Located in Jianhu County, this cultural landmark is built around Huai Opera, a national intangible cultural heritage. What struck me most was how the town blends the charm of an old village with vibrant cultural life, making it a place where the past and present breathe together.
As I wandered through the streets, I saw artisans showcasing their crafts and performers preparing for the next show. Later, I attended a Huai Opera performance based on The Small Town, a famous play that has won top national awards.
The show was immersive and beautifully staged. It felt as though the entire village was part of the performance. What moved me most was watching young performers on stage. It was a clear reminder that cultural heritage survives not through monuments, but through people who keep the stories alive.
My cultural journey continued at the China Yellow Sea Wetland Museum. From the outside, the building immediately catches your eye: a modern structure transformed from an old railway station, with the image of a red-crowned crane spreading its wings.
Inside, it is the first museum in the world dedicated to showcasing the natural and human history of the Yellow Sea wetland region. It houses more than 3,000 specimens, including a sperm whale skeleton and elk remains.
What made the visit truly memorable were the holographic exhibitions and sound installations. At one point, I stood in a darkened room listening to the echo of bird calls and whale sounds as if time itself had rewound.
The museum is more than a display hall. It serves as a platform for education, research, and cultural exchange. It showed me how technology can make heritage more accessible and engaging, especially for younger generations who may not easily connect with traditional exhibits.
In Huai Opera Town and at the museum, I found two sides of Yancheng’s cultural soul: one rooted in living traditions passed down through people, the other preserved and reimagined through modern interpretation.
Both are essential. Yancheng may be known for its wetlands and green industries, but its cultural heartbeat is equally powerful.
These places offer more than sightseeing. They offer a connection to history, to artistry, and to the enduring human spirit that keeps traditions alive.
In a petition delivered by Dr Ladislas Prosper Agbesi, Chairman of Pan African Business Forum(PABF) to the President of the Assembly of States Parties, Ambassador Paivi Kaukoranta in the hague PABF noted it had “profound concerns” regarding the ongoing external investigation into Prosecutor Karim Khan KC arguing that the Court’s credibility, however, is now under strain.
A statement released earlier this year from the ICC stated that Karim Khan will be on leave until the conclusion of an external inquiry into an alleged complaint of sexual abuse filed against him, which started late last year. In his absence, his deputy prosecutors will oversee the office.
However, the PABF Pan-African Business Forum is raising concerns with ongoing as external process as it argues the process lacks fairness.
“We have recently been sent evidence from a whistle-blower indicating that members of the Bureau have been compromised in this process”.
The petition steted while expressing dismay at the intense lobbying for succession by a Ugandan diplomat resulting in an inappropriate contact with the complainant at the centre of the allegations.
“Most disturbingly” the group say the recording evidence in their possession shows that the said Ambassador lobbying for the positon has pre-determined position against Mr. Khan.
Also, to the group noted that recent developments in the investigation process risk undermining not only the integrity of the Court but also wider confidence in multilateral institutions at a time of global instability.
It added that as a continental body that champions good governance, the rule of law, and the stability on which Africa’s economic development depends, the PABF have long regarded the International Criminal Court as an institution essential to international justice hence the need for what it describes as “major concerns” ought to be addressed.
In the immediate term PABF called for a suspension of the ongoing external investigation in order to pave way for the group’s request for an independent verification that will unravel the items it had pointed out in their petition in order to bring closure to the matter.
The insisted that the investigation should also determine whether individuals connected to the process, including report that the complainants have had any direct or indirect contact with members of the ICC Bureau, and, if so, establish both the nature and the substance of that contact”.
In addition, the group says it wants a transparent assessment of whether the President or any of the Vice-Presidents have been influenced by similar prejudicial lobbying, compromising your ability to discharge your responsibilities impartially”.
While addressing these immediate concerns the Pan African group says issues such as Improper Disclosure, Disparaging External Commentary, Sanctions and Intimidation and Irregular Process against Mr. Khan ought to be given critical attention.
The group assured that it stands ready to support the Court in its mission to uphold due process and equality before the law.
The attack on Al-Zurq market has drawn sharp condemnation across Sudan and renewed questions about the widening use of foreign-supplied weapons in the country’s war.
Eyewitnesses said the strike hit the market at its busiest hour. when vendors and shoppers from across the state had gathered.
Survivors described the assault as targeted and racially motivated, deepening fears in a region scarred by years of ethnic violence.
Sudanese groups including the United Civil Forces Alliance (Qimam), the National Human Rights Observatory, and the Foundational Sudan Alliance (Ta’sis) condemned the attack.
They said Turkish-made Akıncı drones, produced by Baykar, were used. All three organizations demanded accountability for those behind the strike.
The Sudanese army has relied on drone warfare in Darfur and Kordofan. It denies hitting civilian areas. Yet marketplaces, hospitals, and homes have been repeatedly bombed.
The gap between official statements and civilian suffering continues to widen.
The groups went further, pledging to hold not only Sudanese commanders but also Baykar itself responsible.
They cited company executives Haluk and Selçuk Bayraktar by name, reflecting growing pressure on international arms suppliers linked to the war.
The Washington Post reported earlier this year that Baykar secretly delivered at least $120 million worth of drones and missiles to Sudan in 2024.
Evidence included text messages, recordings, and financial documents. The shipments, according to the report, were supervised directly inside Sudan.
This strike follows a legal push at the International Criminal Court.
The Sudanese Rights Alliance filed a case last week, accusing senior army commanders of war crimes. Rights groups say aerial strikes on civilian areas fit a consistent pattern of abuses.
Western powers have already responded with sanctions. The United States targeted Sudan’s army, the Islamist Al-Baraa Ibn Malik Battalion, and Finance Minister Jibril Ibrahim. The European Union sanctioned the Sudanese Air Force and extended the measures through 2026.
For civilians in Darfur, these actions have yet to change daily reality. The war, which erupted in April 2023, continues to devastate communities.
Each strike, like the one on Al-Zurq, reinforces the sense of abandonment among survivors.
The attack is not an isolated event. It is another chapter in a conflict that has systematically eroded civilian life.
Markets, homes, and hospitals are now recurring battlegrounds, leaving little space untouched by violence.
The cooperation pact was signed in Jakarta, Indonesian between Inspector General of Police (IGP), Felix Namuhoranye and General Listyo Sigit Prabowo, the Indonesian Chief of Police.
The signing ceremony was also witnessed by Rwanda’s Ambassador to Indonesia, Sheikh Abdul Karim Harerimana.
The MoU establishes a framework for collaboration in combating transnational organized crime, sharing information and expertise, training, and other capacity-building programmes aimed at enhancing policing capabilities between the two countries.
The partnership marks a significant step in bilateral relations between the two law enforcement institutions and reflects the growing commitment by both countries to strengthen international police cooperation in addressing evolving security challenges through joint efforts and knowledge exchange.
IGP Namuhoranye, who is on a four-day visit to Indonesia at the invitation of his host, also toured the Indonesian Police College, where he interacted with over 300 commissioned officers attending various courses.
The engagement provided an opportunity to share experiences and explore avenues for future cooperation in police education and professional development.
The agreement was signed between the Government of Rwanda and the Federal Republic of Germany, represented by the German Development Bank (KfW). The funds will be channelled through the Local Administrative Entities Development Agency (LODA), which oversees the implementation of social protection and community development programs nationwide.
Officials said the support will directly reinforce Rwanda’s flagship Vision Umurenge Program (VUP), a cornerstone of the national strategy to accelerate the graduation of vulnerable households from poverty.
“This grant from the Federal Republic of Germany through KfW is a re-affirmation of our shared commitment and partnership to invest in the well-being of the people of Rwanda,” said Yusuf Murangwa, Minister of Finance and Economic Planning, during the signing ceremony.
German Ambassador to Rwanda, Heike Uta Dettmann, underscored the significance of the partnership, noting that social protection has immediate and lasting effects.
“Rwanda has shown that investing in its population leads to a meaningful reduction in poverty. Social protection has an immediate impact on the most vulnerable, and the project signed today is a joint step toward this goal,” she said.
The grant is expected to strengthen key components of Rwanda’s social protection framework, with a focus on poverty alleviation, community development, and building resilience against social and economic vulnerabilities.
Both governments highlighted the agreement as a reflection of their shared commitment to advancing sustainable development and inclusive growth for all Rwandans.
The initiative, running from October 6 to 10, aims to spark curiosity and inspire young Rwandans to explore careers in space technology and innovation.
The campaign is part of a broader effort to raise awareness about opportunities in Rwanda’s growing space sector and the global space industry. This year’s World Space Week, themed “living in space,” celebrates humanity’s achievements in exploring the cosmos and encourages the next generation of innovators.
During the first day of the outreach at the Rwanda Coding Academy and the University of Rwanda, students presented projects demonstrating practical applications of space technology.
Among them, a group of students from the Rwanda Coding Academy showcased an AI-powered project that uses satellite data to monitor security and assist humanitarian organisations in responding to crises.
“We hope to collaborate with the Rwanda Space Agency to access satellite information that will help users make informed decisions,” Diane Iranzi said during the presentation.
Her teammate, Joyeuse, added, “Our project also aims to help humanitarian organisations predict potential crises, such as flooding in Nyabihu, enabling timely assistance to citizens. By using real-time dashboards and AI technology, we can forecast problems and address them before they occur.”
Through this outreach, RSA hopes to nurture a generation of students who will contribute to Rwanda’s vision of leveraging space for socio-economic development.
Over the week, RSA will visit several schools, including Hope Haven Christian School on October 7; Gashora Girls Academy on October 8; Ecole Secondaire Saint Ignace on October 9; and Green Hills Academy on October 10.
The latest Index of Industrial Production (IIP) shows that the upturn was powered by mining and manufacturing, which together contributed most of the gains. Mining and quarrying output surged 27.9 percent, while manufacturing grew 11.2 percent year-on-year.
The performance lifted the sector’s annual average growth rate to 6.8 percent, signalling renewed momentum in Rwanda’s industrial economy.
Within manufacturing, non-metallic mineral products, which include cement and construction materials, jumped nearly 50 percent, adding 2.4 percentage points to the overall index.
Metal products, machinery and equipment climbed 18.2 percent, and furniture and other manufacturing rose 46.9 percent. However, the data showed a slowdown in some consumer goods: food processing fell by 6.2 percent, while beverages and tobacco slipped 1.6 percent.
Energy output also supported growth, with electricity generation up 7.0 percent, while water supply and waste management saw a modest 1.7 percent increase.
The IIP has recently been rebased to 2024, a technical change that updates the weights assigned to each subsector to better reflect today’s economy. NISR explained that rebasing helps keep the index accurate as new industries emerge and the structure of production shifts.
“Over time, the economic structure changes (new industries emerge, some decline, relative sizes shift), keeping an old base year can make the index less relevant, less reflective of the current structure, and harder to interpret,” NISR explained its decision to review the previous 2017 base year.
The industrial sector remains a key driver of Rwanda’s economic transformation agenda, with the government targeting stronger local production to reduce import dependence and support exports. As of 2024, manufacturing represented 68.1 percent of the country’s formal industrial base by gross value added, while mining accounted for 15.8 percent
The Index of Industrial Production is a key economic indicator used to measure short-term industrial trends in Rwanda’s formal sector, excluding construction activities. It complements the country’s quarterly Gross Value Added statistics and provides policymakers, investors, and analysts with timely insights into the health of Rwanda’s industrial economy.
For decades, the exiled Rwandans had lived in limbo, scattered across Uganda and other countries in the region, dreaming of a return to a homeland most had not seen since childhood.
Many had fought under Yoweri Kaguta Museveni in the Ugandan Bush War, rising through the ranks of the National Resistance Army (NRA). But in their hearts, they were still refugees. Their families remained in camps, their parents’ land still out of reach. Diplomacy had done nothing.
At the heart of Rwanda’s liberation dream were two lifelong friends; Paul Kagame and Fred Gisa Rwigema. As boys in exile, they spent hours listening to elders recount the daring fights of earlier resistance fighters known as the Inyenzi, their imaginations fired by stories of return and freedom.
Those childhood talks hardened into resolve as the two rose to command positions in Uganda’s army. After helping bring Yoweri Museveni to power, they and other exiled Rwandans began quietly shaping a different mission, one not for another nation, but for their own. The time had come to stop waiting and start reclaiming home.
{{The calm before the march}}
According to historian John Burton Kegel in his book The Struggle for Liberation: War and Militarism in African History, the final decision to activate Option Z came in September 1990.
By then, tension within Uganda’s army was palpable. Anti-Rwandan sentiment had grown, and intelligence officers were already suspicious that some NRA soldiers were secretly loyal to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). If the plan leaked, the entire network could be dismantled overnight.
Rwigema’s home in Kampala quietly became the center of operations. Around 20 September, small groups of trusted officers began visiting under the cover of darkness. No meetings were recorded, no written orders were left behind. Each man left with one instruction: be ready to move at any time.
One of the key figures in these clandestine gatherings was Major Sam Kaka, the then commander of Uganda’s Military Police and one of Rwigema’s most trusted allies.
Kaka traveled across the country using official duties as camouflage, quietly alerting Rwandan officers in scattered NRA units, those stationed in Bihanda under Theogene Bagire, others at Mbarara under Charles Musitu, and some embedded in 129 Battalion under Commander Cyzia. He told them only what they needed to know: the time had come.
By September 29, the decision was sealed. The armed return was no longer an aspiration, it was a date on the calendar.
{{Building an army without an army}}
The RPA existed more in loyalty than in form. It was a force that lived within another army but bound by a deeper allegiance. Mobilization had to be improvised.
Kegel notes that the core of the initial force came from Kaka’s Military Police Battalion, which was almost entirely composed of Rwandan patriots.
Around one hundred soldiers from President Museveni’s elite Presidential Protection Unit joined in, having been secretly recruited by charismatic commanders Charles Muhire and Charles Ngoga. Another three hundred came from 31 Brigade in central Kampala.
They brought what they could carry, rifles, ammunition, boots, even food rations. They had no tanks, no artillery support, no formal supply chain. But they had determination. By evening on September 30, Rwigema gave the final order.
{{The convoy that slipped through the night }}
At 2:30 a.m. on October 1 , 1990, a convoy began rolling out of Kampala’s dark streets. It was an unlikely army on the move, a jumble of army trucks, minivans, borrowed buses, and private cars.
Kaka’s military police led the way to discourage roadblocks. Each man knew discovery meant death or imprisonment, but not a single one turned back.
As the convoy moved, radios buzzed with tension. Rwigema’s communications team stayed awake through the night, listening for any sign that NRA commanders had noticed the disappearance.
Then came a brief radio message, relayed from the Ugandan presidency’s office: “ Don’t be afraid, if it is Fred who is going with his soldiers, they are not going to fight us. I think he must be returning home.”
President Museveni was out of the country. To this day, no one knows who sent that message, but it kept the convoy moving, unchallenged, toward the border.
{{Dawn at Kagitumba}}
By 10 a.m., the first RPA platoons reached the Kagitumba border post on the Muvumba River. Morning mist blanketed the valley. Across the river, a small detachment of Rwandan government troops stood guard, unaware that history was about to cross their path.
Then came a moment of symbolism that would echo through history. Before crossing the border, Rwigema’s men stopped and tore the Ugandan insignia from their uniforms.
The firefight was swift and decisive. The road to Nyagatare was suddenly open.
They entered Rwanda not as invaders, but as sons returning home. As Kegel observed, this act was deliberate, a declaration that this was not Uganda’s war but Rwanda’s own awakening.
{{The chaos of secrecy}}
Victory at Kagitumba brought euphoria but also confusion. The RPA had emerged from the shadows, but it was still a network, not a structured army. Fighters arrived in scattered groups, many unsure of who to follow or what the overall plan was. Rwigema and his senior officers; Kaka, Steven Ndugute, and others, scrambled to restore order.
By nightfall, they had created four ad-hoc battalions led by Chris Bunyenyezi, Steven Ndugute, Adam Wasswa, and Sam Kaka. Yet they faced an immediate crisis: hunger. Because secrecy had been absolute, no supply lines or civilian staging areas had been arranged. The soldiers began seizing cattle from local herders, leaving handwritten IOUs that promised repayment after the war.
The very secrecy that had ensured success now revealed its price, confusion, shortages, and improvised command.
{{Lighting the fuse}}
Still, morale burned brighter than fear. Plans for the following day were bold, push deeper into Rwanda, seize Gabiro, Camp Mutara, and Nyagatare before reinforcements arrived.
The fighters moved forward with faith stronger than logistics, believing that speed would compensate for what they lacked in numbers and supplies.
In hindsight, Option Z was not simply a military maneuver. It was a gamble built on courage, stealth, and conviction, a calculated leap into the unknown.
Despite early setbacks, including the death of Maj Gen Fred Rwigema on the second day of the struggle, the drive to free Rwanda did not falter.
Just days later, Maj Paul Kagame returned from military training in the United States to assume command. He reorganized the war, restored the soldiers’ morale, and led the campaign that ultimately liberated Rwanda and ended the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Option Z had succeeded.
This victory opened the path to rebuild a nation once reduced to ashes, restore unity, and set Rwandans on a shared journey of recovery and development.
He encouraged them to invest in modern and larger buildings to transform the district’s image.
CP Hatari made these remarks on Saturday, October 4, 2025, during the official opening of La Briella Hotel, which will complement existing hospitality facilities and increase the number of available accommodation rooms.
“We want Rubavu to become the second among the country’s secondary cities. We have everything it takes. Our security is guaranteed. We have a market for our produce.
“You have seen that during festive seasons or when big events take place, many visitors struggle to find places to stay and end up sleeping in cars, yet you have the means. Use this good ambition and build new structures. Play your part in renewing the city,” he urged.
CP Hatari reminded business owners and investors that while expanding into other districts can be valuable, they should first prioritize building essential investments within their own communities.
“Look at how Musanze has been modernized without having better opportunities than Rubavu. You should stand up and join efforts to build an exemplary nation. Security alone is not enough without economic activity and development,” he added.
CP Hatari commended Rubavu’s private sector for the progress they continue to make in transforming the town.
Rubavu District Mayor, Prosper Mulindwa, who attended the inauguration of La Briella Hotel, also reminded local entrepreneurs that their investments benefit not only themselves but the entire country.
“Everything you do, you do it for the country, not just for yourselves. You build for the present and the future generations. This new hotel will contribute to taxes and revenue.
The courage you showed to invest is rare because many people only keep ideas without bringing them to life,” he said.
Mulindwa praised Antoine Habarurema, the investor behind the newly built hotel, highlighting his determination.
“Many will learn from you. As the district leadership, we appreciate your contribution to renewing a town that has long needed modernization,” he stated.
For his part, Antoine Habarurema, the hotel owner acknowledged that his achievement was made possible by Rwanda’s inclusive and fair governance.
“If it weren’t for the country’s good leadership that doesn’t discriminate based on origin or region, I would not have been able to complete this project. I thank our national leadership for giving everyone equal opportunities to work and invest. Without this fair system, I would not be doing business here. This hotel is a fruit of good governance,” he said.
Authorities say about 200 others remain stranded in severe weather as rescue operations continue.
Reports indicate that more than 500 people were caught by surprise when unusually heavy snow and rain lashed the Tingri region of Tibet, one of the main routes to ascend the world’s highest mountain. Those rescued on Sunday were taken to the small township of Qudang, a critical staging point for climbers on the northern approach to Everest.
Some 200 trekkers who remained trapped as of Sunday were expected to arrive in Qudang in phases under the guidance and support of local government-organised rescue teams, according to China Central Television (CCTV).
The report did not clarify whether all local guides and support staff had been accounted for, nor whether trekkers closer to the mountain’s north face were affected.
Heavy snowfall began late Friday and continued into Saturday, battering valleys at elevations averaging 4,200 meters (13,800 feet). The unexpected storm quickly created whiteout conditions and dropped temperatures to dangerous levels.
Ticket sales and entry into the entire Everest Scenic Area were suspended from late Saturday, the local Tingri County Tourism Company announced on its official WeChat account, warning visitors to avoid the mountain until conditions stabilise.
“It was so wet and cold in the mountains, and hypothermia was a real risk,” said Chen Geshuang, part of an 18-member trekking group that reached safety in Qudang, speaking to Reuters.
“The weather this year is not normal. The guide said he had never encountered such weather in October. And it happened all too suddenly.”
The blizzard has drawn renewed attention to increasingly unpredictable climate patterns in the Himalayas, where mountaineers and guides have warned of shifting weather seasons. Rapid, unforecasted storms like this one increase the risks for trekking groups and strain rescue capacities.
While Chinese authorities lead the ongoing evacuation efforts on the northern slopes, Nepal is simultaneously battling related heavy rains, landslides, and flash floods. Nepali officials have reported dozens of fatalities from weather-linked disasters across the border.
Rescue operations in Tibet are expected to continue into the week, with teams working to bring down those still stuck at high altitude. Conditions remain challenging, but improving visibility may allow more helicopters and ground crews to reach remote areas.