President Kagame was received in Guinea by President Mamadi Doumbouya and senior government officials before retreating for a private meeting.
In a statement, the Office of the President of Rwanda announced that the two leaders discussed a wide range of issues aimed at strengthening existing productive bilateral cooperation between Rwanda and Guinea in various sectors, including digitization, trade, and investments.
President Kagame’s visit to Guinea Conakry was confirmed by the Office of the Guinea President on Sunday evening, in a communication inviting senior government officials, including National Security Council member Dansa Kourouma and Prime Minister Amadou Oury Bah, to attend the welcoming ceremony at the Ahmed Sékou Touré International Airport.
The visit comes nearly four months after Guinea’s Interim President, Mamadi Doumbouya, concluded a three-day visit to Rwanda, aimed at strengthening friendship and cooperation ties between the two countries.
President Kagame made a similar trip to Guinea from April 17-18, 2023, which resulted in the signing of an agreement on the creation of a joint cooperation committee between Rwanda and Guinea. The committee covers areas such as agriculture, ICT, education, mining, and security.
President Kagame and Doumbouya also witnessed the inauguration of a highway interchange connecting Kagbélen to Conakry that was named after President Kagame. The project was initiated to ease movement between major industrial cities and Conakry, as well as with neighbouring countries.
Admaius Capital Partners “Admaius”, an Africa-focused private equity investor operating across several growth markets, has announced its majority equity investment into TRES Infrastructure Limited “TRES”, the only local licensed tower owner, operator, and developer of shared telecommunications infrastructure in Rwanda.
TRES’ tower infrastructure is used by the two local Mobile Network Operators, MTN and AIRTEL (MNOs), while also benefitting other local network service providers such as KT Rwanda Networks Ltd.
Admaius’ investment and support will enable the Company to expand its tower portfolio locally in line with the country’s target to achieve more than 95% geographical coverage over the next few years, coupled with the roll-out of 4G and 5G networks across the country. This is expected to improve network affordability and connectivity in both rural and urban areas.
The telecom towers infrastructure market in Rwanda is characterised by strong and resilient demand, meanwhile, growth is underpinned by the country’s growing population, the increasing number of mobile subscribers complemented by a steady SIM-card penetration rate, and the general adoption of services by new subscribers through the increase in multi-SIM adoption.
Facilitating TRES’ continued growth aligns with Admaius’ investment strategy for Africa of finding opportunities in high-impact sectors that are the drivers of economic and social progress, including TMT (Technology, Media, and Telecommunication), digital infrastructure, financial services, FMCG, healthcare, and education.
Admaius Capital Partners were co-advised by Asafo & Co. and ENS Africa. Gahigiro Capital and BK Capital acted as the co-financial advisors to TRES Infrastructure Ltd and the Founder. Attorneys House acted as the legal advisor to TRES Infrastructure Ltd and the Founder.
Commenting on the investment, Marlon Chigwende, the Managing Partner of Admaius, said: “We are excited to be investing in Rwanda, one of the fastest growing markets in Africa. GDP growth has been strong, sustainable, and relatively broad-based. Our investment in Tres will help to expand network coverage to rural parts of Rwanda, as well as aid the rollout of 4G, and ultimately 5G over time. In addition to capital, we are bringing experienced Towers experts to support in strengthening the Tres business.”
Venuste Twagiramungu, Chief Executive Officer of TRES commented: “Admaius Capital Partners’ investment has come at the right moment. With their expertise in fund management, they are bringing not only the financial backing that we need but also their organizational capabilities that will transform TRES into a true corporate. From this exciting journey we are expecting no less than a fast expansion and a true contribution to the Rwandan objective of more than 95% geographical coverage.”
{{About Admaius Capital Partners
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Admaius Capital Partners is an experienced African investment manager currently managing in excess of $280m through its Virunga Africa Fund 1. All of the Admaius’ team are African and have significant experience in Africa.
Admaius Capital Partners is headquartered in Kigali, Rwanda and has offices in Nairobi, Johannesburg, Tunis, Cairo, and London. Admaius is a commercial investor with a strong impact and social development focus.
The business has former leaders of some of Africa’s largest and most experienced investment managers including Carlyle, Actis and Standard Chartered. Key focus areas include financial services, healthcare, education, FMCG, and TMT (Technology, Media, and Telecommunication). Admaius’ objective is to partner with the best-in-class local operators in Africa to grow the business and create a positive change.
{{About TRES Infrastructure Ltd.
}}
TRES Infrastructure Ltd is a Rwandan licensed tower owner, operator, and developer of shared telecommunications infrastructure.
TRES has constructed and currently owns tower sites, which are rented to MNOs including MTN, Airtel and KTRN. Furthermore, the Company is ISO 9001:2015 & ISO 54001:2018 certified and is an approved service provider to Ericsson and Huawei, the biggest telecom equipment vendors on the continent.
The CEO and Founder, Venuste Twagiramungu has over 25 years of industry experience, and had worked for MTN, the largest MNO in Rwanda before he started TRES Infrastructure in 2009.
The annual report indicates that in 2023, 32,853 deaths were documented in the civil registration system across the country, with non-communicable illnesses accounting for 46 per cent of the deaths, up from 45 per cent in 2022. The chronic diseases include cancer, diabetes, heart disease, stroke and schizophrenia.
The second-largest causes of death in the country were infectious and parasitic diseases such as tuberculosis, pneumonia, diarrhoea, malaria, and measles; maternal and perinatal causes, including maternal haemorrhage and birth trauma; and malnutrition, which represented 43 per cent of the deaths registered in 2023, down from 46 per cent in 2022.
Injuries from accidents accounted for 11 per cent of the deaths registered in 2023, representing an increase of 3 per cent from the 2022 statistics.
The report further shows that of the 32,853 deaths documented in 2023, 53.8 per cent occurred outside health facilities
Mortality statistics show a high number of registered deaths among males compared to females, with a sex ratio at death equivalent to 121.1 male deaths per 100 female deaths in 2023, almost the same as the result in 2022 (122.2).
In 2023, the Northern Province led with the highest number of registered deaths at 8,271, followed by Kigali (7,818), the Southern Province (6,819), the Eastern Province (6,135), and the Western Province (3,509). A total of 301 deaths were not attributed to any province.
In terms of districts, Gasabo District recorded the highest number of deaths due to its high population density, with 1,682, followed by Nyagatare with 1,552 and Rubavu with 1,465. Gicumbi District had 1,415, Musanze District had 1376 deaths, Bugesera District had 1305, followed by Gakenke District with 1242.
Other districts that recorded more than 1,000 deaths were Gatsibo (1,212), Kamonyi (1,203), Muhanga (1,194), Rwamagana (1,119), Nyamasheke (1,099), Rulindo (1,062) and Nyaruguru (1,049).
In terms of the age of the deceased persons, most deaths were recorded within the age bracket of five years and below, followed by persons aged 80 years and above. NISR attributed this trend to the high risk of death at early ages, particularly at birth.
Burundi had on Saturday accused Rwanda of training and arming rebel groups blamed for the twin grenade attacks including the attack reported at a packed bus stop in Bujumbura.
However, in a hard-hitting statement on Sunday, the Office of the Government Spokesperson, denied any links with the attackers, insisting that Burundi should desist from associating Rwanda with its internal problems.
“There is something clearly wrong going on with Burundi for its government to accuse Rwanda for recent grenade explosions in Bujumbura, a situation we have absolutely no connection with, and have no reason to be involved in.
“Burundi has a problem with Rwanda, but we have no problem with Burundi. We call on Burundi to solve its own internal problems and not associate Rwanda with such despicable matters,” the statement reads.
BURUNDI SHOULD NOT ASSOCIATE RWANDA WITH ITS INTERNAL PROBLEMS.
— Rwanda Government Communications (@RwandaOGS) May 12, 2024
Burundian Interior Ministry’s spokesman Pierre Nkurikiye told reporters on Saturday that RED-Tabara insurgents were behind the attacks.
He paraded six individuals, aged 28 to 56, to the press, saying they were part of the group destabilizing the country.
“These terrorists were recruited, trained and even equipped with weapons in Rwanda and by Rwanda,” Nkurikiye claimed.
“Afterwards, they are sent to the RED-Tabara terrorist group to be close to Burundi’s borders, and then they enter the country to carry out attacks.”
The relations between Rwanda and Burundi have deteriorated in recent months after Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye sustained accusations that Rwanda is financing and training the RED-Tabara group rebels.
RED-Tabara rebel group is considered by the Burundian government as a terrorist movement, with its members being linked to the failed coup attempt in 2015.
RDB, in collaboration with the Embassy of Rwanda in Senegal, organized an exclusive brunch in Galoya, Dakar, on Saturday to showcase investment opportunities in Rwanda.
The event brought together Rwandan investors, the Senegalese Investors Council, influential Senegalese personalities, and business leaders.
“The main objective was to highlight Rwanda’s notable advances in various sectors, ranging from sustainable tourism to innovative startups, in order to generate interest among Senegalese investors in the numerous investment opportunities offered by the booming economy of Rwanda,” stated RDB.
The meeting was held on the sidelines of the Basketball Africa League (BAL) Season 4 Sahara Conference. The tournament playoffs and finals are to be held in Kigali from May 24 to June 1.
The event was attended by, among others, Jean-Pierre Karabaranga, the Ambassador of Rwanda to Senegal, Setti Solomon, the RDB Chief Strategy, Partnerships, and Communications Officer, and Candy Basomingera, Rwanda Convention Bureau (RCB) Deputy CEO.
Ambassador Karabaranga seized the opportunity to emphasize the importance of economic collaboration in driving sustainable development and prosperity in both countries.
Citing Rwanda’s robust infrastructure, strategic location, and business-friendly policies, the ambassador noted that investors are welcome to tap into various opportunities in the fast-growing economy.
Last year, RDB reported a 50 per cent growth in foreign investment commitments to reach $2.4 billion (RWF 3 trillion).
RDB, in an annual report unveiled last month, indicated that the commitments are expected to create 40,198 job opportunities in the next five years.
The manufacturing is expected to create 9,900 new job opportunities over the five-year period, accounting for a quarter of the jobs projected to be created in the next five years.
Further, the government agency whose main mandate is to accelerate Rwanda’s economic development by enabling private sector growth, forecasts that the agriculture sub-sector will continue to thrive, contributing to the creation of 7,600 jobs over the same period.
Real estate is expected to create 6,200 new jobs by 2029 while the agro-processing sub-sector will contribute some 4,400 jobs to the economy.
Additionally, the construction sector will generate 2,700 jobs while the accommodation and food services sub-sector will create 2,600 job opportunities over the next five years.
Electricity, gas, steam, and air conditioning supply are poised to create an additional 1,500 new job opportunities, followed by the arts and entertainment sub-sector, where approximately 600 opportunities will be generated.
The financial and insurance sectors, along with administrative and support service activities, are expected to generate 500 and 200 jobs respectively over the next half-decade.
Wilkens was then the Head of the Adventist Development and Relief Agency International in Rwanda and was living in the country with his wife and three children when President Juvénal Habyarimana’s plane was shot down, igniting ethnic tension in Rwanda, leading to the killing of more than one million people.
When it became apparent that things were out of hand and the killings by the Interahamwe group in Kigali’s neighbourhoods intensified, the American embassy decided to temporarily close and evacuate its citizens to safety.
Many Americans who had witnessed the killings firsthand could not hesitate but utilize the 72-hour window given to flee the country. But as everyone else was struggling to be among the first groups to be evacuated, Wilkens chose to remain behind with two domestic Tutsi workers after the American Embassy made it clear to them not to bring any Rwandans with them.
He sent his wife and children with an American convoy to Burundi and stayed at his home in Kigali with the two workers.
Speaking at the Kigali Public Library on Friday, May 10, as the country continues to commemorate 30 years since the Genocide against the Tutsi, Wilkins explained that he chose to remain behind because of the fears that Juan and Anita would be harmed.
“They [American Embassy] left us very little space for choice. We had this young lady who lived and worked at our home, so when the embassy gave us that order, I was like, no. I felt like that was an immoral thing for us to turn our backs and just abandon people,” he recounted.
“My heart was saying, how can you walk away from these two – the young man who was the watchman and the young lady? I often compared her to immediate family because we were so tight,” he added.
The 66-year-old noted that the US embassy’s orders still give him stomach pains to date.
“I understand the government’s responsibility towards its citizens and stuff, but then we need a plan B. And now here America is saying no, if you are from Burundi, Tanzania you can get in the convoy. It still gives me pain in my stomach,” Wilkins explained.
Over the next 100 horrific days of the genocide, Wilkins managed to save the lives of 400 Tutsis, including orphans from Gisimba Orphanage, whom he moved to safety through deadly roadblocks, thanks to his influence and networks.
He recounted that on the day he rescued the orphans more than 50 killers had surrounded the orphanage waiting to kill everyone. But the kids’ lives were spared after he reached out to the Governor of Kigali Tharcisse Renzaho and Prime Minister Jean Kambanda.
The discussion, moderated by Barbara Umuhoza, centered on Wilkins’ book ‘I’m Not Leaving,’ written in the aftermath of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
On why some missionaries turned their backs on Rwanda, Wilkins said, “We never know what is going on in the hearts and minds of other people. When my wife got to the American ambassador’s home with the children and my mother and father, another missionary came to her and asked where Carl was. And she said he is not leaving, and this man said, you mean we could stay? It’s just that it never occurred that that was even a possibility to him. He was a dedicated man, and I believed he probably would have except by that point he didn’t see a turn point. So that could be one possible explanation.”
He noted that some missionaries have never forgiven themselves for turning their backs on Rwanda.
Answering a question from the audience about where God was during the genocide, Wilkins said: “I see God’s hand, but through people, not through supernatural miracles like an invisible shield around somebody. I believe big miracles probably happen. But for me, what’s most empowering is not to believe that God is going to send a supernatural shield. What’s most empowering is believing that we have the power to love, to step forward for somebody else.”
This is Wilkins’ second visit to the country since leaving in 1996. Prior to the genocide, the then 36-year-old had lived in Rwanda for nearly 10 years.
On May 8, 2024, Minister Lutundula told diplomats in Kinshasa that President Kagame had stated to a foreign media outlet, “Rwandan troops will not leave the DRC until we bring back the Tutsi Congolese and until their rights are restored.”
These claims are in direct contradiction to President Kagame’s repeated statements to both Rwandan and international media. He has been highlighting that over 100,000 Congolese refugees currently in Rwanda fled due to persecution in their homeland.
President Kagame further noted that these refugees include relatives of M23 militants, who are fighting to reclaim their rights, underscoring the need for a resolution to the refugee crisis to facilitate their peaceful return.
The Rwandan government, including President Kagame, has firmly rejected the DRC government’s charges of Rwandan military presence in North Kivu province, asserting that Rwanda does not seek to meddle in Congolese affairs.
While Rwanda has voiced its condemnation of the ongoing genocide and targeted killings of Tutsi Congolese, Minister Lutundula has refuted these claims. He suggested that the conflict zones, primarily involve Hutus, ‘and might experience genocide’ instead.
Yolande Makolo sharply criticized Lutundula’s comments as “insane,” pointing to the DRC government’s backing of the FDLR militia, which she blames for significant violence against the Congolese.
This role of the FDLR in harming Congolese citizens was confirmed by DRC military spokesperson, Brig Gen Sylvain Ekenge, who stated on national television in April 2024 that the FDLR had played a major role in the deaths of “10 million Congolese in the past 30 years.”
In response to Lutundula’s remarks, Makolo said, “This is madness from the Foreign Minister of the only country in the world that allows a genocidal group [FDLR] to kill its people and spread genocide ideology in the DRC.”
She also accused the DRC government of continuing to arm and support the FDLR, responsible for Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, to perpetrate violence against Tutsi Congolese in North Kivu and the Banyamulenge in South Kivu.
Makolo emphasized that the spread of hate and genocide ideology and the ongoing genocide against Tutsi Congolese in the DRC should be universally condemned and not overshadowed by Minister Lutundula’s misrepresentations.
Echoing these sentiments, the Rwandan Ambassador to the Netherlands, Olivier Nduhungirehe, expressed his concerns about Lutundula’s statements but was not surprised, given the DRC government’s history of aligning with genocidal strategies similar to those of the former Habyarimana regime.
Amb. Nduhungirehe recalled that between 1990 and 1993, the Habyarimana government, through extremist factions within the CDR party and media like RTLM and Kangura, propagated the notion that Tutsis planned to exterminate the Hutus. He argued that such misinformation was aimed at justifying the subsequent Genocide against the Tutsi as an act of self-defense.
Amb. Nduhungirehe asserted that the international community should denounce the DRC government’s continued persecution of Tutsi Congolese, although he speculated that economic and political interests might lead to their silence.
According to data from the Ministry of Infrastructure, the proportion of Rwandans living in villages was supposed to increase from 61% in 2017 to 80% in 2024. However, it has been observed that only 65% currently live in well-organized villages and sites.
Appearing before the Public Accounts Committee on May 8, 2024, Charles Kalinda, the head of policy and planning at the Ministry of Infrastructure, highlighted problems in housing construction that do not meet required standards due to a lack of strict regulations.
He particularly pointed out that only six districts have land use plans, leaving potential occupants uncertain about land use.
Kalinda announced the implementation of a site service strategy, aiming to ensure that each site is operational before being occupied. He also mentioned the establishment of regulations that were previously non-existent.
The housing issues encountered during the implementation of the government development plan will be addressed by the new policy and regulations currently being drafted.
In the City of Kigali, there are 87 developed sites covering an area of 1,381 hectares, offering standard housing tailored to the needs of the population. In other provinces, 42 sites over a total area of 5,113 hectares are waiting to be occupied and are under the responsibility of various authorities.
Moreover, 26 sites distributed across eight districts have been developed, with their plans awaiting approval at ministerial meetings.
The Mayor of Kigali, Samuel Dusengiyumva, acknowledged that some sites developed according to the 2021 guidelines have gaps, due to a lack of clear instructions at the time of their preparation.
The chairman of the Public Accounts Committee, Muhakwa Valens, highlighted over 10 sites with problems, particularly in waste management. He challenged the authorities on measures to address these gaps.
In response, Mayor Dusengiyumva stated that they are working to identify and address the shortcomings, taking into account the needs and requirements of the residents.
He assured that the deficiencies are being corrected immediately.
Currently, more than 130 housing sites are listed in Rwanda.
The National Land Authority plans to finalize plans for 11 districts, so that next year, there will only be six districts for which master plans are still being developed.
A feasibility study report unveiled earlier this month identified four Sweet Spots for introducing CBDC in the country, including the need to increase resilience against possible network outages, power failures, and natural disasters; improve innovation and competition; contribute to achieving the cashless economy national initiative over time; and develop faster, cheaper, more transparent, and more inclusive cross-border remittances.
The feasibility study, which began in September 2022, also identified risks related to the adoption of the CBDC by the public, financial providers, and merchants with a high level of concern. To mitigate these risks, the study recommends additional investments in promoting CBDC and education in order to shift existing consumer habits to this new innovative product.
As the consultation process continues, many people are wondering what CBDCs are and how they differ from popular cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin.
In simple language, a CBDC is like digital cash issued by the central bank. It’s similar to regular money we use but in a digital form.
The main difference between CBDC and cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin and Ethereum is that CBDCs are issued and controlled by a country’s central bank, just like physical cash.
On the other hand, cryptocurrencies use a decentralized system for transactions and creating new units.
Because CBDCs are central bank-backed, they are considered a very secure way to hold and transfer money.
If the process to establish the digital currency sails through, Rwanda’s CBDC will be the official digital currency regulated by the National Bank of Rwanda.
“While crypto values change, Rwanda’s CBDC will always match the value of regular money,” BNR explains on its website.
Notably, the CBDC can be like a bank account (account-based) or like digital cash (token-based). Account-based CBDC links ownership to an identity and keeps records with a third party. Token-based CBDC doesn’t need a third party and is like using physical cash.
BNR affirms that CBDC will not replace existing digital payments like cards and electronic payments. However, it may offer new services and more payment options.
The ongoing consultation is aimed at getting public opinion on the Rwanda CBDC. The information will help the central bank understand the technology, regulations, and risks of the new digital money product before its rollout.
Three countries – the Bahamas, Jamaica, and Nigeria – have fully launched CBDCs, while several others are in the piloting stage.
In Nigeria, the eNaira is a central bank digital currency (CBDC) backed by law. It is the digital form of the Naira and is used just like cash.
Born in Uganda in 1977, the 47-year-old Rwandan grew up in Uganda when the National Resistance Army (NRA) prepared to topple Milton Obote’s administration.
Speaking during a recent interview on Sanny Ntayombya’s podcast ‘Long Form’, Habineza disclosed that he spent most of his childhood hiding alongside his family due to the political instability in the country at the time.
“I was born when there was war in Uganda. There were NRM rebels fighting Obote government and my region was called the Royal Triangle where the war taking place there. We used to see soldiers coming and taking our cows and we used to run,” he said, adding, “It was a sad moment but finally the war ended.”
Besides the political instability, Habineza also revealed that he and other Rwandan children had to endure constant bullying from local kids in the foreign land.
“It was a very difficult time to be in Uganda. We used to be beaten by other Ugandan kids who used to call us Banyarwanda as if Banyarwanda was a crime. I had this name of Habineza which couldn’t be hidden. Sometimes I felt like I was going to hide my name because every time they would call me Kanyarwanda,” he revealed.
“We used to fetch water from some piped water which would come from some springs in the mountains. So they find you there putting a jerrican there they hit you in the head. I could cry I say what is Munyarwanda. I go back crying. I knew that Munyarwanda was a crime. At first, I thought it was an abuse then I let it was a crime and then I said why don’t I change my name? They could tune my name and turn it into abusive words.”
He changed his name four times. First, he called himself Mugisha but faced opposition from his father. He later called himself Frasco, then Francis, and finally settled on Frank.
“I think Frank was more modern because we had some Congolese musicians like Franco,” he remarked.
When normalcy resumed in Uganda after the coup that saw President Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) assume power, he was able to resume school, but sadly, he was forced to deal with the pain of losing his mother at an early age.
“It was a difficult process, and my mother died in between when I was in Primary 4. So that was a very difficult episode. We were three kids, so my father had a responsibility of taking care of us: three kids, one boy, and two girls. It was very difficult,” he said.
The challenging times forced him to get involved in activities of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) which was then preparing to liberate Rwanda in 1990. He was still in primary school.
“We used to attend youth meetings. The meetings were not public; we used to have them in the bushes. They also used to teach us Kinyarwanda dance. It was good,” he revealed.
In 1994 after the RPF took control of Rwanda following the 100 days of the Genocide against the Tutsi he was among Rwandans who returned home. They settled in Kayonza District in the Eastern Province.
“I was here in early October of 1994. We came in a big truck. The trucks that carry coffee,” he said.
However, he could not stay for long as schools were yet to reopen and he had to go back to Uganda to resume his high school studies.
“In March 1995, I had to go back to Uganda. I had left when I was in Form Three, and by the time I was leaving, schools were yet to reopen in Rwanda. I realized I could not find a job because as a Senior Three graduate, you don’t have a diploma or any certificate. There was also pressure to enrol us in either the army or local defence force. I realized going to the army when you don’t have even an O-level certificate would be a waste of much time here because you wouldn’t be much useful,” Habineza noted.
Back in Uganda, he benefitted from the foster care of renowned Ugandan writer John Nagenda’s family, where he developed a passion for politics and media. He was also a member of the Scouts Club, Wild Life Club and Chairman of the Red Cross Club.
“I had a lot of exposure there seeing newspapers every time watching TV and reading newspapers.”
It was while at high school that he thought of forming a political party to oppose Museveni’s government. He was about 17 years old.
But as fate would have it, he opted to join the National University of Rwanda in Butare, now the University of Rwanda, for his undergraduate studies after high school in 1999.
“When I went to Butare, knowing the history of the genocide in Rwanda, I thought, ‘What can I contribute in Rwanda?’ I said I would put much effort into environmental protection. I also had a passion for media, inspired by my uncle who used to have a column in the New Vision.
“When I came, I got accepted in the New Times. But I wrote like three, four articles, and none of my articles was published. When I went to Butare, they made me a correspondent for the News Line. I wrote for Rwanda News Line, Umuseso, and later the Rwanda Herald, and stopped in 2003.”
It’s while at Butare that he revived his idea of forming a political party in 2002.
“My love for the environment and the media pushed me into having another image of Rwanda. Seeing of what I wished new Rwanda to be. Later on that is when I decided to start a political party,” he added.
The path to starting a new party was, however, not smooth, as he was forced to shelve the idea after advice from government officials who thought he was not ready to run a party in just the second year of university.
“The officials heard me and said, ‘But you are still a young man and you have not finished university. I think I was in the second year then. You don’t even have money. Political parties are not a small thing. It requires money, it requires commitment.’ They also told me, ‘Maybe you are not seeing what is happening in the country. You see, there are these parties like MDR; they are having divisions, they are breaking up. But maybe when you start a new party, some people may misunderstand you and confuse you, or maybe you can become a new home for those people and they may bring trouble to you.’
“So they said, ‘Maybe it’s not a good time to start a new party as a young person.’ I thought the advice they gave me was genuine. I went and told my colleagues that this is the advice I got from the people in Kigali. They think that this is a wrong time for us. It’s too risky,” he revealed.
In 2005 he graduated from the university and was immediately appointed as a personal assistant to the minister of environment, forestry, water and mines.
When the minister was dropped from the Cabinet in 2006, he joined the National Coordinator for the Nile Basin Discourse Forum in Rwanda (NBDF), a civil society platform that had over 50 NGOs involved in the conservation of river Nile.
In 2007, he officially quit RPF and opted to form the Democratic Green Movement of Rwanda Party to oppose the government of the day. After six unsuccessful attempts, his party was finally registered in 2010.
He cited the decision to break ranks with President Paul Kagame’s RPF due to ideological differences, although he remained tight-lipped on details about his presidential manifesto and what he would do differently if elected president. He noted that it would be revealed at a later date, once sanctioned by the party delegates.
With two seats in parliament and one in the Senate, the MP insists that he is determined to run a non-violent opposition in the country.
He dismissed other opposition leaders, including former coalition member Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, for lacking the best interest of the country and promoting violent opposition ideologies.
“These people, when you say you want nonviolence, they don’t believe in nonviolence, most of them. They would want you to fight. There is a connotation from East Africa where people see opposition fighting here and there, causing trouble, breaking windows, destabilizing everything. So when we say no, we don’t want to do that. Although I was born in Uganda, I don’t want to copy and paste what I see happening in Uganda to here. We have seen a lot of violence in Rwanda, we have the Genocide against the Tutsi. I was not even born here because of those problems from before,” he stated.
“We want something different to do opposition politics, but not like the ones in Uganda or Kenya. But another one where the people of Rwanda will feel safe with you. I have been in a situation where people felt unsafe with me. They said, ‘When you join Franc’s party, you will have trouble and will be put in prison.’ This is what I feel is a better thing than now. People are comfortable being in the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda. People can see a future in the party, people can contribute to the state of the party. We have different ideas and we show them, and we are not killed because we have opposed the government.”
