Titled A Gorilla Story: Told by David Attenborough, the film offers an in-depth look at gorilla behaviour, social structures and lineage through the story of Pablo’s gorilla family. It is narrated by renowned naturalist David Attenborough, whose connection to Rwanda’s gorillas dates back to 1978 when he first visited Volcanoes National Park and encountered Pablo as an infant.
The documentary was produced by Silverback Films in collaboration with Appian Way Productions, the Rwanda Development Board, and the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund.
Filming took place over an extended period in Volcanoes National Park, allowing filmmakers to capture rare insights into gorilla social dynamics, interactions and generational continuity. The production highlights the complexity of gorilla family life while underscoring Rwanda’s long-term conservation efforts.
Irène Murerwa, Chief Tourism Officer at the Rwanda Development Board, said the documentary reflects decades of sustained conservation work.
“Over the past two decades, Rwanda has made consistent progress in protecting and growing its mountain gorilla population through a conservation model that prioritises community partnership, sustainability, and long-term investment,” she said. “This documentary provides an opportunity to share that story with global audiences in a way that reflects both the science and the human effort behind it.”
Beyond conservation storytelling, the production also contributed to Rwanda’s tourism value chain by utilising local services such as accommodation, transport, guiding and permits. It further supported Rwanda’s creative sector by engaging local filmmakers and facilitating skills development through workshops coordinated by the Rwanda Film Office.
A cinematic screening of the documentary is scheduled to take place in London on April 21, 2026, bringing together stakeholders from conservation, media and the creative industries, with Rwanda’s conservation journey at the centre of the event.
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in a statement that “the passage for all commercial vessels” through the strait would remain open for the remainder of the truce. The narrow waterway, through which a significant portion of the world’s oil supply passes, has been a focal point of conflict during recent hostilities involving Iran, the United States, and its regional allies.
The announcement triggered an immediate reaction in global markets, with oil prices dropping sharply, falling by more than 10 percent to below $89 per barrel, amid expectations of stabilised supply.
The global impact of disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz has also been felt far beyond the Middle East, including in Rwanda, where fuel prices have surged in recent days. Authorities raised the price of petrol to Rwf 2,938 per litre, up sharply from Rwf 2,303, citing sustained pressure from international oil markets and supply constraints linked to the conflict.
While petrol prices have been increased to align more closely with these global trends, the government has opted to hold diesel prices steady through targeted interventions. Diesel is a key input in Rwanda’s transport and logistics sectors, and keeping its price unchanged is aimed at limiting knock-on effects on public transport fares, goods movement, and overall inflation.
Meanwhile, U.S. President Donald Trump welcomed Iran’s move in a post on Truth Social, writing: “Iran has just announced that the Strait of Iran is fully open and ready for full passage. Thank you!” However, in a follow-up statement, he emphasised that the U.S. naval blockade of Iranian ports would remain in place until a permanent agreement is reached.
“This process should go very quickly,” Trump added, suggesting that most elements of a broader deal had already been negotiated.
Despite the reopening, uncertainty remains over how shipping will operate in practice. Iranian authorities indicated that vessels should follow “coordinated routes” set by the country’s Ports and Maritime Organisation, though it is unclear whether new conditions, such as transit fees, could apply.
The move comes as diplomatic efforts intensify to bring a broader end to the conflict. Talks between U.S. and Iranian officials in Islamabad reportedly identified control and access to the strait as a major sticking point.
Meanwhile, a separate 10-day ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon has taken effect, raising cautious hopes for de-escalation across the region. Celebrations were reported in Beirut, though the humanitarian toll of the conflict remains severe.
More than 2,000 people in Lebanon have been killed over six weeks of fighting, and roughly one in five residents has been displaced. Israel has reported the deaths of two civilians and 13 soldiers.
Iran announced on Friday that the Strait of Hormuz is “completely open” to commercial shipping for the duration of a fragile regional ceasefire.
The State Minister for Infrastructure, Jean de Dieu Uwihanganye, made the appeal following a recent increase in petrol prices, emphasizing that public transport fares will remain unchanged since diesel, widely used in public transport, has not increased in price.
On April 16, 2026, Rwanda Utilities Regulatory Authority (RURA) announced that the price of petrol had risen from Rwf 2,303 to Rwf 2,938 per litre, an increase of Rwf 635. The new prices took effect on the morning of April 17, 2026. Meanwhile, the price of diesel remained unchanged at Rwf 2,205 per litre.
Speaking to Radio Rwanda, Uwihanganye attributed the rise in petrol prices to ongoing conflict in the Middle East, particularly involving Iran, the United States, and Israel—regions that are key sources and transit routes for petroleum products imported into Rwanda.
“We are in an extraordinary situation caused by the war involving Iran, the United States, and Israel in a region that supplies petroleum products. Supply has decreased, pushing prices up by nearly 20%,” he said, noting that global price fluctuations remain unpredictable as the conflict continues.
Despite the increase in petrol prices, the minister stressed that public transport fares will not be revised upward, since diesel prices have remained stable. He explained that this is part of government measures to cushion citizens from the full impact of global fuel price shocks.
“The price of public transport will not change because diesel, which is mainly used in public transport, has not increased,” he said.
Uwihanganye added that the cost of goods is also not expected to rise significantly, as diesel—commonly used in the transportation of goods—has remained stable.
However, he cautioned that price adjustments may continue depending on how the conflict evolves, noting that the government will keep balancing necessary changes with the welfare of citizens.
He explained that the government’s priority is to ensure a steady supply of petroleum products in the country, even as rising global prices require additional financial resources to maintain supply—costs that are partly passed on to consumers.
Sufficient fuel reserves
Addressing concerns about fuel availability, Uwihanganye reassured the public that Rwanda still has adequate reserves of both petrol and diesel.
“There are minimum stock levels that fuel traders are required to maintain, and these are still in place. In addition, the country has strategic reserves that can be used in case of disruptions,” he said.
He noted that Rwanda relies entirely on international markets for petroleum products, meaning supply chains can take time, which makes maintaining reserves essential.
However, he warned that despite the current stability in reserves, Rwanda is not immune to shortages, as seen in some countries affected by the ongoing conflict.
Eng. Jean de Dieu Uwihanganye says public transport fares will remain unchanged.
Call for responsible consumption
In light of the situation, the minister urged citizens to reduce non-essential travel and prioritize public transport such as buses instead of using private cars. He also encouraged households to use petroleum-based energy responsibly.
On the issue of subsidies, Uwihanganye said the government is already providing support, noting that without intervention, fuel prices—especially petrol—would be significantly higher based on international market trends.
“Current prices already reflect government efforts, including subsidies and support to fuel importers. Diesel has remained stable partly due to these measures,” he explained.
He also warned traders against exploiting the situation by unjustifiably increasing the prices of goods, stressing that the rise in petrol prices should not disrupt market stability.
Long-term measures
Looking ahead, Uwihanganye said the government is continuing efforts to secure fuel supply routes and maintain reserves, even as delays in deliveries have started to emerge due to the conflict.
He also encouraged Rwandans to consider adopting electric vehicles as a long-term solution to reduce dependence on petroleum products.
In the meantime, citizens have been advised to expect broader price increases due to the global situation, avoid unnecessary spending, and rely on government measures aimed at protecting livelihoods.
MININFRA has urged private car owners to opt for public buses
One of the stark testimonies of these atrocities comes from Célestin Sezibera, a former member of the Seventh-day Adventist Church who admits that he would attend worship services and then go out to kill Tutsis.
IGIHE visited the 67-year-old at Nyarugenge Correctional Facility, located in Mageragere Sector, where he is serving a life sentence.
Sezibera was convicted of crimes related to the Genocide against the Tutsi, including distributing weapons used in killings across different parts of Nyamirambo, charges he openly acknowledges. He has now spent nearly 32 years in prison.
Sezibera explained that during the Genocide, he served as Nyamirambo sector leader from January 20, 1990, to April 29, 1994. He recalls how, in the fourth week of April 1994, he contacted the Kigali City Prefecture, where then-Prefect Tharcisse Renzaho authorized him to collect ten firearms from the Ministry of Defense. He then distributed these weapons to local cell leaders.
“Those guns were meant to kill Tutsis,” he admitted.
Sezibera was arrested on September 27, 1994, after initially being detained at the Nyamirambo brigade earlier that month.
His testimony challenges narratives often put forward by Genocide denialists who claim that the violence was spontaneous or triggered solely by the downing of President Habyarimana’s plane. Sezibera insists instead that the Genocide was carefully planned by the government in power at the time.
“The Genocide was prepared and executed by a bad government,” he said. “People must accept that it was organized. You cannot deny that Tutsis were killed, nor that they were killed by the government we lived under.”
A religious leader who turned against his own followers
When discussing the role of religious figures during the Genocide, Sezibera speaks with painful clarity—he was part of that leadership. On Saturdays, he would preach the Word of God, only to later join in the killings of Tutsis, including members of his own congregation.
Sezibera was convicted of crimes related to the Genocide against the Tutsi, including distributing weapons used in killings across different parts of Nyamirambo.
Today, he serves as a pastor within the Seventh-day Adventist Church community inside Nyarugenge Prison, a role he had also held before 1994, beginning in 1985 as an assistant pastor.
“It is both painful and shocking that those who were killed were people we led in churches, and those who killed them were also under our leadership,” he reflected. “It pains me deeply that we lacked the courage to stop such evil.”
Asked how he reconciles preaching about God today after participating in such crimes, Sezibera admits he lives with constant shame. He says he has worked to bring together fellow inmates accused of genocide to reflect, seek forgiveness, and acknowledge their responsibility.
“We gathered, knelt down, and asked for forgiveness from survivors of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi,” he said.
Among the memories that haunt him most is his role in persecuting innocent Tutsis falsely accused of being accomplices of the RPF. He recalls events from September 1990, when Tutsis were detained at Nyamirambo stadium under harsh conditions—denied food and water, with some dying there.
“I personally arrested some of them and took them to the stadium,” he admitted.
He also regrets his involvement in setting up roadblocks across Kigali, including in Nyamirambo, where many Tutsis were killed.
“And then there are the guns I distributed. They had only one purpose, to kill Tutsis. That is why I feel deep remorse and ask forgiveness from those who lost their loved ones.”
Reflecting on justice and reconciliation
Sezibera also spoke about Rwanda’s decision to abolish the death penalty in 2007. Before its abolition, more than 700 individuals were on death row, many convicted of genocide-related crimes.
He expressed gratitude to the Government of Rwanda for replacing capital punishment with life imprisonment, describing it as part of broader efforts to rebuild society and promote unity.
“Everyone was anxious. I thank the Government of National Unity for abolishing the death penalty… it was a step toward rebuilding Rwandan society,” he said.
He also praised the country’s efforts to stop the Genocide and promote equal opportunities for all citizens, including the children of perpetrators. Sezibera describes his personal transformation as akin to the biblical shift from Saul to Paul.
“I can truly say I have changed. I became like Paul, and I will continue on that path while encouraging others to do the same.”
Now a father of four, grandfather of ten, and great-grandfather of one, Sezibera has written a book about his life so that future generations in his family can understand his past and grow up committed to rejecting evil in all its forms.
He says he continues to seek reconciliation and has requested to meet survivors from Nyamirambo, either by visiting them or welcoming their representatives to the prison.
“I want to ask for forgiveness face to face and feel a sense of relief,” he said.
As a member of the Unity and Resilience Commission within the prison, he also encourages fellow inmates to reveal information about the whereabouts of victims’ remains so they can be given a dignified burial.
Sezibera served as Nyamirambo sector leader from January 20, 1990, to April 29, 1994.
This is not a routine diplomatic stop; it is a calculated recognition of a continent that has become the new center of gravity for the world’s most pressing conversations on faith, diplomacy, and unity.
The 11-day itinerary, spanning Algeria, Cameroon, Angola, and Equatorial Guinea, is a grueling schedule involving 18 flights and 11 cities. In practice, it represents a bold pivot toward the Global South, moving Africa from the periphery of international discourse to its vital center.
A strategic opening in Algiers
The decision to launch the tour in Algeria is a significant diplomatic statement. As a nation where Islam is the bedrock of social life, Algeria has never before hosted a Catholic Pope. By beginning his journey here, Leo XIV is prioritizing interfaith dialogue over traditional denominational strongholds.
Pope Leo is the first pope to visit Algeria.
The symbolism is profound: the Pontiff’s schedule includes a historic visit to the Great Mosque of Algiers, one of the world’s largest, followed by a meeting with the local Christian community at the Basilica of Our Lady of Africa. These visits are an active demonstration of how divergent faiths can occupy the same intellectual and physical space.
Furthermore, the visit serves as a historical homecoming. On April 14, the Pope travels to Annaba, the ancient Hippo Regius, to pray at the ruins where Saint Augustine, a foundational architect of Western thought, lived and ministered. For Leo XIV, an Augustinian himself, this is a nod to the African roots of Christian philosophy, a reminder that the continent’s contribution to global thought is as ancient as it is essential.
The new heart of global Catholicism
Beyond the symbolism lies a demographic reality: Africa is now the primary engine of the Catholic Church’s growth. The continent is home to over 256 million Catholics, representing roughly one-fifth of the global total. While participation in the West plateaus, African congregations are expanding at a rate that has fundamentally inverted the old “missionary” narrative.
Pope Leo XIV visits Maqam Echahid (Martyrs’ Memorial) monument in El Madania, Algiers, Algeria, April 13, 2026, to begin his apostolic journey to Algeria, Angola, Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea.
Today, Africa no longer just receives the faith; it exports it. African priests and lay leaders are increasingly filling the administrative and spiritual voids of the Global North. By visiting Cameroon and Angola, Leo XIV is engaging with the very people who will dictate the future trajectory of the institution.
Navigating high-stakes realities
Each stop on the itinerary is strategically calibrated to address specific regional or global tensions, moving the journey beyond simple ritual into the realm of high-stakes diplomacy.
From Wednesday, April 15, to Saturday, April 18, the Pope will visit Cameroon, a nation of 30 million people, where he will venture into Bamenda. This region has been marked by years of socio-political tension, making his “Meeting for Peace” at St. Joseph’s Cathedral a high-stakes effort toward national reconciliation.
Pope Leo XIV addresses journalists during the flight heading to Algiers on April 13, 2026. Pope Leo XIV embarks on April 13 on an 11-day visit to Algeria, Cameroon, Angola and Equatorial Guinea for his first major international trip since becoming pontiff in May 2025.
This serious diplomatic mission will be balanced by a massive show of faith in Douala, where an estimated 600,000 faithful are expected to gather at Japoma Stadium for a landmark Eucharistic celebration.
The journey then shifts to Angola from Saturday, April 18, to Tuesday, April 21. During this leg, the Pontiff will travel to the Marian shrine of Mama Muxima, a site of profound cultural and spiritual devotion, to pray for peace in a nation still navigating the scars of its civil war history.
His itinerary also includes a visit to Saurimo, a hub of the diamond industry, where he intends to highlight the human dignity and ethical stakes involved in Africa’s vast natural resource wealth.
The tour concludes in Equatorial Guinea from Tuesday, April 21, to Thursday, April 23, with a final focus on “works of mercy.” In the capital and beyond, Leo XIV will visit the Jean Pierre Olie Psychiatric Hospital and engage with academics at the National University’s León XIV Campus, a sequence of events designed to bridge the gap between grassroots social care and the continent’s growing intellectual influence.
The sheer scale of the mission, covering nearly 18,000 kilometers, underscores its urgency. For a 70-year-old leader, the pace is demanding, but the objective is clear: visibility. By visiting coastal hubs, diamond centers, and conflict-affected regions, the tour brings a global spotlight to areas frequently overlooked by the Western media apparatus.
Ultimately, this tour is an exercise in recognition. It acknowledges a continent that is no longer “in waiting,” but is actively leading global conversations. Over these 11 days, Pope Leo XIV is not merely visiting four nations; he is engaging with a continent that is currently writing the next chapter of global history. In a world defined by fragmentation, this move to center Africa may well be the most important diplomatic statement of his papacy.
Pope Leo XIV disembarks the papal plane upon his arrival at Houari Boumediene International Airport to begin his apostolic journey to Algeria, Angola, Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea, in Dar El Beida, Algiers, Algeria, April 13, 2026.
He made the remarks on April 13, 2026, during the 32nd commemoration ceremony for politicians who were killed in the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The event marked the closure of the Commemoration Week and was held in Rebero, Kigali City, at Rebero Genocide Memorial, where the remains of 21 politicians are interred. The politicians were killed for opposing discrimination that culminated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Senator Dr. Habineza emphasised that Rwanda has 11 political parties, each guided by its own ideology. He noted that while their ideas may differ, they all operate peacefully within the national governance framework, and each maintains its own independent political stance.
“All 11 political parties are represented in Parliament and in other leadership institutions of the country. It should be clearly understood that meeting and sharing views on national issues does not remove the independence of each political party,” he said.
He further explained that this independence naturally includes differing political opinions, commonly referred to as “opposition.”
“It does not prevent each political party from having different views from others, what some call ‘opposition.’ Opposition to the government in Rwanda is not about fighting or destroying what has been achieved in the 32 years since the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Our opposition is about presenting ideas and proposing solutions to existing challenges, while keeping in mind Rwanda’s difficult history,” he said.
Dr. Habineza added that such political differences should always align with the principles the country has adopted to promote unity among Rwandans.
He also criticised politicians based abroad, whom he accused of misleading the public about governance in Rwanda, stating that their actions should not be tolerated.
“We support our leadership, led by the President of the Republic. We will not allow anyone who seeks to take us backwards, regardless of the means they use,” he said.
Referring to the ongoing period of commemoration, Dr. Habineza noted that some Rwandans remain abroad, including exiles and individuals who were involved in the 1994 destruction of the country, among them members of the FDLR. He reiterated that Rwanda’s policy is that no Rwandan should remain in exile indefinitely.
“Rwanda’s policy is that no Rwandan should remain in exile forever. The Forum of Political Organizations calls on Rwandans still in the forests of the Democratic Republic of Congo and elsewhere in the world to distance themselves from those who hold them hostage and return home, especially given the crimes they committed in Rwanda, including the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Let them come home in peace […]. We have chosen to pursue a constructive, inclusive form of politics that values all Rwandans,” he said.
On the closing day of the Commemoration Week, tributes were paid to politicians who opposed the plans for the Genocide against the Tutsi, up to the point of losing their lives.Senator Dr. Habineza said Rwanda has 11 political parties with different ideologies, all operating peacefully within the national governance framework while maintaining independent positions.
These are the words of Grégoire Nyirimanzi, 57, a former local official, expressing deep remorse.
Once entrusted with the responsibility of protecting civilians, he instead violated that duty and actively participated in their extermination during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Born in Nyakabanda Sector, Nyarugenge District, Nyirimanzi served as a sector executive secretary during the genocide.
He participated in meetings with senior leaders, including former President Juvénal Habyarimana, where a consistent agenda was promoted: the systematic extermination of Tutsis based solely on their identity.
Nyirimanzi is currently serving a 30-year prison sentence at Nyarugenge Prison in Mageragere, following his conviction for genocide-related crimes.
He was arrested in Gabon, where he had fled, and was repatriated to Rwanda in 1997. He was subsequently tried and imprisoned that same year, with his sentence expected to conclude in 2027.
Reflecting on his actions, he stated: “I incited Hutus to kill Tutsis. I distributed firearms that were used in these killings. I also sent young people for weapons training and encouraged them to participate in the atrocities committed against the Tutsis in 1994.”
He recalls distributing approximately ten firearms, which he had received from the former Nyarugenge Commune, to local administrative leaders at the cell and village levels. These weapons were later used in attacks against Tutsis in his area.
One of the most distressing incidents, he recounts, is the attack on Pastor Amoni Iyamuremye: “He was burned alive in his home while I was leading the attack. This act has deeply affected me. That image continues to haunt me, even after I sought and received forgiveness from his son.
“I led numerous attacks, including those at Collège Saint André, at Iyamuremye’s residence, and at the homes of Laetitia and Jean Baptiste. There were many others I cannot even count. Many lives were lost in these attacks.”
Addressing common narratives that attempt to minimize or deny the Genocide against the Tutsi such as claims that it was unplanned or triggered solely by the downing of President Habyarimana’s plane Nyirimanzi firmly rejects such assertions. He emphasizes that genocidal ideology was systematically instilled long before the violence erupted.
“We were taught nothing of value except genocide ideology. I remember seeing the bodies of Tutsis lying everywhere and questioning how I could still be alive. Today, I receive medical care and support, yet I feel unworthy of such treatment.”
He further reflects on the organized nature of the genocide, questioning why some continue to deny its occurrence: “Tutsis were shot, burned, and brutally killed in broad daylight. Denial is a deliberate act, often motivated by personal interests. The genocide devastated our country, leaving it in ruins. Those of us who took part now live with deep regret. Anyone who doubts this should come and see the evidence.”
As evidence of premeditation, he points to the preparation of lists identifying Tutsis to be targeted. He personally compiled such lists in Nyakabanda, while other leaders in districts such as Rusizi did the same independently, without direct coordination.
He also describes how authorities required lists of young men to be sent for military training at the Gabiro Military Camp, where they received instruction from French trainers.
“The youth who underwent this training were later encouraged to continue to Bugesera to join earlier attacks against Tutsis. These events did take place. Rwambuka Fidèle, who was the mayor of Commune Kanzenze at the time, played a role in those initial phases of the violence.”
Participation in high-level meetings to coordinate the extermination of Tutsis
Nyirimanzi further substantiates claims that the Genocide against the Tutsi was systematically planned by describing his involvement in high-level meetings with political leaders and influential figures.
Among those he encountered were former President Juvénal Habyarimana and prominent businessman Félicien Kabuga, who has been widely associated with financing the procurement of machetes used during the killings.
He recalls a significant meeting held in Rebero and chaired by President Habyarimana. The gathering brought together leaders from various administrative levels, ranging from local cell authorities to senior government officials and high-ranking military officers.
According to Nyirimanzi, the purpose of the meeting was made explicit.
He recounts that Habyarimana declared that the country had been attacked by an enemy and emphasized that immediate action was required. Participants were urged not to remain passive but to mobilize and confront the identified enemy whom he explicitly defined as the Tutsi population.
During the meeting, a local official raised concerns about the lack of necessary equipment. In response, Habyarimana assured attendees that weapons would be provided, stating that firearms were available and that those without guns would be supplied with grenades or machetes. He emphasized that all available means should be used to carry out the objective.
Nyirimanzi also describes attending meetings involving influential civilian actors, including Félicien Kabuga. While Kabuga’s involvement has been contested by some, Nyirimanzi asserts that he played a direct and active role. He specifically recalls a meeting held at Kabuga’s residence in Muhima, where Kabuga pledged material and logistical support for the killings.
According to Nyirimanzi, Kabuga assured participants that they would face no shortages, stating that weapons including guns and machetes were readily available.
He further committed to providing logistical support, including food supplies for those carrying out the attacks. Nyirimanzi insists that any denial of Kabuga’s involvement is deliberate and unfounded, noting that he clearly remembers both the meeting and Kabuga’s presence.
The meeting was attended by several prominent figures, including senior members of the ruling MRND party and leaders associated with the Interahamwe militia, further underscoring the coordinated nature of the planning.
Efforts to uncover the truth within the prison system
More than three decades after the Genocide against the Tutsi was halted, challenges remain in uncovering the full truth particularly regarding the locations where victims’ bodies were dumped.
Nyirimanzi notes that some perpetrators, including those already convicted and imprisoned, continue to withhold such information.
He explains that significant efforts have been undertaken within the prison system to encourage transparency and accountability.
However, these efforts have faced resistance from a group of former leaders who still wield influence, both within correctional facilities and beyond.
According to him, this group actively discourages others from cooperating, urging them to remain silent and avoid disclosing any information.
Despite this resistance, Nyirimanzi expresses confidence that truth will ultimately prevail.
He highlights his own role in revealing information that led to the discovery of human remains at the Rwezamenyo bus station information that had remained undisclosed for nearly 25 years, despite the presence of individuals living nearby who had never come forward.
Grégoire Nyirimanzi, a former executive secretary of Nyakabanda Sector in Kigali, is currently imprisoned for his role in the Genocide.
Nyirimanzi recounts that when survivors of the Genocide against the Tutsi approached him seeking reconciliation or asking him to reveal the locations where their relatives’ bodies had been buried, he initially felt deep fear.
Given the severity of the crimes he had committed, his hesitation was significant. However, the survivors reassured him, demonstrating forgiveness and encouraging him to speak openly.
This support enabled him to overcome his fear and disclose the locations of mass graves, allowing families to recover the remains of their loved ones and provide them with dignified burials.
He explained that he identified several burial sites, including one near the Nyamirambo Brigade and another in a place known as Ku Ryanyuma’ near the stadium.
He noted that, although local residents had long been aware of these sites, many had chosen not to speak. His testimony ultimately contributed to meaningful outcomes, as families were able to locate and properly bury their relatives.
Nyirimanzi conveyed a message of reassurance to survivors, expressing his intention to contribute positively to society upon completing his sentence. He emphasized his willingness to take part in rebuilding what he had helped destroy.
On the issue of seeking forgiveness, he stated that many inmates at Nyarugenge Prison are eager to apologize to those they wronged. He called for structured initiatives to facilitate dialogue and reconciliation across communities.
He noted that many individuals complete their sentences while still burdened by fear and uncertainty about facing their victims.
He believes that creating opportunities for reconciliation before release would allow them to seek forgiveness and reintegrate into society with a sense of emotional relief and responsibility.
Testimony before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR)
Nyirimanzi also revealed that he provided testimony to investigators and appeared before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), where he gave evidence regarding the role of senior military officials in the genocide.
He testified in cases involving high-ranking officers, including Gratien Kabiligi, Théoneste Bagosora, Aloys Ntabakuze, and Lieutenant-Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva.
According to his account, these individuals played a key role in distributing weapons to civilians and organizing meetings that encouraged participation in the killings.
He stated that they not only facilitated the widespread distribution of weapons but also used meetings to persuade participants that the violence was justified, framing it as a necessary act of retaliation against an alleged enemy.
In subsequent ICTR rulings, Gratien Kabiligi was acquitted, while Théoneste Bagosora and Aloys Ntabakuze were each sentenced to 35 years in prison. Anatole Nsengiyumva received a sentence of 15 years.
Nyirimanzi expressed a profound sense of regret that he did not live under Rwanda’s current leadership during that period. He spoke positively about the country’s governance, emphasizing the promotion of national unity and the absence of division.
He highlighted the progress made in ensuring equal opportunities, noting that access to education and employment is no longer influenced by family background or past associations.
As a personal example, he pointed out that his own child is able to study and work without discrimination, despite his past actions.
He expressed appreciation for what he described as inclusive leadership, which prioritizes unity and does not punish children for the crimes committed by their parents.
Inmates at Mageragere Correctional Facility were recently provided with a book written by Yolande Mukagasana titled ‘Umurage w’Urubyiruko’ Part One.
He made the remarks during the 32nd commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi held at the Ngororero Genocide Memorial in Ngororero Sector on April 10, 2026.
The memorial site holds the remains of more than 14,500 victims, most of whom were killed on April 10, 1994, after they had sought refuge in the former MRND party headquarters located at the site where the memorial now stands.
The Prime Minister noted that although Rwanda continues to make progress in rebuilding itself after the genocide, complacency must be avoided, as there are still individuals intent on dragging the country back into its tragic past.
“We must not be complacent because there are those who do not wish our country well. As you know and continue to hear, those who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi continue to deny it and spread genocide ideology in the region where Rwanda is located, especially in the Democratic Republic of Congo,” he said.
He added that such actions often take place while the international community looks on, as was the case in Rwanda in 1994 and before.
“The choices we made as Rwandans, as the President of the Republic has emphasized, are that the Genocide against the Tutsi will never happen again in Rwanda,” he said.
He stressed that this commitment goes hand in hand with closing all possible paths that could allow genocide ideology to take root again, as well as strengthening self-reliance through hard work.
The Prime Minister also called on young people to take the lead in understanding the country’s history so they can effectively confront those who still promote genocide ideology, especially through online platforms. He also urged parents to be truthful with their children about what happened.
He commended the bravery of the Nyange students, who refused to be divided when they were attacked by infiltrators, saying their courage remains a powerful symbol of national unity.
Ngororero District Mayor Christophe Nkusi said that killings in the area began as early as 1990, and that more than 57,000 Tutsi were killed in the district and are laid to rest in seven memorial sites across different sectors. Mayor Nkusi expressed concern that some victims’ remains have still not been recovered, urging residents to continue sharing information about their locations.
“I once again strongly urge the residents of Ngororero District not to hide information about whereabouts of remains that have not yet been recovered and buried with dignity. This helps bring comfort to families who lost their loved ones and strengthens the unity and resilience we have committed to as Rwandans,” he said.
He added that even after the genocide was stopped, Ngororero was later affected by attacks from “infiltrators” led by former political and military leaders originally from the district. He said these were eventually defeated by the unity government, and the area is now peaceful and developing.
Annoncée Manirarora, a commissioner in IBUKA, the genocide survivors’ organization, said that Ngororero’s genocide history is unique because killings began as early as 1990.
Ngororero District today comprises the former Kabaya and Ngororero sub-prefectures.
The former Ngororero sub-prefecture included the communes of Kibilira, Ramba, Satinsyi, and Gaseke, where killings began well before 1994.
In Kibilira Commune, more than 400 Tutsi were killed between October 10 and 13, 1990. Additional killings were recorded in February 1992.
In Satinsyi Commune, killings had been going on before 1994, while in Ramba Commune, atrocities were intensified by speeches and mobilization efforts, including those of Dr. Léon Mugesera, who is accused of inciting violence during a public meeting in Birembo.
Similar patterns of violence were also reported in Gaseke Commune before 1994.
Premier Nsengiyumva joined residents of Ngororero during the commemoration event. The event was also marked by laying of wreaths at mass graves at the memorial. Prime Minister Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva has said that Rwanda’s choices following the Genocide against the Tutsi have provided strong assurance that such atrocities will never happen again. Ngororero District Mayor Christophe Nkusi said that killings in the area began as early as 1990. Annoncée Manirarora, a commissioner in IBUKA, the genocide survivors’ organization, said that Ngororero’s genocide history is unique because killings began as early as 1990.
He made the remarks on the evening of April 10, 2026, during a commemoration marking the 32nd anniversary of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The event, organized by the Rwanda Media Commission, brought together journalists and media leaders to honor media professionals who were killed during the genocide simply because of their identity.
The Director General of the Rwanda Broadcasting Agency, Cléophas Barore, emphasized that the journalists who were killed were not targeted for professional misconduct.
“They did not broadcast or write anything that incited violence, nor did they violate any journalistic ethics. They were well-known and respected, yet that did not protect them. Instead, it made them targets, because to genocidaires, a Tutsi life had no value,” he said.
Barore also noted that some journalists were later prosecuted in international courts for their role in the genocide.
Diane Uwadede Isimbi, daughter of Vincent Shabakaka, the founder of the former Kiberinka publication, said her father used journalism to counter the hate and misinformation being spread, particularly propaganda directed at the Rwandan Patriotic Front.
The Chairperson of the Rwanda Journalists Association, Dan Ngabonziza, called on journalists to reject hate and actively fight genocide ideology.
“Our country’s painful history has shown us that the pen and the spoken word can either destroy or build. Today is a moment to renew our commitment and ensure we never become channels for messages that fuel division,” he said.
Ngabonziza urged journalists to deny a platform to individuals who promote or deny genocide, stressing the importance of safeguarding national unity.
“We must honor our colleagues who were killed by standing firm against genocide ideology, refusing space to denial and distortion, and protecting the unity and progress Rwandans have achieved,” he added.
He further emphasized that journalism should serve as a force for unity, reconciliation, and resilience, while actively rejecting divisive narratives.
The commemoration event brought together various officials.
The President of IBUKA, Philbert Gakwenzire, also highlighted how media outlets contributed to spreading anti-Tutsi hatred.
However, he commended the post-genocide transformation of Rwanda’s media into a sector that supports nation-building.
Dr. Bizimana explained that genocidal propaganda in the media was rooted in extremist political movements. He outlined how, prior to the genocide, various media outlets systematically spread hatred and encouraged Hutus to kill Tutsis.
He cited cases of media figures prosecuted internationally, including Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, and Hassan Ngeze, who were tried together for their role in inciting genocide.
The minister described different categories of media at the time: state-owned outlets, so-called independent outlets aligned with the government, and others that did not openly promote hatred.
He pointed out that the infamous Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines recruited skilled journalists and former officials to effectively disseminate its extremist agenda.
He further explained that RTLM’s operations were closely linked to the presidency, underscoring its political importance. Government officials were integrated into its leadership structures, while intelligence officials were tasked with supplying information and identifying loyal, hardline journalists.
Among those involved were Donath Hakizimana, then Secretary General of the national intelligence service, who helped source information and personnel for RTLM, and Gaspard Musabyimana, now based in Belgium, who managed programming and collaborated with intelligence networks.
Musabyimana is also linked to Radio Inkingi, which continues to spread genocide ideology.
The President of IBUKA, Philbert Gakwenzire, also highlighted how media outlets contributed to spreading anti-Tutsi hatred.
Dr. Bizimana also identified Ferdinand Nahimana as one of the key architects of genocide ideology, including the concept of “civilian self-defense,” which encouraged collective violence against Tutsis.
He noted that media houses such as ORINFOR, Imvaho, Kangura, and Kinyamateka played varying roles in spreading divisive narratives at different times. He specifically highlighted how Kinyamateka contributed to shaping anti-Tutsi sentiment through its publications.
According to Bizimana, RTLM strategically recruited charismatic journalists known for engaging content, including music, sports, and general news, to attract a wide audience while subtly embedding hate messages. These included figures such as Georges Ruggiu and Valérie Bemeriki, among others.
Dr. Bizimana stated that journalists played a role in the Genocide against the Tutsi through the words they used on radio, television, and in other media outlets.
“They did not pick up machetes to kill, they did not throw grenades into crowds, they did not use guns, nor did they engage the enemy in combat. They killed through words and through their publications,” he said.
He added, “Killing can also be carried out through writing and speech, and that is often where genocide begins.”
Dr. Bizimana emphasized that no one in a country that has experienced genocide should afford themselves the luxury of forgetting its history or acting as if they are unaware of the country’s past.
“In a country that has gone through genocide, with a painful history of ethnic politics, discrimination, and the Genocide against the Tutsi, no journalist, politician, or any individual should behave as though they are in a country without such a background. It is clear that there are journalists and self-proclaimed politicians who act carelessly, ignoring the unique history of ethnic division and genocide in this country,” he said.
He urged journalists to learn from those who upheld professionalism and integrity, to avoid aligning themselves with hate, division, and genocide ideology, and instead commit to playing a constructive role in building society.
List of some journalists killed during the Genocide against the Tutsi and their respective media houses
ORINFOR
1. RUBWIRIZA Tharcisse 2 .MWUMVANEZA Médard 3. GASANA Cyprien 4 .KARAKE Claver 5. KARAMBIZI Gratien 6. KARINDA Viateur 7. RUDAHANGARWA J. Baptiste 8. SEBANANI André 9. KALISA Calixte 10. NSABIMANA Emmanuel 11. BUCYANA Jean Bosco 12. MBUNDA Félix 13. MUNYARIGOGA Jean Claude 14. NSHIMIYIRYO Eudes 15. Byabagamba Stratton (killed in 1992, he worked for teh Catholic Church hosting a show at Radio Rwanda)
LE PARTISAN
15. HABINEZA Aphrodice (SIBO)
LE TRIBUN DU PEUPLE
16. MUKAMA Eugène 17. HATEGEKIMANA Wilson 18. GAKWAYA Eugène 19. RUGAJU Jean Claude
LE FLAMBEAU
20. BAZIMAZIKI Obed 21. KARINGANIRE Charles 22 .MUNANA Gilbert
The Director General of the Rwanda Broadcasting Agency, Cléophas Barore, emphasized that the journalists who were killed were not targeted for professional misconduct.
Bishop Nzakamwita, 82, retired since 2022 after 27 years of service as Bishop of Byumba Diocese. When he assumed the role, the diocese had 13 parishes, a number that has since grown to 21.
In a recent interview on IGIHE’s program ‘Ingingo Nkuru‘, Bishop Nzakamwita reflected on how hatred was deeply rooted in society and eventually spread into the Church. He spoke about the situation in seminaries, where even those preparing for priesthood were affected by ethnic divisions.
His testimony also addressed the role of the Church during that period, including the conduct of some priests who were influenced by ethnic divisions.
Bishop Nzakamwita has been in retirement since 2022 after requesting it in 2018.
IGIHE:You have now spent four years in retirement, having requested to retire in 2018 and receiving approval in 2022. How has life been?
Bishop Nzakamwita: In reality, one no longer holds specific responsibilities during retirement, but continues to offer support. I remain active trough teachings related to the priestly ministry, lead retreats, and respond to invitations such as weddings or times when people have lost loved ones and need support. So, I continue to serve both as a priest and as a bishop, although I no longer hold any formal or specific duties.
IGIHE:During retirement, you chose to settle in Rwesero, near the lake. Why did you choose this place?
Bishop Nzakamwita: It is a peaceful place, and I am very familiar with it. I studied here from 1958 to 1963, after which I moved to Kabgayi. In 1965, I went to Nyakibanda, where I spent six years.
In 1971, I was ordained as a priest and began my pastoral work. I started in Ruhengeri at the cathedral. In 1975, I was sent to Janja as a parish priest, where I served for a long time. I left in 1986 to come here to Rwesero as a formator, and in 1987 I was appointed to succeed our previous rector, Thaddée Nsengiyumva, who had been appointed as Bishop of Kabgayi Diocese.
In 1989, I was sent for further studies in Belgium, where I spent two years. Upon my return in 1991, I was assigned to the Major Seminary of Rutongo. Later, in 1996, I was appointed Bishop of Byumba.
Shortly before the Genocide against the Tutsi, some students were arrested on accusations of being accomplices at Rwesero Junior Seminary.
IGIHE:How would you assess Catholic Church education, particularly in seminaries, compared to the past?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Seminary education remains fundamentally the same. Its purpose is to prepare young men for the priesthood while supporting their overall formation. At the same time, they pursue academic studies just like other students.
IGIHE:What proportion of seminary students eventually become priests compared to those who pursue other paths?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Only a small number go on to become priests. The majority choose to pursue other careers and ways of life.
IGIHE:Does that mean they lack a genuine calling?
Bishop Nzakamwita: The choice ultimately belongs to each individual. We are aware from the beginning that not all of them will become priests. Those who clearly choose the priesthood are the ones who proceed to the major seminary.
IGIHE:Does this suggest that the number of people choosing religious vocations is declining today?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes, it is declining significantly. People are increasingly choosing different paths in life. However, this is something we accept. What matters is that even those who pursue other careers leave with a strong moral and Christian foundation, so our efforts are not in vain.
IGIHE:Do you think Rwanda could eventually face a shortage of priests, as seen in some other countries?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Rwanda still has many vocations. We have not yet reached a point where choosing the priesthood is disappearing, especially since the Christian faith remains strong among the population.
IGIHE: Let us revisit the period before the Genocide. You were present and serving as a priest at the time. How did Rwandan society move from the values of love taught by the Church and other religions to such deep hatred?
Bishop Nzakamwita: First, we must understand that in this world and in our lives, we are constantly engaged in a struggle to overcome evil and uphold good, to defeat hatred and promote love. This is a universal struggle.
There was a period in Rwanda when the country’s leadership fell into the tragedy of dividing its people. Some were turned against others, and it escalated to the point where certain groups, particularly the Tutsi, were targeted and killed. These events were deeply painful for all of us and continue to have lasting consequences.
This was not caused by Christianity. Rather, it was the result of political leadership that chose to divide Rwandans for political interests prevailing at the time.
Bishop Nzakamwita is aged 82, having retired since 2022.
IGIHE:At that time, you were actively teaching. How did you manage to teach love when people would leave and encounter politicians spreading a different message?
Bishop Nzakamwita: That is precisely the mission of the Catholic Church to teach love, which is the legacy we received from Jesus Christ Himself. That is what we continued to teach.
When the problem of division emerged in Rwanda, where leaders encouraged citizens to hate one another, we intensified our efforts to guide the faithful. We urged them not to be carried away by hatred, but instead to choose what is good and to live peacefully with others.
However, many people were ultimately overwhelmed, especially because those in leadership were actively promoting division. Many succumbed to this influence, which eventually led to the Genocide against the Tutsi, aimed at eliminating one group so that another could dominate both political power and life in Rwanda.
IGIHE:You mentioned that, as religious leaders, you continued teaching despite being overpowered by other influences. Yet some priests were involved in the Genocide. How do you explain this?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Priests, like all members of society, included both Hutu and Tutsi, and they too were affected by divisionism. Some were overcome by hatred and betrayed their religious commitments.
While some failed, others resisted. That resistance is part of why Rwanda did not completely collapse or fully achieve the destructive goals set by those in power. There were individual priests, religious figures, and ordinary Christians who courageously opposed these actions and stood firm in their responsibilities.
IGIHE:While you were in Janja, divisive ideology was already spreading. What did you personally witness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: The atmosphere was tense. The culture of hatred and violence was already present. At times there would be brief periods of calm, but then violence would resurface openly, people being expelled from schools, dismissed from their jobs, and even killed.
This cycle continued, but from 1990, when the Inkotanyi launched their struggle, the situation worsened significantly and escalated steadily until 1994.
IGIHE:What memories from that period have remained with you and continue to stand out?
Bishop Nzakamwita: One significant period was in 1973, when President Habyarimana took power from Kayibanda. It was a difficult year marked by killings and expulsions from jobs. Although the situation later appeared to stabilize, discrimination persisted. Tutsi children, for example, did not have equal access to education compared to Hutu children.
That year was particularly painful. Students were expelled from schools, and many people fled the country to Burundi, Uganda, and Congo.
Another period I remember clearly began around 1989, when a new wave of expulsions and division emerged, especially among students.
At that time, I was transferred for further studies, but tensions remained high, and children were increasingly influenced by divisive ideologies.
IGIHE:Did such divisions also exist within seminaries?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes, they did. However, we made efforts to contain them. By 1990, when the war began, the situation worsened. Some students were imprisoned, others were killed, and many were expelled. There were also casualties among both students and staff.
IGIHE:Were these actions carried out by seminary teachers?
Bishop Nzakamwita: No, they were carried out by local administrative authorities, prefectures and communal leaders. However, the divisions also spread among students themselves, with some harassing others and even attempting violence.
Some students fled for safety, while others remained and tragically lost their lives. Others were arrested and taken to Byumba during the period when people accused of being “accomplices” were being detained.
IGIHE:How many seminarians were taken?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Initially, four seminarians were taken, but one of them was killed. He had helped others escape by taking them to his home, which was nearby. Later, when the seminary temporarily closed due to the unrest, he was arrested and accused of being an accomplice. He was ultimately killed along with others who were similarly accused.
Before becoming a Bishop, Nzakamwita taught at Rwesero Junior Seminary.
IGIHE:When you returned in 1991, how did things unfold? When and how were your siblings killed?
Bishop Nzakamwita: When I returned to Rwanda in 1991, it was not easy. I was hesitant because there was already war in the country. During that time, my family was targeted, some of my siblings were persecuted, and in 1990, several of them were killed in Gatsirima, in Kiyombe Sector, then part of Kiyombe Commune. They were accused of being accomplices and were killed by local residents.
At the time, I was still in Belgium. When I received the news of their deaths, I went into mourning. Returning home was difficult. I kept asking myself, “Where would I go?” I feared that if I had been at home, I too might have been killed. Others also warned me about the risks I could face upon returning.
When I consulted my bishop about whether I should come back, he reassured me, saying that the situation had calmed down and that negotiations were underway.
After that reassurance, I returned and was assigned to Rutongo. We were there when events of 1994 unfolded. During the years from 1991 to 1994, tensions persisted, even among our students. Some held divisive and hateful ideologies, but we worked to counter them, and in the seminary, they often listened to us.
I recall that at one point, we even suspended classes to engage in dialogue with the students, as the environment had become very challenging. Education itself was affected by ethnic divisions.
IGIHE:What kind of discussions did you have with the students?
Bishop Nzakamwita: We emphasized that unity and good relationships were the right path, and that hatred had no place. Some students would claim that the Tutsi were at war and fighting against the Hutu.
Our role was to correct such views, teaching them that such thinking was wrong and not compatible with Christian values or the calling of seminarians.
IGIHE:You mentioned that your siblings were killed in 1990 after being labeled accomplices. How many were killed?
Bishop Nzakamwita: My younger brother, my elder brother, and my elder brother’s wife were killed. The children were not there; some were studying in Kigali, while others had been sent to Congo because access to education in Rwanda was very limited at the time. My younger brother’s wife had already passed away in 1989 due to illness.
So, it was my younger brother, my elder brother, and my elder brother’s wife who were killed there.
Two of his siblings were killed after being accused of being cccomplices.
IGIHE:What happened where you were during that time?
Bishop Nzakamwita: In 1994, shortly after Easter, the plane carrying President Habyarimana was shot down. Authorities instructed everyone to remain where they were, assuring us that our security would be protected.
From April 6th to 9th, we remained in hiding at the seminary. During that time, we also received refugees fleeing from surrounding sectors. Many arrived wounded, while others came seeking safety.
By April 9th, we were still in hiding and trying to defend ourselves, as Interahamwe militia were attacking us. We set up barriers on the roads leading to the church and the seminary and resisted them by throwing stones.
On that same day, RPF forces (Inkotanyi), advancing toward Kigali from Byumba, passed through Rutongo and rescued us. Had they not arrived, we would all have been killed.
When they reached the area, they encountered Interahamwe militias who had arrived in trucks and buses intending to kill both us and those who had taken refuge with us. Fighting broke out, and the attackers were driven away, allowing us to survive.
Later, on April 18th, due to ongoing fighting, we fled from Rutongo to Byumba.
At the time, I was serving as the bursar (Econome), and since we had livestock and property belonging to seminarians who were on holiday, I initially remained behind in Rutongo while others fled. RPF soldiers occasionally passed through on their way to Kigali, and a unit was stationed there to maintain security, as the area was strategically important.
However, on April 28th, I was advised to leave due to heavy shelling coming from areas like Murambi and Shyorongi. I was told it would be safer for me to evacuate. We then fled to Byumba and later returned after Kigali had been taken in July.
IGIHE: Before the RPF arrived in Rutongo, were there Tutsi refugees who were killed by Interahamwe, or were you able to continue defending yourselves?
Bishop Nzakamwita: In surrounding areas, many Tutsi were indeed killed. Those who were fortunate managed to reach the seminary or the parish for protection.
IGIHE:Were any people killed at the seminary?
Bishop Nzakamwita: No. We resisted from the beginning, defending ourselves by throwing stones. Before 1994, there had been killings elsewhere, but at the seminary, we managed to protect those who had taken refuge there. When the RPF arrived, they reinforced our defense. No one who had sought refuge at the church was killed.
IGIHE:After the Genocide, people had to live together again, with unity and reconciliation, and perpetrators were expected to ask for forgiveness. Was this process easy?
Bishop Nzakamwita: What was easy? Even after Kigali was taken and the RPF began stopping the Genocide in the areas they controlled, the situation remained extremely difficult.
In reality, the conflict did not end immediately. Fighting continued until around 1997. The war between the RPF, the Interahamwe, and the former government forces evolved into an insurgency, as infiltrators continued to wage attacks.
According to Bishop Nzakamwita, evil exists within people, and some are overtaken to do wrong.
IGIHE:I would like to focus particularly on your personal experience during those difficult times. Did you forgive those who killed your family during the Genocide?
Bishop Nzakamwita: When I returned to Rwanda in 1991, in our home area of Mutara and much of Byumba, many residents had fled due to the war with the Inkotanyi. I was unable to reach my home because there were hardly any people left, some had fled, while others had been killed.
I only managed to return there in 1996, after I had been appointed Bishop of Byumba. When I went back, the area had become overgrown with bush. I did not even know where my relatives had been buried. I had to search for them, and eventually discovered that their remains had been thrown into a latrine. By that time, only bones remained. We did our best to give them a decent burial.
That same year, 1996, I began my ministry in Byumba as bishop, living among the people.
At that time, many residents were still in exile, some in Tanzania, Congo, and Uganda. Those who remained or had returned were very few, and many parishes were closed. I believe only about four parishes were functioning, and even those had very small congregations.
As people gradually began to return, especially in 1997 when refugee camps in places like Benako (Tanzania) and Congo were dismantled, many came back to their homes.
IGIHE:How did you respond to that situation?
Bishop Nzakamwita: It was a very difficult challenge. Some of the people who had killed my relatives returned to their communities. At the same time, earlier refugees who had fled in 1959 had already returned with the Inkotanyi between 1994 and 1996 and settled on land that had been abandoned.
When the 1994 refugees began returning, tensions arose. Coexistence became difficult. Many who returned from Benako in Tanzania were afraid to live alongside those who had already settled there, particularly returnees from Uganda, so they set up camps nearby instead.
We had to address this situation by working with local authorities, including the mayor, to find ways for people to live together again. There was deep fear on both sides; some feared attacks from Interahamwe, while others feared revenge from the Inkotanyi, who were now in power.
To resolve this, we focused on bringing people together both the older returnees and those who had fled in 1994.
IGIHE: How did you manage to reunite them? Is this the origin of the housing initiative?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes. We started by bringing together young people, aged roughly 15 to 30. Initially, we gathered about 150 youth, then brought in more. We provided them with guidance and education, supported by priests and educators.
These young people became a bridge for reconciliation, helping to bring their parents together. While many parents were still in camps, we connected them with those who had already begun rebuilding on their land.
We first united the youth through shared activities, games, teachings, and cultural events. We then invited their parents to participate, encouraging dialogue and mutual understanding. We emphasized that both groups, those who had fled long ago and those who had fled more recently were all returning to their rightful homes and needed to share the land and live side by side.
Since many houses had been destroyed, we helped provide construction materials such as roofing sheets and tools, as well as skilled builders. At the same time, we encouraged the communities to work together to rebuild their homes.
We told them that neighbors who live in conflict cannot coexist peacefully, but those who choose unity can rebuild together. They accepted this message.
Local authorities then allocated plots of land, reorganizing settlements into villages, as people had previously been scattered. With support in materials and labor, communities worked together to rebuild homes and ultimately lived side by side in peace.
IGIHE:Did individuals who killed your relatives ever ask you for forgiveness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: No, none of them ever asked me for forgiveness. Perhaps they felt that I had already forgiven them, as I did not seek revenge. We resumed living together as before. They do not avoid me, and I do not avoid them.
IGIHE:Were those involved in the killings held accountable?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes, they were arrested and imprisoned.
IGIHE:Are they still in prison?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Some remain imprisoned, while others have passed away.
IGIHE:Have any of those who were released come to ask for your forgiveness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Some have been released and are now living on their land. We live together peacefully.
IGIHE:Have they ever asked you for forgiveness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: No one has ever directly asked me for forgiveness. However, I hear them say that the war led them into wrongdoing. People express regret, but no one has personally come to me to confess their actions or ask for forgiveness. Those identified as responsible were prosecuted, but we have not had direct conversations about it.
IGIHE:Among those you helped rebuild homes, were there individuals who had taken part in the killings?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Possibly, yes. But I did not choose people based on that. Land was distributed to everyone, and they all rebuilt their homes. I never sought to identify who specifically killed my relatives. Those who were identified were reported to authorities, arrested, and some were later released.
Those who admitted their crimes and sought forgiveness through the justice process were released, while others remained imprisoned or died in prison. Some fled to Uganda. I neither know all of them nor sought to find out.
What matters is that those we helped rebuild their lives still appreciate that gesture. They are even able to visit me freely, and we coexist peacefully. In fact, when the government sought individuals who had demonstrated exemplary conduct, these same community members testified that I had not sought revenge. As a result, I was recognized nationally and included among the Guardians of the Covenant (Abarinzi b’Igihango).
This recognition came from those very people we lived alongside, some who had participated in the attacks and others who had failed to intervene. The act of helping rebuild their lives and choosing not to seek revenge deeply moved them. Even though they never explicitly asked for forgiveness, they showed remorse and acknowledged my forgiveness through their actions.
IGIHE:Beyond your role as a religious leader teaching love and forgiveness, do you think it is appropriate for someone who committed such serious crimes to remain silent without explicitly asking for forgiveness?
Bishop Nzakamwita: I believe we made it easier for them, and they felt that forgiveness had already been granted. That is how I see it. Many express that the killings, especially of the Tutsi, brought them pain and shame. However, some still carry traces of hatred and may even avoid you. In certain circumstances, if provoked, some could relapse into violence.
IGIHE:Do you still observe such attitudes today?
Bishop Nzakamwita: Yes, in some cases. For example, at a memorial site we established, a photograph of the victims was once destroyed. I was told it was done by “mad people,” but it shows that some individuals still harbor hatred. If given the opportunity, they might act on it again.
IGIHE:What should be done to eliminate hatred completely?
Bishop Nzakamwita: We must practice humility, patience, and mutual understanding. We must demonstrate that love still exists, the love God created us with. Using that love is a constant struggle, as evil exists within people and affects everyone.
We must continue fighting that inner battle and overcome it. If you look at places like Congo, you still see violence being allowed by leadership. This reminds us that we must remain vigilant and actively resist evil, understanding that it can influence anyone.
IGIHE:When you interact with students here at the seminary, what do you observe in their mindset?
Bishop Nzakamwita: The students here live together in harmony. Even though some come from families that may still hold divisive ideologies, such attitudes are not visible here. Most of them were born after 2000 and are not directly familiar with the events of 1959 or 1994.
Of course, conflicts can still arise among young people, as is natural. But such disagreements are not based on ethnic divisions. Students may argue or fight, but it is not about being Hutu or Tutsi, it is simply part of human interaction.
In the seminary, we teach them to strive for love and unity, values they are expected to carry forward as future priests.
