,000 soldiers in October 1990 to roughly 20,000 by the end of that year.
After the 1993 Arusha Peace Accords, France withdrew many of its forces but left behind military advisers and Habyarimana’s personal guard.
When the genocide began in April 1994 following Habyarimana’s death, France launched Operation Turquoise in June. This mission is often criticised for protecting members of the interim government and military leaders who organised the killings, allowing them to flee to Zaire (now DR Congo) and prepare to fight back.
The presence of French troops in Rwanda from 1990 to 1994, including their role in training and equipping militias such as the Interahamwe, remains a highly debated and painful part of Rwanda’s modern history.
