This message was conveyed by the Rwanda Defense Force (RDF) spokesperson, Brig. Gen. Ronald Rwivanga, during an interview with IGIHE.
The RDF delegation visiting CAR includes the Army Chief of Staff, Maj. Gen. Vincent Nyakarundi, and Brig. Gen. Ronald Rwivanga. Their visit aims to inspect Rwandan troops stationed there and attend a graduation ceremony for CAR soldiers trained by the Rwandan military.
Rwivanga highlighted that Kagame sent Nyakarundi with a message of appreciation for the troops’ dedication and professionalism.
“The Army Chief of Staff, Maj. Gen. Vincent Nyakarundi, was sent by His Excellency the President of the Republic to deliver a message to the soldiers, commending them for the excellent work they are doing to maintain security,” he said.
He further emphasized that the areas under Rwandan military control in CAR remain secure, and local communities appreciate their presence.
Another key message from President Kagame was to reassure the troops that Rwanda’s security is intact, allowing them to carry out their duties without concern.
“The second message was that Rwanda is entirely secure, and they should continue their work without any worries,” Brig. Gen. Rwivanga added.
Kagame’s message comes amid continued tensions with Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which have been accused of plotting to destabilize Rwanda’s government.
When the M23 rebel group took control of Goma, evidence and weapons discovered in the city indicated the involvement of these neighboring countries in plans to undermine Rwanda. Rwivanga reassured the public that Rwanda’s borders are well-secured and that the country faces no immediate threats.
“We can assure the public that Rwanda is safe, and the borders are well-protected. The border-related concerns have been resolved. Since M23 took control of their positions, we have had no further issues along our border, meaning the country remains secure,” he stated, stressing that Rwandan forces remain vigilant and continue to fulfill their duties.
“Our troops are performing their duties as expected, safeguarding the country’s sovereignty and borders. Everything is proceeding as usual, and our message here is to assure the troops that Rwanda is safe,” he added.
He made these remarks in an exclusive interview with IGIHE, where he discussed the RDF’s missions in the Central African Republic (CAR), including both its role under the United Nations peacekeeping mission, MINUSCA, and its operations based on bilateral agreements between the two nations.
For the past 30 years, Rwanda’s security has remained unquestionable, with the country even contributing to regional stability. The RDF has played a crucial role in maintaining security in CAR and Mozambique, training thousands of soldiers in these countries to help them safeguard their nations in the future.
The UN peacekeeping mission in CAR began in 2014 and includes troops from various countries. However, Rwandan forces were given key responsibilities, such as protecting the country’s President and First Lady, as well as securing critical infrastructure, including the capital, Bangui, and the main airport.
In the interview, Brig. Gen. Rwivanga provided in-depth insights into these operations and revealed that in the coming days, over 600 soldiers trained by the RDF in Mozambique will complete their training.
{{Excerpts: }}
{{IGIHE: You have visited Rwandan troops stationed in different parts of the Central African Republic, including those under the UN mission. What was the security situation like?}}
{{Brig Gen Ronald Rwivanga:}} The security situation is very stable. Our visit had two main purposes. The first was to inspect the Rwandan troops under the UN mission, MINUSCA, as well as those deployed under bilateral agreements.
The second reason was to attend the graduation ceremony of Central African Republic soldiers we have been training.
We have trained three cohorts of CAR soldiers so far. We visited our forces in various locations, including Bria and Bossembélé. The Army Chief of Staff, Major General Vincent Nyakarundi, was sent by His Excellency the President of Rwanda to deliver a message to the troops.
{{What was the main message?}}
It was a message of appreciation for their excellent work in ensuring security across the country. Our forces have effectively secured all assigned areas, and as you may have heard, military officials praise the RDF soldiers for their work.
Our troops have been tasked with securing major roads, including those connecting Bangui to Douala in Cameroon and Sudan. They have done this successfully, and local communities have expressed their confidence in our forces.
Another key message was to reassure them that Rwanda remains completely secure and that they should continue their mission without any concerns.
Another main purpose of the agenda was today’s passout of Central African soldiers ceremony that saw the graduation of 438 soldiers, adding to the 1,250 we have already trained in two previous cohorts. This is the third group we have trained, forming a highly specialized rapid response unit.
{{How will this unit operate, and how will you support it?}}
This unit has been built with strong capabilities, ensuring that the local forces will have the capacity to maintain security in the city and assist in other regions, in case we make a decision to withdraw our troops from Bangui, where RDF forces have been deployed since 2020.
The unit is now well-trained. We still have about two more training phases before the unit is fully complete.
{{What’s next after the remaining two training phases?}}
Training will continue as part of a structured plan. Once the unit is fully formed, it will take on its operational responsibilities. It is also possible that we will continue providing support and training even as they begin their work. The unit is already functional in certain locations, carrying out its duties effectively.
{{How do the RDF troops under the UN mission and those deployed through bilateral agreements coordinate their work?}}
The UN peacekeeping troops are responsible for ensuring civilian security, protecting UN personnel, and safeguarding key leaders, including the President. They also secure critical infrastructure, such as the airport.
Meanwhile, the troops deployed under bilateral agreements arrived in 2020 as reinforcements following an attack by François Bozizé and his allies, who attempted to overthrow the democratically elected President of CAR. The President of CAR requested support from Rwanda’s President to stop the attack.
We responded by deploying battle groups that halted the rebel offensive. After securing Bangui, our forces shifted their focus to training CAR troops to help them develop independent security capabilities.
We are now in the final phase of that mission, ensuring that local forces are fully equipped to maintain security once international forces leave.
{{What gives you confidence in the new recruits’ readiness after witnessing today’s graduation?}}
There are three key aspects. The first and most important is discipline. During training, we emphasize that military skills alone are not enough—discipline is what determines the success or failure of an army. It is evident that forces collapse because of indiscipline.
Of course, technical skills are also crucial, but discipline and strong leadership are fundamental. We have instilled these values in the troops we train.
{{Beyond CAR, the RDF is also deployed in Mozambique. What is the security situation there?}}
The situation is very stable. As you may recall, additional RDF troops were deployed there. We took over areas that were previously controlled by SADC forces, particularly in Macomia.
Initially, we were securing only Palma and Mocímboa da Praia, but due to the confidence the Mozambican leadership had in us, we were asked to expand operations.
When the Southern African Development Community mission (SAMIM) withdrew from Macomia, insurgents were still present, especially in Katupa, a dense forest like Rwanda’s Nyungwe Forest. We launched operations that successfully drove them out.
We also conducted operations along coastal areas, further weakening the insurgents. While some minor security incidents still occur, we are continuously addressing them.
{{What’s next in Cabo Delgado?}}
We are now focused on restructuring the security forces and training Mozambique’s army. The first intake of 600 soldiers is set to complete their training in Nacala soon, and we will be there to oversee their graduation. We are making significant progress in this mission.
{{Recently, there has been tension in neighboring countries, particularly the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi. What assurance can you give Rwandans?}}
We want to reassure Rwandans that the country is completely secure. Our borders are well-guarded. Previous threats along the border have been neutralized—ever since M23 took control of certain areas, we have had no further security issues on our borders.
This means that our security is intact. Our troops are effectively protecting the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. That was part of our message to the forces, ensuring that they know Rwanda is safe.
People can sleep peacefully. As for those who threatened in the past, we all saw how that turned out for them, they achieved nothing.
Makolo made these remarks during an interview with the German news outlet DW Africa, which focused on the recent capture of Brigadier General Jean Baptiste Gakwerere, a senior leader in the FDLR. This rebel group is composed primarily of individuals who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Brig. Gen. Gakwerere, along with 13 other FDLR fighters, was handed over to Rwanda by the M23 rebel group on March 1, 2025, through the main border post (La Corniche) in Rubavu district.
Makolo described Gakwerere as a long-sought target for Rwanda. “One of the individuals handed over is a senior figure in the FDLR, believed to be in charge of intelligence. We have been pursuing him for a long time to bring him to justice for his crimes during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and for his continued criminal activities in the DRC,” she said.
She added, “This is a positive development for the security of Eastern DRC. The more FDLR fighters are captured and brought to Rwanda, the more peaceful the region becomes for both Congolese residents and Rwandans who do not want these threats near our border.”
Makolo indicated that these FDLR fighters were captured during clashes that saw the M23 seize control of Goma. Those without criminal records will be sent to a reintegration center, while those with pending charges will face legal proceedings.
The 13 FDLR fighters, along with many others still at large, are reportedly being used by the DRC government in its conflict against the M23 rebels in the eastern part of the country. Makolo reiterated that the DRC’s reliance on the FDLR stems from the weakness and incompetence of its military.
“Since 2001 and 2009, there have been multiple agreements aimed at addressing this issue. One of the reasons these individuals, who played a role in the Genocide, continue to operate freely in the DRC is because the Congolese government sees value in their combat capabilities,” she explained.
“These are hardened fighters who participated in the Genocide, have spent years waging war in the DRC, and continue to spread genocidal ideology,” she added.
Makolo was blunt in her assessment of the Congolese military. “The DRC has a weak, ineffective military plagued by corruption and mismanagement. It is a military that cannot deliver results,” she said.
She further claimed that these weaknesses have led to the integration of FDLR fighters into the Congolese army and the involvement of Burundian troops, SADC forces, local militias known as Wazalendo, and European mercenaries in the conflict.
Despite the DRC government’s efforts to reinforce its military capabilities, it continues to lose ground. The M23 currently controls large parts of North Kivu, including Goma. In South Kivu, the group holds the Bukavu area, and credible reports indicate that M23 forces are advancing toward the city of Uvira.
He highlighted their exceptional professionalism and noted that wherever they are deployed, people are left reassured and satisfied with their conduct.
He made these remarks following discussions with the Rwandan Army Chief of Staff for Land Forces, Major General Vincent Nyakarundi, who visited the MINUSCA headquarters in the Central African Republic.
During his official visit to CAR, this week, Nyakarundi checked on Rwandan troops serving under the UN mission in Bossembélé, located in the Ombella-M’Poko Prefecture.
This visit followed an earlier trip on Wednesday, where he and the spokesperson for the Rwandan Defence Forces, Brigadier General Ronald Rwivanga, visited Rwandan troops stationed in Bria under the same mission.
Lt. Gen. Nyone commended Rwanda’s significant contribution to the UN mission, acknowledging the presence of both UN peacekeeping forces and bilateral forces operating under intergovernmental agreements.
“Rwandbat1 is based here in Bangui, ensuring the security of the capital. In military terms, Bangui is the center of gravity,” he said.
He emphasized the special role of these troops in protecting the Head of State, stating, “Beyond their general duties, they are entrusted with the security of the Head of State. Being selected for such a sensitive responsibility is a mark of distinction.”
He further elaborated on the responsibilities of Rwandbat2, which focuses on securing major supply routes into Bangui. “They are like the lifeblood of this mission. They perform excellently well. We faced some challenges in the past, but I believe significant progress has been made,” he noted.
Lieutenant General Nyone also highlighted the contributions of Rwandan forces in the northeastern regions and those operating a state-of-the-art hospital.
“The hospital provides comprehensive medical assistance not only to MINUSCA personnel but also to local civilians. As the Commander of the Forces, I am impressed by the work of the Rwandan troops,” he remarked.
He stressed that it is rare to find local residents complaining about Rwandan troops, attributing this to their professionalism and positive impact.
“Due to the trust they have earned and the excellent work they are doing, they have earned trust and respect. People want to see tangible results rather than hear unfounded stories. Their actions speak for themselves,” he added.
Nyone confirmed that the security situation in the Central African Republic is currently stable, particularly in Bangui and its surroundings, although there are still some security concerns in the western regions and border areas.
The Rwandan delegation, led by the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) in collaboration with the Rwandan Embassy in Germany, featured 14 tour operators and travel agents.
Their presence underscored Rwanda’s commitment to expanding its tourism sector and fostering new business opportunities.
RwandAir also played a key role in the event, promoting its expanding network of routes and services.
Speaking to IGIHE on the final day of the trade show, Hubertus Jung- Sales Manager at RwandAir, expressed satisfaction with the exhibition’s outcomes. He noted that visitors had the chance to explore Rwanda’s key destinations, including London and Brussels.
“We made a lot of new clients and friends at the RwandAir ITB counters. This was one of our most successful ITB experiences,” he said, adding that the airline is actively working on launching a new route to Frankfurt.
Similarly, Manzi Isibo, Head of Sales and Reservations at Wilderness Rwanda, emphasized the impact of Rwanda’s presence at ITB Berlin 2025.
“We’ve had many productive discussions with different stakeholders, secured deals, all in the name of growing the Rwanda brand as a top destination worldwide,” he noted.
Germany’s Federal Minister for Digitalization and Infrastructure, Dr. Volker Wissing, was among the distinguished visitors to Rwanda’s booth. He praised the country’s exceptional presentation.
“It’s a wonderful stand here at the ITB exhibition, and Rwanda is being presented at its best. I highly recommend discovering Rwanda—an amazing country with wonderful people and stunning nature,” he told IGIHE.
Having visited Rwanda multiple times, Dr. Wissing highlighted the nation’s strong infrastructure and economic growth, reinforcing its appeal as a tourist destination.
Harry Theoharis, former Minister for Tourism in the Cabinet of Kyriakos Mitsotakis and former Head of the Department of Revenue during the Greek government debt crisis, also visited Rwanda’s booth at ITB Berlin 2025.
Theoharis was received by RDB Chief Tourism Officer Irene Murerwa as he toured the Visit Rwanda stand on the last day of the trade show.
With breathtaking landscapes, unique wildlife experiences, and a vibrant culture, Rwanda continues to establish itself as a must-visit destination. The country’s growing prominence at events like ITB Berlin underscores its potential to attract more international visitors and further boost its tourism industry in the years ahead.
Currently, Lt Nkurikiyineza is deployed in the Central African Republic (CAR) as one of the security personnel assigned to protect President Faustin-Archange Touadéra.
Rwandan troops, deployed under the United Nations peacekeeping mission in CAR, are tasked with protecting the President and the First Lady, as well as securing key national infrastructure, including M’Poko International Airport.
Lt Nkurikiyineza explains that his decision to join the military was influenced by his older siblings, who encouraged him, along with his deep love for his country and desire to defend it as a soldier.
His dedication led him to be assigned to a UN peacekeeping mission. For over 20 years, Rwandan troops have actively contributed to such missions. Currently, besides CAR, they are also deployed in South Sudan.
“I take great pride in knowing that our country is at the forefront of restoring peace in foreign nations, especially here in the Central African Republic. It is an honor for me and my country to ensure that others do not suffer what we once endured when the world abandoned us,” he said.
In Bangui, at the Palais de la Renaissance, the Presidential Palace, Rwandan soldiers are highly visible. From the entrance to the innermost security perimeters, they work alongside Central African forces to ensure the President’s safety.
Lt Nkurikiyineza is positioned close to President Touadéra, ensuring that no threat comes near him.
“We operate based on the President’s schedule. Nearly 24 hours a day, we are with him—whether at his office, during his visits, or at his residence,” he explained.
This job is demanding, but those who undertake it do so with dedication. Their rigorous training prepares them to handle any challenges that arise.
“I am always positioned directly behind him as his second security officer. There is another Rwandan soldier I work closely with. When I was first assigned this duty, I thought it would be extremely difficult, but thanks to the training we received, we were well-prepared,” he added.
Lt Yvonne Mutesi has had a similar journey. She joined the military in 2016, completed her basic training, and later graduated from the Cadet Officer Course in 2023.
As part of the Rwandan contingent in the UN mission, her primary role is to protect the First Lady of the Central African Republic, Tina Marguerite Touadéra.
She begins her day at 5 a.m., preparing for work. Her daily schedule depends on the First Lady’s agenda, which she must anticipate and be ready for in advance.
Protecting a Head of State is a high-security responsibility that demands constant vigilance, commitment, and absolute readiness to prevent any threats.
“My work schedule is never the same. It depends on the First Lady’s activities, but regardless, I must always be at work before she wakes up or prepares for her day. I ensure everything is in place even before she informs me of her schedule,” Lt Mutesi said.
She has never encountered any challenges in her role due to being a woman. Instead, she believes her military training and confidence in her capabilities enable her to perform at the same level as her male counterparts.
“I have faced no challenges. We adapt to the culture of the people we work with, respecting their traditions while remaining professional. Thanks to the training we receive, there are no obstacles,” she said.
She encourages young women to serve their country, emphasizing that military service is not as difficult as some may think and that it brings immense pride.
“My advice to young women is to step up and serve their country. There is nothing too difficult, and it is a source of great honor,” she added.
Lt Marie Ingabire, also assigned to protect the First Lady, echoed this sentiment, urging more young women to consider military service.
“We are proof that women can do this job. I encourage other young women to join and contribute to our country,” she said.
Rwandan troops have been protecting CAR’s leaders since 2014, having initially been assigned to safeguard former President Catherine Samba-Panza and continuing with President Faustin-Archange Touadéra, who took office in March 2016.
With the fall of Goma and Bukavu, along with increasing territorial losses, Kinshasa is seeking to leverage its vast mineral wealth to secure military and diplomatic backing from global powers.
In a bid to pressure Rwanda, which Tshisekedi accuses of backing the M23 rebels, Congolese envoys were recently dispatched to Washington to negotiate deals granting U.S. companies privileged access to the DRC’s rich mineral reserves.
High-level delegations, including officials from Gécamines and other state mining enterprises, have engaged with American authorities, with Jacques Tshisekedi, the president’s brother, personally involved in security discussions.
Kinshasa’s strategy, drawing parallels with Ukraine’s reliance on Western support, is aimed at ensuring that Washington prioritizes DRC’s security interests. However, the reception has been lukewarm, with skepticism in some U.S. circles about Kinshasa’s reliability and governance.
Amid uncertainty over U.S. commitment, Tshisekedi has also turned to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) for emergency military assistance. Recent discussions between Kinshasa and Emirati officials included offers of mining concessions in Lualaba province, which is rich in cobalt and copper, in exchange for military equipment. Reports indicate that the DRC sought an upfront payment of at least $250 million as part of the deal.
Similarly, Kinshasa explored potential support from Russia, despite Tshisekedi’s historically pro-Western stance.
A presidential envoy traveled to Moscow, but with Russia preoccupied with its war in Ukraine, there was little interest in direct intervention. The DRC also attempted to gain military backing from Mali’s ruling junta and Chad, though the latter ultimately rejected the deployment of troops.
On the African front, Burundi remains the only country with a significant troop presence in eastern DRC, with around 10,000 soldiers engaged in operations against M23. However, Kinshasa is increasingly wary of Burundi’s long-term commitment, especially following recent security talks between Rwandan and Burundian officials in Kigali.
Fears are mounting that President Évariste Ndayishimiye might shift his stance, possibly striking a non-aggression pact with Rwanda, which could alter the balance of power in the region.
{{The high-stakes gamble
}}
Tshisekedi’s push to exchange mining assets for military and diplomatic support shows just how desperate the Kinshasa regime and the dire state of the conflict.
The DRC is home to some of the world’s most valuable minerals, including cobalt, copper, diamonds, and gold. These resources are crucial to global supply chains, making them a powerful bargaining chip. However, past experiences have shown that mining deals often fail to translate into lasting security gains, with local populations seeing little benefit from their country’s immense wealth.
Rwanda has repeatedly denied accusations of supporting M23, while the rebel group maintains that its fight is rooted in political grievances, particularly the treatment of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in eastern Congo. M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka has insisted that the group’s objectives are not tied to mineral resources but rather to securing rights for marginalized populations.
Originally from the United States, Nyiramacibiri played a significant role in preventing the extinction of gorillas in Volcanoes National Park. When she arrived, gorilla populations were dwindling due to poaching.
Nyiramacibiri arrived at the park in 1967 after spending time studying gorilla behavior. Over the 18 years she spent living among them, she gathered extensive knowledge on their feeding habits, social structures, emotional expressions, and more.
On the morning of December 27, 1985, the tragic news of her death spread throughout Rwanda, particularly in the former Ruhengeri Prefecture. She was found murdered in her cabin with six head and facial wounds, indicating she had been hacked to death with a machete.
Robbery was ruled out as a motive since the substantial cash she kept in her home was untouched. Additionally, her passport and a handgun remained undisturbed. Investigators found footprints of two individuals outside her cabin, and a hole had been cut into the wall.
Following her death, Rwandan authorities swiftly arrested her staff, including Emmanuel Rwelekana, who had previously guided Fossey during her fieldwork. While most were released the next day, Rwelekana remained in custody due to prior conflicts with Fossey that had resulted in his dismissal.
Nine months later, on September 29, 1986, the day before U.S. Embassy officials were scheduled to question Rwelekana, the Rwandan government announced that he had died in his cell, allegedly by hanging. This conclusion raised suspicions, especially among his family.
{{We have no proof that my father died- Rwelekana’s daughter}}
To this day, the circumstances of Rwelekana’s death remain unclear. His family never received his body nor any concrete evidence confirming his death.
Donata Mukarwego, born in 1980 in Rwambogo village, is Rwelekana’s daughter. In an interview with IGIHE, she recounted the day her father learned of Fossey’s death.
“My father was at home when he received the news. He immediately left the house after telling my mother that something terrible had happened,” she recalls. A few days later, gendarmes arrived to arrest her father and other staff members. Eventually, the family heard the news of his alleged death in prison.
“A man came to tell us that our father had died. Rumors spread that he either committed suicide or was killed. Among all the staff, only my father died, which left us devastated,” Mukarwego said.
Following Rwelekana’s death, his wife also passed away, leaving their children to face severe hardship.
Fossey died without ever conceiving a child
Jonas Nubaha, born in Kinigi in 1965, started working for Fossey at Karisoke Research Center in 1979. His duties included monitoring wildlife and setting traps for poachers.
“She hired people who knew the work well. We would report to her every morning with our findings,” Nubaha recalled. He remembered Fossey as a kind employer who treated her staff and local residents generously.
“On holidays, we would bring our families to celebrate with her. She provided food, drinks, and clothes for our children. She was a good person who treated us well,” he said. Despite working closely with the gorillas, Fossey’s staff remained cautious around them.
“She loved the gorillas deeply. We would stay back while she approached them. She played a major role in ensuring their protection,” Nubaha said.
Fossey’s work extended beyond wildlife conservation to supporting local communities, which earned her lasting admiration. “The problem is that she died without ever having a child. But even today, people continue to hold memorials in her honor,” Nubaha noted.
Fidèle Uwimana, another former staff member born in 1967 in Kinigi, described how he first encountered Fossey in 1984 during a community celebration. As a young volunteer, he would help with household tasks during staff holidays, receiving clothes in return.
Uwimana explained that the name “Nyiramacibiri” originally belonged to another researcher who was shorter than Fossey. When that researcher returned home, Fossey inherited the nickname.
{{Was Rwelekana wrongfully accused?}}
When asked whether Rwelekana was responsible for Fossey’s death, Nubaha remained skeptical. “Although some people suspected him, there was never clear evidence,” he said.
Rumors suggested that Fossey’s conflicts with local and foreign authorities might have played a role in her murder. Some believed that disagreements over whether the gorillas should be used for tourism rather than research created enemies for her.
Others speculated that she clashed with the Rwandan government, especially with local officials in Ruhengeri. Uwimana, who also knew Rwelekana and his brother, acknowledged that while Fossey and Rwelekana had a contentious relationship, the truth remains elusive.
“There were meetings at his home with foreign collaborators before Fossey died. It is hard to dismiss the possibility that he was involved,” he said.
Fossey was buried at Karisoke among the gorillas she had cared for, fulfilling her wish to rest alongside the animals she loved so dear.
“The government granted us permission to bury her there. To this day, her grave remains a place of remembrance,” Uwimana said.
In a candid and reflective interview on Sanny Ntayombya’s “The Long Form” podcast, the chairperson of the Zimbabwe Anti-Sanctions Movement (ZASM) and founder of Zimbabweans Unite Against US War Sanctions (ZUAUWS) revealed a dramatic shift in perspective after visiting Rwanda for the first time, confronting his own ignorance and seeking reconciliation with a leader he once vilified.
“I’d apologize for my misguided words, born of ignorance, jealousy, and tribalism,” Matinyarare said when asked what he would say if he met Kagame. “I’m here to learn from his leadership, admired yet envied across Africa.”
The activist, known for his outspoken Pan-African advocacy, admitted to previously pushing narratives—such as claims that the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) caused the 1994 genocide against Tutsis—that he now acknowledges were rooted in “helicopter journalism” and misinformation from books, exiled friends, and unverified reports.
“I was no different from the Western media I hated so much,” he confessed, citing a personal awakening spurred by Rwandans who approached him “without anger” to share their side.
Matinyarare’s apology comes amid a broader exploration of Rwanda’s role in the region. His visit, part of a documentary project on the Congo conflict, led him to reassess long-held beliefs about Rwanda, its president, and the ongoing crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
{{M23 rebel group and the Congo crisis }}
Matinyarare offered a striking take on the conflict in eastern DRC, particularly regarding the M23 rebel group, which he met in Goma.
Far from seeing them as terrorists or Rwandan proxies—a narrative often perpetuated by the DRC government and other critics—he referred to them as “freedom fighters.”
“These are people separated from their land,” he said, tracing the conflict’s roots to colonial borders drawn at the Berlin Conference that split the Rwandan kingdom and fostered tribal divisions.
“They’re fighting for political, social, cultural, and human rights because colonial constructs persist under Black leadership.”
He recounted meeting M23 President Bertrand Bisimwa, first in Addis Ababa and later in Goma, debunking claims of their Rwandan origin.
“They’re Congolese people,” he insisted, noting their diverse tribal makeup and retreat to Uganda, not Rwanda, under persecution.
In Goma, he said he observed a vibrant city, not a war zone, with M23 patrolling the streets professionally, cleaning up, managing traffic, and earning public acceptance.
“The public didn’t seem intimidated,” he said, challenging the idea of coercion.
Visiting Nyakabande refugee camp in southwest Rwanda, Matinyarare said he was moved to tears by Congolese Kinyarwanda-speaking refugees, like a widow with eight children who claimed deep ancestral ties to Congo, not Rwanda.
“People are playing chess with people’s lives,” he lamented, rejecting narratives that these refugees are Rwandan imposters. He argued Rwanda, a small nation with limited resources, cannot sustainably absorb them, urging resolution over displacement.
{{Rwanda’s leadership and standards}}
Matinyarare revealed that his first impressions of Kigali, which he described as “a mind-blowing experience”, shattered his belief that its orderliness was a facade.
“I thought President Kagame was a magician pulling a rabbit out of a hat,” he admitted. “Only when I got here did I realize the meticulousness is real.”
Comparing Kigali’s manicured streets to Harare’s “shabby” decline, he attributed Rwanda’s success to disciplined leadership, contrasting it with Southern Africa’s “corrosion of corruption.”
He also debunked claims that Rwanda lacks resources, citing visits to mines like Trinity Metals’ tungsten operation—Africa’s largest—and Gatsibo’s cassiterite mine.
“I saw it with my own eyes,” he said, describing 15km underground shafts and rigorous regulation, refuting accusations that Rwanda steals Congo’s wealth through M23.
Defending his change of heart, the activist denied receiving payment from Rwanda to change his stance, saying, “My taxes would flag that immediately.”
He framed his journey as atonement and a push for African unity.
“I cannot fight to be right if my rightness means destruction,” he said, urging peace in Congo through negotiations that M23 claims to welcome.
{{Zimbabwe’s struggles and resilience}}
Addressing Zimbabwe’s current state, Matinyarare blamed 24 years of “illegal economic sanctions” since 1998 for its decline, freezing IMF loans and blocking trade, leading to brain drain and corruption.
Yet, he highlighted recovery: “We’re wheat self-sufficient, with the best tobacco, cotton, sugar cane, and Africa’s biggest steel plant.”
He criticized the West for targeting nations like Zimbabwe—and now Rwanda—with sanctions to suppress African potential, drawing parallels to his own past disinformation.
The demand comes amid growing tensions between the two countries over British sanctions against Rwanda due to allegations of involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) conflict.
The Rwandan government has issued an invoice to the UK, stating its legal right to the payment after Britain failed to formally terminate the agreement that would have allowed the UK to send illegal migrants arriving on small boats across the English Channel to Rwanda for processing.
Rwanda Government Spokesperson Yolande Makolo said the funds were initially expected to be waived in good faith after Prime Minister Keir Starmer cancelled the deal last year. However, she described the recent measures, including the suspension of direct bilateral aid to Rwanda, as a “breach of trust.”
“The UK had asked Rwanda to quietly forgo the payment based on the trust and good faith existing between our two nations. However, the UK has breached this trust through unjustified punitive measures.”
According to Makolo, the UK government’s recent actions against Rwanda are unjustified and are intended to “coerce Rwanda into compromising our national security.”
She also criticised recent comments by UK Minister for Africa, Lord Collins of Highbury, which linked Rwanda to the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a Ugandan terrorist group operating in the DRC, calling them “inflammatory and irresponsible.”
“For these reasons, we are following up on these funds, to which the UK is legally bound,” she added.
Rwanda has repeatedly denied claims of backing M23 rebels operating in eastern DRC, insisting that the fighters are Congolese citizens fighting against decades of persecution and marginalisation of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities. Rwanda has also accused the international community of ignoring the root causes of the conflict, thereby hampering efforts to fully resolve it.
Under the original Migration and Economic Development Partnership, the UK had already transferred £220 million to Rwanda by February 2024. Three additional payments of £50 million were scheduled for April 2024, 2025, and 2026. It is believed that the £50 million now requested relates to the April 2025 payment.
Prime Minister Keir Starmer officially ended the scheme in July 2024, arguing that it would not effectively deter illegal migration.