The envoy made the remarks in a statement released after completing his diplomatic visit to Rwanda, where he held high-level discussions with government officials and international partners regarding the crisis in eastern DRC.
During his visit to Rwanda, Borgstam met with President Paul Kagame, Minister of Defence Juvenal Marizamunda, and Gen. (Rtd.) Kabarebe, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in Charge of Regional Cooperation.
Borgstam expressed concern over the escalation of conflict in eastern Congo, particularly the war involving M23 and Congolese coalition forces, including the FDLR militia, which consists of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
Addressing Rwanda’s concerns about the genocidal group that continues to threaten its security, Borgstam stressed that the apprehensions must be respected. He also noted that the ethnic persecution of communities, particularly the Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese in the east—which constitutes a central grievance of M23—must be addressed.
“We reiterate the responsibility of the DRC government to dismantle the FDLR militia. Additionally, we strongly condemn the rise of ethnic hate speech, which must be addressed by all governments in the region,” he stated.
At the same time, the EU reaffirmed its support for African-led peace initiatives, stressing that there is no military solution to the crisis.
“We welcome the outcome of the EAC-SADC summit of February 8 and encourage all parties to engage in constructive dialogue,” Borgstam stated.
Borgstam’s remarks on the FDLR come even as the M23 rebel group, which recently captured Goma and Bukavu, handed over Brigadier General Gakwerere Ezechiel, a senior member of the DRC-based FDLR genocidal militia, along with 13 other fighters, to Rwandan authorities on Saturday, March 1.
Among those transferred were senior FDLR officer Major Ndayambaje Gilbert and several junior fighters.
Brig. Gen. Gakwerere, who was dressed in a newly issued uniform of the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC), is known by multiple aliases, including Sibomana Stany, Julius Mokoko, and Sibo Stany. His capture, along with other FDLR members, has raised fresh concerns about the DRC’s alleged support for the militia, which Kigali has long accused of seeking to destabilize Rwanda.
Speaking at the border, Colonel Joseph Mwesigye, Commander of the Rwanda Defence Force’s 509th Brigade, dismissed claims that the FDLR is an aging, ineffective group with no operational capacity.
“You can see there are young people among them. Some claim the FDLR consists only of old men who are no longer a threat, but this shows otherwise. The ideology of genocide does not fade with age,” he asserted.
He further stated that the capture of these fighters provides concrete evidence that the FDLR remains active, despite Congolese authorities’ claims that the group is no longer a major force.
The FDLR fighters handed over were among those captured during clashes with the M23 in Goma and surrounding areas. While some fighters have fled to areas such as Walikale and Virunga National Park, reports indicate that others are taking refuge in UN military facilities in North Kivu Province.
Brig. Gen. Gakwerere has a long and notorious history. Born in 1964 in Rukara Commune, Kibungo Prefecture—now part of Rwanda’s Kayonza District—he played a key role in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
As a Lieutenant at the time, Gakwerere was stationed at the Non-Commissioned Officers School (ESO) in Butare, where he worked closely with Captain Ildephonse Nizeyimana, a key architect of the Butare massacres.
Reports indicate that he led a notorious group known as the “New Formula”, responsible for mass killings at roadblocks and various locations in Butare. He is also accused of involvement in the murder of Queen Rosalie Gicanda on April 20, 1994, as well as the killing of Jean Baptiste Habyarimana, the former Governor of Butare Prefecture.
Hakuziyaremye had served as Deputy Governor of the National Bank since 2021. Her predecessor, John Rwangombwa, completed two six-year terms, having held the position since 2013.
Expressing gratitude for the appointment, Hakuziyaremye acknowledged the trust President Kagame continues to place in her.
In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, she shared her reaction to the new role, her priorities, and how the National Bank of Rwanda plans to address potential economic challenges.
{{QN}}: {{How did you receive the news of your appointment as the Governor of the National Bank of Rwanda?}}
{{ANS}}: It’s not something you expect because the President of the Republic holds the authority to appoint the leadership of the National Bank. I received the news with joy and gratitude for the continued trust that the President has confined in me across different roles in serving Rwanda.
I have been the Deputy Governor for four years, so I am familiar with the institution. This new role is a continuation of our work, and I am committed to collaborating with my colleagues to fulfill our responsibilities.
{{QN}}: {{What does it mean to you to be the first woman to lead the National Bank of Rwanda?}}
{{ANS}}: This milestone is not about me; it reflects the country’s commitment to gender equality. Our leadership has ensured that both men and women are given equal opportunities to contribute to national development.
Although I am the first woman to hold this position, two other women have previously served as Deputy Governors. Their contributions helped pave the way and demonstrated that women are capable of excelling in these roles.
{{QN}}: {{How are you preparing to take on this new responsibility?}}
{{ANS}}: These are significant responsibilities that no one can handle alone. Fortunately, I work alongside a capable leadership team and dedicated staff at BNR. Together, we will continue to deliver on our mandate.
Our work involves collaborating with other institutions to maintain economic stability. This is not new to us; we will continue to build on the solid foundation already in place.
The government’s NST2 program urges us to accelerate economic development. We also have Vision 2050, which sets the ambition for Rwanda to become an upper-middle-income country. These goals guide our work, and we are determined to achieve them.
{{QN}}: {{What will be your main focus moving forward?}}
{{ANS}}: Our primary focus is maintaining financial stability and ensuring that market prices remain under control. Additionally, we aim to protect consumers of financial services and promote financial sector development.
With the rapid growth of digital financial services in Rwanda, we want to ensure these services remain accessible and affordable for everyone.
We also plan to advance the Kigali International Financial Centre (KIFC) initiative. Working with the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, we will continue attracting investors to strengthen Rwanda’s financial sector.
Another priority is expanding the capital market. As the national bank, we facilitate the issuance of government bonds, and we want to encourage more public participation while ensuring the market provides the necessary financing for the country’s development.
{{QN}}:{{ How will you ensure Rwanda builds a resilient economy?}}
{{ANS}}: Rwanda’s economy remains strong. Although inflation reached 14% in 2023, it has since dropped to an average of 4.7%.
The financial sector is stable and continues to grow, whether in banking, insurance, or microfinance. Capital adequacy and profitability remain solid indicators of a healthy financial system.
{{QN}}: {{Are there concerns that market prices will continue to rise?}}
{{ANS}}: No, the rate of price increases has significantly slowed and remains within the 5% target range. This level supports economic growth without major disruptions.
{{QN}}: {{What measures are in place to promote digital financial services?}}
{{ANS}}: We recently hosted the Inclusive Fintech Forum to explore ways to advance digital financial services. The government has adopted a new Fintech policy to strengthen the sector.
Our main goal is to enhance technological literacy in financial services, particularly in payments, banking, and insurance. We are also working on regulations to safeguard the financial system from risks such as cybercrime.
We want to empower Rwandan Fintech startups, particularly young innovators, by connecting them with major financial institutions. This will help them grow and achieve the global standards we aim for.
{{QN: What can be improved to promote money transfers?}}
{{ANS}}: We should take pride in the progress Rwanda has made, especially when considering the volume of money transferred through digital platforms like Mobile Money, banks, and microfinance institutions.
These transactions now account for 300% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Fifteen years ago, this figure stood at just 0.3%, but it has increased significantly, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, as more people turned to digital services.
This marked a turning point for the adoption of cashless payments, and we aim to ensure that those who have not yet adopted these methods are included.
Additionally, there is an ongoing e-cash project aimed at integrating banks and mobile money services. For example, a user with an MTN SIM card can now send money to an Airtel user without issues, and it is also possible to transfer money from a bank account to a mobile money wallet.
Our goal is to connect all these institutions, which will facilitate faster transactions and, we hope, reduce the costs associated with money transfers.
{{QN: How far along is the digital currency initiative?}}
{{ANS}}: It is a long-term initiative that we are approaching with caution. If and when digital currency is officially introduced, it must be a secure and beneficial tool for Rwandans.
The first phase of research has been completed, and we have engaged with various stakeholders and collected public feedback on the findings. This will inform a small-scale pilot test of the digital currency, which is our current focus.
We anticipate that in five or six months, we will present the results of this pilot. If the test confirms the potential we foresee, we will initiate a broader pilot involving a select group of Rwandan citizens.
The outcomes of this extended pilot will determine whether Rwanda fully adopts a digital currency. Research suggests that one of the most immediate benefits would be lower transaction costs for both domestic and international transfers.
Other countries that have introduced digital currencies have reported easier and more affordable cross-border trade. Additionally, digital currency could increase competition among payment service providers, driving innovation and better services.
{{QN: Why are there still significant concerns about digital currency?}}
{{ANS}}: The primary concern is that digital currency is a new concept. While research reports provide valuable insights, only through real-world trials we can identify and address potential risks.
This is why we are proceeding cautiously. Currently, 86 countries are conducting experiments and research on digital currency, and we continue to share knowledge and experiences with them.
For Rwanda, participating in this global effort is exciting but requires careful consideration. We want to avoid any unintended consequences that could arise from adopting digital currency.
{{QN: How is the BNR responding to global economic uncertainties?}}
{{ANS}}: Global changes are not new and will continue to occur. As the national bank, our approach is to employ highly skilled economists capable of conducting advanced financial analysis.
For example, when the COVID-19 pandemic emerged five years ago, no one had anticipated it. However, Rwanda successfully navigated the economic challenges and emerged stronger.
Similarly, we have adapted to the extreme price fluctuations caused by the Russia-Ukraine war and climate change, which continue to affect global markets. We understand that climate change, in particular, poses a significant threat to the agricultural sector, which in turn influences market prices.
Our ability to analyze economic data allows us to predict potential impacts of natural disasters and other shocks.
We collaborate with other institutions to mitigate risks early. Our current financial indicators suggest that we are maintaining economic stability. In the first three quarters of 2024, Rwanda’s economy grew by 9%, placing us among the top 10 fastest-growing economies globally.
This growth gives us confidence that we can weather future changes. While we cannot predict everything, we have strategies in place to ensure the continued stability of our economy.
We remain optimistic that our economy will continue to grow steadily. Our projections indicate that inflation will be 6.5% this year and 4.2% next year, reinforcing our position of economic strength and stability.
Despite calls for peace and regional cooperation, Burundi escalated its involvement in the DRC conflict on February 23, 2025, by deploying additional troops to strategic areas in South Kivu Province.
The Ruzizi Plain, a strategic valley forming a natural border between the DRC, Burundi, and Rwanda, is one of the areas receiving additional military presence. The DRC anticipates that the presence of Burundian forces in this region will help push back the M23 rebels, who continue to control large parts of the Kivus.
Additionally, Burundi sent reinforcements to Sange town in Uvira Territory, with the installation of five 107mm guns to strengthen the defenses of the region.
Vugizo, a border area on the Burundi side, also saw an influx of Burundian artillery soldiers, equipped with surveillance drones and 120mm and 122mm guns.
While Burundi’s troop deployment continued, President Evariste Ndayishimiye secretly visited Kinshasa to meet with DRC President Felix Tshisekedi. The meeting, held the same day as the reinforcements, focused on the worsening security situation and troop compensation.
Sources close to Tshisekedi’s inner circle disclosed that Ndayishimiye’s major concern was securing higher payments for the 15,000 Burundian soldiers deployed in the DRC.
The troops have been engaged in combat under a military agreement between the two nations, formalized in August 2023. According to the deal’s terms, Tshisekedi pays Ndayishimiye $5,000 per soldier per month, though the soldiers themselves receive far less—$70 for junior ranks and $100 for officers.
President Tshisekedi, however, rejected Ndayishimiye’s request to raise the monthly payments, pointing to the ongoing challenges faced by the DRC’s coalition forces in countering the M23 rebels.
Meanwhile, Tshisekedi has offered financial incentives ranging from $400 to $1,000 to members of the FDLR, a militia made up of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, and other armed factions operating in the DRC. He has also promised over USD 120 per combatant in Walikale and Masisi territories to motivate them to intensify their involvement in the conflict.
Burundi’s involvement in the DRC conflict has been a subject of controversy since its inception.
The decision to deploy troops was made unilaterally by Ndayishimiye, with critics arguing that it is motivated by personal and ideological interests. Ndayishimiye shares a deep anti-Tutsi sentiment with Tshisekedi and the FDLR.
This ideological alignment has raised concerns among international observers, as both leaders continue to back the FDLR, a group widely criticized for its role in the region’s instability.
In contrast to the military support from Burundi, the DRC has struggled to gain assistance from other African nations. Recently, Tshisekedi sought military aid from Mali, Senegal, and Chad, but the nations declined to get involved in the ongoing conflict.
The situation has placed a significant strain on regional peace efforts. At the February 8 summit of the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC), heads of state called for an immediate ceasefire and the resumption of dialogue between warring factions.
However, Burundi’s continued military presence undermines these efforts, complicating the pursuit of a peaceful resolution to the crisis.
In a statement shared on X, Nyombayire accused global actors of ignoring Rwanda’s long-standing calls for a political solution while enabling DRC’s leadership to evade accountability.
“Unlike what the international community will have you believe, the idea that a political solution is necessary to solve the conflict in Eastern DRC is far from new. It is what Rwanda has been calling for, for YEARS. It is exactly what President Tshisekedi has openly and REPEATEDLY refused to do. And we will not join you in pretending otherwise,” she wrote.
Nyombayire argued that the selective international outcry is not driven by genuine concern for the DRC but by a decades-old geopolitical calculation that disregards Rwandan lives.
“The underlying message of the selective outcry is not that there is a sudden genuine concern for the plight of a country that everyone knows is a failed state. The message is clear: the decision made 30 years ago—that the lives of Rwandans are expendable in the face of geopolitical interests—still stands today,” she stated.
Nyombayire accused the Congolese leadership of taking advantage of this dynamic, benefiting from international backing while continuing to recruit armed groups, including the FDLR, a militia responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
“That is why the leadership of DRC is enjoying the perks of sharing the same interests as their masters: talk crazy, recruit genocidaires and European mercenaries to fight your wars, sit back, relax, and let the international community bury the real issue,” she wrote.
According to Nyombayire, those pushing for de-escalation are in fact advocating for a return to a system that allows DRC’s elite to profit while Rwanda faces ongoing security threats.
“What every resolution and statement is calling for is an immediate return to business as usual: a nation that must remain a lawless playground where leaders get their cut to go buy castles in Brussels, the international community thrives off the business of peacekeeping and poverty alleviation programs, and their companies protect their profits,” she asserted.
Highlighting the glaring double standards, she noted that the same countries backing DRC would never tolerate the kind of threats Rwanda has endured for decades.
The continued misrepresentation of the conflict, she argued, serves powerful interests rather than the people of either country.
“Every country throwing its weight behind DRC knows they would never tolerate a fraction of the kind of security threats Rwanda has been facing for 30 years,” she noted, adding, “The gaslighting is deliberate because the truth is bad for business. It turns out that in this equation, the citizens of either country don’t actually matter, and in the end, their goal is NOT in fact a path to peace.”
The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has deteriorated since 2021, when the M23 rebel group resumed fighting to defend the rights of marginalized Rwandophones and Tutsi communities.
Instead of addressing the root causes of the crisis, the DRC government has consistently shifted blame onto Rwanda, accusing it of backing the rebels.
These claims have been amplified by the international community, despite Rwanda strongly rejecting them as false.
Kigali continues to advocate for a political solution to the conflict, as recommended through regional initiatives, including the joint East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit.
Tensions escalated further as M23 forces advanced, capturing key cities such as Sake and Goma in North and South Kivu provinces.
Amid growing insecurity, Rwanda has reinforced its border security in response to clear indications that a coalition of forces, including the DRC army and the terrorist group FDLR, is planning an attack. This follows years of repeated attempts to destabilize Rwanda.
In 2022 alone, the FDLR, armed with weapons supplied by the DRC government, launched attacks on Musanze District in March, May, and June. Two years earlier, RUD-Urunana, an offshoot of the FDLR, had killed 14 Rwandans in the same area.
As pressure mounts, Rwanda has criticized those calling for sanctions against it, arguing that such measures unfairly target a country taking necessary steps to protect its borders and citizens.
The Rwandan government maintains that sanctions have never resolved the long-standing security crisis in eastern DRC and will not do so now.
In a meeting with representatives of various political parties in Rwanda on February 25, 2025, Kabarebe explained that the Congolese president made this decision after betraying members of the M23 rebel group who had traveled to Kinshasa to negotiate for peace in eastern DRC. Tshisekedi had promised to work with them in 2019.
“By 2021, Tshisekedi promised he was going to find a solution for Kivu and declared a state of emergency, a wartime condition. He sacked all civilian leaders in Kivu, including Governors and replaced them with military officials. While people were confused about the reason, he was actually preparing for war. What he called bringing peace to Kivu was, in reality, preparation for war,” Kabarebe said.
He clarified that the M23 fighters who went to negotiate in Kinshasa did not come from Rwanda but had been residing in Bihanga military camp in Uganda, where they kept their weapons.
“They entered Uganda, where they were taken to Bihanga military camp. Their weapons were not confiscated. Bihanga is about two and a half hours from here,” he noted.
He explained that while President Tshisekedi promised to collaborate with M23 fighters, he refused President Paul Kagame’s request to dismantle the FDLR, a genocidal armed group operating in eastern DRC.
This refusal had dire consequences for Rwanda. In October 2019, RUD-Urunana, a subsidiary of the FDLR, attacked Musanze district, killing 14 civilians. This attack highlighted the persistent threat posed by the FDLR, which has long sought to destabilize Rwanda from its bases in eastern DRC near the border.
Kabarebe also explained that when M23 resumed fighting the Congolese army (FARDC) in November 2021, they did not come from Rwanda but were based on Mount Sabyinyo, located at the DRC-Uganda border.
As M23 continued to defeat FARDC, the DRC government made a strategic error by collaborating with mercenaries and rebuilding the FDLR despite its genocidal ideology.
“Some may wonder where the strength of the FDLR comes from. Their strength lies in their genocidal ideology. Regardless of their numbers, as long as they uphold this ideology, they remain a significant threat,” he elaborated.
Kabarebe criticized the international community for its inaction despite consistent reports from UN experts confirming FARDC’s collaboration with the FDLR and identifying officers involved in these dealings.
“The international community cannot claim innocence in the crisis in eastern DRC. Every year, UN experts report that FARDC works with the FDLR and even provide the names of collaborating officers,” he stated.
{{SAMIDRC’s involvement in the conflict}}
Kabarebe also highlighted that the DRC government invited troops from South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi under the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mission known as SAMIDRC to support its fight against M23.
The UN Security Council authorized MONUSCO to provide technical and logistical assistance to SAMIDRC.
He recalled that these same countries were part of the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) that expelled M23 in 2013, forcing them to seek refuge in Uganda. This time, however, these SADC countries joined the DRC despite being aware of its collaboration with the FDLR.
“The same countries that comprised FIB in 2013, South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania, are now part of SAMIDRC in 2024. The question is, did these countries know they were joining an alliance with the FDLR? Yes, they knew. They came to support both Tshisekedi and the FDLR,” he asserted.
He further accused SAMIDRC of participating in Tshisekedi and Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye’s alleged plan to overthrow the Rwandan government, a threat Rwanda has not taken lightly by strengthening its defensive measures.
“Rwanda has never attacked Congo or planned to do so. Our priority is self-defense against those who have publicly declared their intent to attack us,” he affirmed.
{{International community’s self-interest}}
Kabarebe criticized the international community for shifting the blame onto Rwanda due to M23’s military successes against FARDC, even contemplating sanctions against her.
“The international community’s response to M23’s victories has been to blame Rwanda. M23’s issue was never Rwanda’s, but they insist on making it our responsibility. Even when sanctions are imposed by the US or the EU, they target Rwanda as if it were our problem,” he noted.
He accused the international community of deliberately preserving the FDLR to use it as a tool against Rwanda. “They don’t want the FDLR dismantled because it serves their interests. The FDLR has become a weapon they can use to intimidate Rwanda and keep us in check,” he remarked.
Regarding the advanced weaponry in M23’s possession, Kabarebe clarified that M23 seizes these weapons from FARDC during battles. He cited the large cache of heavy artillery and other equipment M23 captured in Goma, Sake, and surrounding areas.
“The heavy weaponry you saw in Goma was intended to target Rwanda. These were stationed just 4 to 5 kilometers from our border, aimed directly at us,” he revealed.
He called for a lasting solution to the crisis based on decisions made by the East African Community (EAC) and SADC, supported by the African Union. However, he warned that the international community’s obsession with sanctioning Rwanda could discourage Tshisekedi from engaging in peace talks with M23.
He attributed the push for sanctions to Tshisekedi’s promises to deliver mineral resources to international powers, though he doubted these efforts would resolve the conflict.
“The international community bears 80% of the responsibility for the ongoing crisis in eastern DRC due to its vested interests,” he said.
He urged Rwandans to maintain self-reliance in confronting external threats, emphasizing that self-determination remains Rwanda’s most powerful defense.
She replaces John Rwangombwa, who has completed his second term in office.
In a statement released by Prime Minister Édouard Ngirente’s office on Tuesday, February 25, the Head of State also appointed Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva as the new Deputy Governor of the central bank. The new officials will serve a renewable six-year term.
Hakuziyaremye brings a wealth of experience in finance, government, and international relations, particularly in financial sector development, risk management, and strategic policymaking.
Prior to her appointment as Governor, she served as the Deputy Governor and Vice-Chairperson of BNR since March 2021.
She previously served as the Minister of Trade and Industry from 2018 to 2021, where she played a key role in shaping Rwanda’s economic policies.
Her extensive background in international finance includes serving as Senior Vice President and Credit Risk Manager at ING Bank UK, where she managed credit risk for financial institutions and advised on global finance deals.
She has also worked with BNP Paribas Group, The Bank of New York Mellon, and as a senior advisor at Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, where she contributed to Rwanda’s successful campaign for a seat on the United Nations Security Council.
Hakuziyaremye holds a Master’s degree in Business Engineering from Solvay Business School in Belgium and a postgraduate degree in International Management from Thunderbird Graduate School in the United States.
She recently completed the Oxford University Executive Public Leaders Program in 2024. In addition to her professional roles, she is a co-founder of the Brussels-Africa Hub and serves on the board of Ngali Holdings.
The newly appointed Deputy Governor, Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva, brings extensive experience in economic policy development, financial regulation, and international economic strategies.
Before his appointment, Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva held the position of Senior Economic Advisor at the UK Government’s Office of Rail and Road since 2016. He also held various roles at the Department for Work and Pensions in the UK, showcasing his broad experience in economic and policy advisory positions.
He has also served in various leadership roles in Rwanda, including Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Education from March to November 2008 and Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Trade and Industry from June 2005 to March 2008. Additionally, he worked as the Policy and Research Development Manager at Refugee Action from June 2009 to December 2013.
Dr. Nsengiyumva holds a PhD in Economics from the University of Leicester, focusing on financial development and foreign capital inflows. He also earned a Master’s in Economic Policy and Management from the University of Nairobi and a Bachelor of Commerce from the Catholic University of Eastern Africa.
The appointments of Hakuziyaremye and Nsengiyumva are expected to further strengthen the institution’s role in maintaining financial stability and driving economic growth.
This follows a foreign ministers’ meeting held on Monday, where the ministers failed to agree on calls to impose immediate sanctions on Rwanda amid escalating tensions in eastern Congo.
Some European countries, notably Belgium, had been pushing for sanctions against Rwanda through diplomatic pressure over allegations that Rwanda is backing M23 rebels in their conflict with Congolese forces in the eastern region—claims the Rwandan government has repeatedly denied.
Following the meeting, the EU announced that it would not take the same approach as the United States, which recently imposed sanctions on Gen. (Rtd) James Kabarebe, Rwanda’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in charge of Regional Cooperation.
President Paul Kagame recently stated in an interview with French magazine Jeune Afrique that instability in eastern Congo stems from the DRC’s governance failures and the continued presence of the Rwandan genocidal militia, the FDLR, in eastern DRC.
The FDLR is a terrorist militia founded by remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
With the continued threat of the FDLR attempting to invade Rwanda, the government has often defended its defensive measures along the border with Congo.
During the interview, President Kagame reiterated that Rwanda would prioritise its national security over the threat of sanctions.
“Countries like Belgium and Germany—former colonisers who contributed to the problem—threaten me with sanctions because I am defending my country. And they think they can intimidate us? Let’s be clear: if I must choose between facing an existential threat and dealing with sanctions, I will take up arms to confront the threat—regardless of the sanctions,” he stated.
Kigali has maintained that a political solution, rather than military escalation, is the only viable path to resolving the conflict in the eastern Congo.
The ongoing regional peace talks are now under the mediation of former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, and former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, following the recent merger of the Luanda and Nairobi processes.
Later this week, a ministerial-level meeting will be held to review a report from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) military chiefs. The meeting is expected to establish a framework for political negotiations under the combined Nairobi-Luanda peace process.
From the impact of U.S. foreign policy under Donald Trump to the ongoing M23 rebellion in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the legal struggles faced by Kinyarwanda speakers in Uganda and the controversial trial of Dr Kiiza Besigye, Mbidde offered deep insights into the region’s most pressing challenges.
{{The Trump effect on Africa}}
Hon. Mbidde characterized Trump’s foreign policy as transactional and nationalist. “Trump looks at foreign policy through the lenses of profit and loss,” he explains.
He clarified that under Trump’s administration, the United States shifted from a philanthropic superpower to a nation prioritizing domestic interests. This shift has had significant consequences on Africa, particularly in public health.
African countries have long relied on U.S. support to combat major health crises like HIV/AIDS. “South Africa had achieved 95% in HIV treatment goals, but Trump’s withdrawal of health funding threatens to reverse these gains,” Mbidde warned.
He encouraged African nations to consider legal action through U.S. courts to challenge harmful policy changes.
He further urged African nations to adopt a unified approach in global affairs. “African states must prioritize sovereignty and work collectively to counterbalance U.S. influence,” he said.
{{The M23 rebellion, a governance crisis}}
Turning to the DRC, Mbidde said the resurgence of the M23 rebel group is a crisis rooted in historical grievances. He explained that the conflict stems from the marginalization of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese and the government’s failure to honor peace agreements.
“The M23 movement began as a reaction to the government’s violation of the 2009 peace agreement,” he stated, cautioning against unilateral intervention by any East African nation, warning that it could be misconstrued as supporting rebel factions.
To address the root causes of the conflict, Mbidde proposed either secession or permanent power-sharing. “Peace is not just the absence of war. It is the presence of security and development,” he asserted, emphasizing the importance of long-term governance solutions.
{{Uganda’s legal quandary}}
In his own country, Mbidde discussed the controversial military trial of opposition leader Dr. Kiiza Besigye. While Uganda’s UPDF Act permits the court-martial of civilians found using military equipment, he criticized the broader implications for democracy.
“Justice and fairness depend on government goodwill,” he remarks, arguing that such trials reflect a worrying trend of political repression.
He called for legal reforms and a truly independent judiciary to protect civil liberties. “The government must decide whether to uphold democratic principles or continue on a path that undermines them,” he said.
{{The legal struggles of Kinyarwanda speakers in Uganda}}
One of the most pressing issues raised by Dr. Mbidde is the plight of Kinyarwanda speakers in Uganda. Despite being Ugandans by birth, many face discrimination and legal obstacles to citizenship.
He outlines five distinct clusters of Kinyarwanda speakers in Uganda, but only two groups currently qualify for citizenship by birth. The first includes those from historical border regions like Kisoro and Ntungamo, integrated into Uganda during colonial boundary demarcations.
The second group consists of individuals born from intermarriages between Kinyarwanda speakers and recognized Ugandan ethnic communities.
However, three other groups remain excluded which include labor migrants from the 1930s, refugees from the 1950s, and those displaced by the 1994 Rwandan Genocide against the Tutsi.
“These people know no other home yet they are denied the fundamental right to belong,” Mbidde emphasized.
He criticizes the government’s reliance on executive orders to address the issue, arguing that such measures lack legal permanence. “An executive order is not law. Without legal backing, it holds no weight. Advocating for constitutional amendments as the only sustainable solution,” he asserted
Mbidde insisted on the idea of African unity and sovereignty. He urged African leaders to prioritize partnerships that benefit the continent and resist being manipulated by global powers. “It is time for Africa to redefine its relationship with global powers,” he declares.
As they grew older, the two took different paths, Col Makanika pursued a military career, while Dr. Mugabe focused on academics. Both made significant strides in their respective fields.
When Dr. Mugabe learned of Col Makanika’s death recently, he was deeply saddened, as he had remained a close friend despite their differing career choices.
In an interview with IGIHE, Dr. Mugabe reflected on Col Makanika’s death and discussed in detail the ongoing violence and persecution of the Tutsi people in eastern DRC.
He also questioned why the international community has failed to learn from Rwanda’s history and warned of the consequences should the M23 rebel group withdraw.
Dr. Mugabe described Col Makanika as a man of determination and integrity. They had known each other since childhood, growing up as neighbors in the Fizi Territory after Makanika’s family moved there from Uvira.
Their friendship spanned from the age of 12 until their mid-20s. In 1995, Makanika joined the military while Mugabe pursued higher education, but they remained in touch over the years. According to Dr. Mugabe, Col Makanika was a fearless leader who stood against injustice.
Despite holding a prominent position in the Congolese military, he chose to leave and join his people in their fight for survival. He was targeted and eventually killed in his home after being pursued by government forces for some time.
Regarding the Twirwaneho movement, Dr. Mugabe emphasized that it had been active for many years, contrary to claims that it only emerged in 2017. It originated as a grassroots self-defense initiative when the Banyamulenge faced massacres in the Mulenge and Minembwe hills.
Over time, as the attacks intensified, Twirwaneho evolved into a structured armed group. Col Makanika joined in 2020 and significantly strengthened the movement by attracting disillusioned soldiers from the Congolese army who could no longer tolerate the government’s persecution of their families.
Dr. Mugabe strongly believes that fears of an impending genocide against the Tutsi in DRC are well-founded. He pointed out that mass killings are already occurring, with victims targeted solely based on their ethnicity.
He likened the situation to the early stages of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, citing systematic displacement, land seizures, and government complicity in the violence. He also noted the presence of hate speech, including inflammatory rhetoric from high-ranking officials, which fuels ethnic division and dehumanization.
The spread of genocide ideology has also reached Burundi, where Tutsi and those perceived as Tutsi have been detained solely due to their ethnic identity. Dr. Mugabe warned that such ideologies are not constrained with national borders, making it easy for them to spread from one country to another.
The international community, he argued, has failed to take meaningful action because it has not learned from history. Despite the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi occurring 30 years ago, major global powers and organizations have turned a blind eye to the warning signs in DRC. Instead of addressing the root causes of the conflict, Dr. Mugabe said, they issue vague statements and avoid taking concrete steps to dismantle genocidal ideologies.
If the M23 rebels were to withdraw, Dr. Mugabe warned, it would put Tutsi communities at even greater risk. He noted that M23 has been framed as an extension of a broader Tutsi agenda to dominate the region, a narrative widely propagated by political leaders and the media. In reality, he argued, if M23 steps back, Tutsi civilians would become easy targets, and ethnic massacres would escalate to catastrophic levels.
Dr. Mugabe criticized the international community’s reluctance to pressure the DRC government into peace negotiations. He attributed this to the vested interests of powerful nations that prioritize their economic and political ties with Congo over the lives of innocent civilians.
He also pointed to President Félix Tshisekedi’s strategic efforts to misrepresent the conflict to the international community, shaping perceptions that align with his government’s agenda.
He questioned why the Congolese government refuses to engage in peace talks. “If someone rejects dialogue, it clearly shows a lack of willingness to resolve the conflict peacefully. Why would anyone fear peace negotiations?” he wondered.
Dr. Mugabe concluded by stressing that unless the root causes of the violence are addressed, the crisis will persist.
He urged global leaders to take proactive measures to foster peaceful coexistence rather than allowing conflicts to continue, leading to generational hatred and suffering. If the world does not act, he warned, history will repeat itself, with devastating consequences for the entire region.
The center was officially opened by David Lappartient, President of the International Cycling Union (UCI), alongside Yao Yao Allah-Kouamé, President of the African Cycling Confederation (CAC), Rwanda’s Minister of Sports, Nelly Mukazayire, and the President of the Rwanda Cycling Federation (FERWACY), Ndayishimiye Samson.
The inauguration took place at Amahoro Stadium, just before the start of the 2025 Tour du Rwanda, which was attended by President Paul Kagame.
Kagame flagged off the first stage of the race, where cyclists competed in an individual time trial.
The establishment of this UCI-affiliated cycling training center in Rwanda has been in development for nearly six years. Initially, it was planned to be set up at the Africa Rising Cycling Center in Musanze.
The center aims to promote cycling in Rwanda and neighboring countries by providing training for cyclists, coaches, race commissioners, and other stakeholders. It will operate in the districts of Musanze, Rwamagana, and Bugesera, each serving a specific purpose.
Musanze will host high-altitude training, accommodations, and educational facilities.
Bugesera, located near the soon-to-be-completed international airport, will provide a space for road circuit races, pump track training, and learning facilities.
Rwamagana has been selected as a hub for developing women’s cycling, as its terrain is well-suited for circuit racing.
This Rwandan Satellite Center joins the Paarl facility in South Africa as one of Africa’s only UCI-recognized training centers.
The UCI has established similar centers in China, New Zealand, Canada, Trinidad & Tobago, Japan, South Korea, India, and Portugal.
In September 2025, Rwanda will make history as the first African country to host the UCI Road World Championships, further solidifying its position as an emerging powerhouse in international cycling.
