The incident took place on the Rusizi-Nyamasheke road, just beyond the Kinini trading center in Rwesero Cell, Kagano Sector.
Around 5 pm, as the students were walking home, they reached a spot near Konsaseri when the truck, traveling at high speed, struck Uwamahoro.
Local residents have reported frequent accidents in the area, with crashes occurring almost every three months.
Rwanda National Police Spokesperson for Road Safety, SP Emmanuel Kayigi, attributed the accident to the driver’s recklessness.
“The truck that hit her was crossing the road and veering off its lane. If the driver hadn’t been careless, he wouldn’t have struck her. The truck went off the road near where the child was walking,” SP Kayigi said.
He also mentioned that the community’s request to install road signs near the accident site to indicate the proximity of the school as a preventive measure to reduce future accidents, will be reviewed.
“We didn’t know that accidents were frequent in this area, but based on the information we’ve received, we will work with the relevant authorities to assess its feasibility to reduce accidents, as our priority is ensuring the safety of the people,” he added.
Eyewitnesses described the scene, stating that after hitting the child, the truck dragged her along, leaving parts of her body scattered on the road.
Investigations revealed that the driver and conductor were drinking banana brew found in the vehicle. The driver is currently detained at the Kagano Police Station, while the victim’s body was taken to Kibogora Hospital.
With more than 100 federal lawsuits filed since the inauguration, Trump and his administration have effectively been sued three times for every business day he has occupied the Oval Office.
Approximately 30 of the 100 lawsuits relate to Trump’s immigration policies, while more than 20 of the cases directly challenge the actions of Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency.
Ten of the cases challenge Trump policies relating to transgender people, and more than 20 cases oppose the president’s unilateral changes to federal funding, government hiring and the structure of agencies like the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.
With Trump signing more than 75 executive orders since taking office, the unprecedented flood of litigation has yielded mixed results in blocking the president’s unilateral efforts to reshape the federal government.
His attempts to freeze funding or rewrite longstanding laws have generally been blocked, but some federal judges have implicitly given him the green light to carry out part of his plan to reshape the federal workforce.
U.S. District Judge John Coughenour, who was nominated to the bench by Ronald Reagan, handed the Trump administration one of its first legal defeats by blocking Trump’s executive order on birthright citizenship and offered one of the fiercest criticisms of his presidency’s early actions.
“It has become ever more apparent that to our president, the rule of law is but an impediment to his policy goals. There are moments in the world’s history when people look back and ask, where were the lawyers, where were the judges? In these moments, the rule of law becomes especially vulnerable. I refuse to let that beacon go dark today,” Judge Coughenour said.
But other judges have stopped short of fully blocking policies they believe might be unlawful, demonstrating how a slower-moving judiciary can be outpaced by a rapidly moving administration.
In a case challenging the Trump administration’s effort to fire thousands of probationary employees, U.S. District Judge William Alsup rebuked the administration’s actions but did not step in to stop the indiscriminate firing of employees, despite acknowledging its ongoing harm.
The number of lawsuits appear to have tested the limits of the court’s ability to hear emergency applications, particularly in the District Court in D.C., where 51 of the cases have been brought.
During one contentious hearing, U.S. District Judge Ana Reyes threatened to sanction a lawyer who pushed the court to accept an emergency appeal while court staff had been working around the clock on really monumental time sensitive issues.
“Why on earth could you not have figured that out with the defendants before coming and burdening me and burdening the defendants and burning my staff on this issue?” Reyes told Seth Waxman, a former U.S. Solicitor General under President Bill Clinton who is now representing eight former inspectors general fired by Trump.
Lawsuits challenging the Trump administration have reached the Supreme Court twice, and the Department of Justice has begun their appeals to the Circuit Court in approximately a dozen cases.
While no judge has found that the president has openly defied a court order, the Trump administration has found itself in hot water for failing to comply with multiple court orders, including orders to stop unilaterally freezing funding to states and holding back more than $1.9 billion in foreign aid.
Lavrov called the move a “direct, official and undisguised involvement of NATO countries in a war against the Russian Federation” and warned that the presence of such forces in Ukraine would be unacceptable to Moscow.
The remarks came after French President Emmanuel Macron announced Wednesday that he would consider sending European troops to Ukraine to enforce a peace deal, although he said the troops would not engage in frontline combat.
“This is a threat to Russia,” said Lavrov, adding that Moscow sees “no room for compromise” on the issue of deploying European forces to Ukraine.
“This discussion is being conducted with an openly hostile objective,” he said.
The foreign minister added that suspending U.S. military aid to Ukraine could help end the conflict quickly.
Dr. Butera made this statement on March 6, 2025, during a session with the Committee on Governance Affairs and Gender of the Chamber of Deputies.
He highlighted Rwanda’s commitment to advancing its healthcare sector, ensuring that services previously sought abroad are now available locally.
“We are seeing positive outcomes from these services. So far, 44 kidney transplants have been performed in Rwanda since the program began, and all the patients are doing well,” he said.
Patients in need of a kidney transplant must have a donor, who can be a family member, a friend, or any willing individual who meets the medical requirements.
Before this service was introduced in Rwanda, the government had to send over 70 patients abroad for kidney transplants, costing more than Rwf 800 million.
Typically, undergoing a kidney transplant in India costs between $7,400 and $14,000, depending on factors such as the patient’s age, blood type, and the hospital where the procedure is performed.
Medical experts point out that patients who undergo transplants abroad often face challenges, including difficulties in post-surgery follow-up care once they return home.
In May 2023, King Faisal Hospital in Kigali launched kidney transplant services, a highly specialized procedure that was previously only available abroad at a high cost.
Although official statistics on kidney disease prevalence in Rwanda are not available, studies indicate that up to 10% of the population may suffer from chronic kidney disease, while around 40% may have mild kidney issues that can be treated and fully cured.
Dr. Butera also reported significant progress in heart surgery, with more than 500 procedures successfully conducted since the program’s launch.
“We have performed heart surgeries on 356 children and 186 adults here in Rwanda since we started this initiative,” he stated.
King Faisal Hospital also offers advanced procedures to correct congenital heart defects in children using catheterization technology, which eliminates the need for open-heart surgery.
Dr. Butera emphasized that the number of patients sent abroad for treatment has significantly decreased, thanks to the availability of specialized services within Rwanda.
To further enhance healthcare accessibility, the government has implemented cost reductions on various medical services. For instance, the cost of a full-body scan has been reduced by 65%.
These specialized medical services are now available at King Faisal Hospital, one of the region’s leading healthcare institutions providing world-class medical care.
The country has however since passed a new constitution and electoral code. Nguema told the Gabonese people early this week that he had decided to run in the 12 April election “after careful reflection and in response to your many appeals”.
Addressing supporters during a heavy downpour in the capital, Libreville, he declared his readiness to change the fortunes of the oil-rich country.
“I am a builder and I need your courage, your strength, to build this country,” the coup leader, who had just turned 50, said. The announcement followed months of speculation about his intentions to officially occupy the country’s top seat.
Earlier, Nguema told the military in a meeting that he was aware of their desire to see him run in the election and urged them to vote. He told the defense forces he had heard their calls. “I listened to you and, believe me, I understood you. I will get back to you within the next few days.”
There has been speculation that Nguema had left the army, as a requirement to run for the presidency but that has since been denied by his spokesman.
A Facebook page associated with Nguema clarified on Monday that he was required to abandon his military uniform temporarily while running for election.
The page, Infos CTRI Officiel, said that he would have to permanently leave the military if he won the election. “If he’s not elected, he will return to the barracks,” it said. The Nguema-led junta is credited for ending 55 years of the Bongo dynasty.
Ali Bongo had ruled for 14 years before he was toppled. He took office after the death of his father, Omar Bongo, who had been president for 41 years.
Last month, the president of neighboring Equatorial Guinea, Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, encouraged the Gabonese people to support Nguema for a better future for their country.
Some opposition and civil society groups in Gabon have however been urging the military leader to honor his word and leave power to civilians after the transition.
Despite Gabon’s oil wealth and vast forests, one third of its 2.4 million people live below the poverty line, according to the UN.
The directive follows a series of battlefield losses for the Congolese army and its allied forces in the conflict-ridden region.
According to diplomatic sources, Ndayishimiye convened a high-level meeting in Bujumbura on February 27, where he discussed the security crisis in eastern DRC and reiterated his commitment to combating M23.
While publicly advocating for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict, his continued deployment of troops suggests a contradictory approach—one that fuels the very war he claims to be mediating.
Since August 2023, Burundi has maintained a substantial military presence in eastern DRC under a controversial agreement with Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi. The deal, which reportedly grants Ndayishimiye a monthly payment of $5,000 per soldier, has raised concerns over the financial incentives driving Burundi’s involvement in the war.
Despite these payments, Burundian soldiers themselves reportedly receive only a fraction of the amount—$70 for junior ranks and $100 for officers—raising further questions about the true beneficiaries of the arrangement.
On February 23, Burundi reinforced its brigade in the Ruzizi Plain, deploying additional artillery units along the Vugizo border. IGIHE understands that the Burundian army has stationed surveillance drones and heavy artillery, including 120mm and 122mm guns, to fortify its positions ahead of anticipated clashes with M23.
The Burundian presence in DRC has, however, been met with resistance. Reports indicate that hundreds of Burundian soldiers have been killed in North Kivu over the past year, while others have refused to continue fighting.
In January, 48 soldiers from the 20th Battalion declined deployment, an act of defiance that led to their detention under accusations of mutiny.
The worsening security situation has also triggered discord among Burundi’s top military and government officials. Critics argue that Ndayishimiye’s troop deployments prioritize personal financial gain over national security, while soldiers on the ground reportedly feel abandoned in an increasingly dire conflict.
Commanders stationed in Uvira have allegedly issued strict orders warning that any soldier attempting to flee across the Rusizi River back to Burundi would be treated as an enemy combatant and shot on sight.
Despite mounting casualties and internal discontent, Ndayishimiye remains adamant. His latest order aims to push Burundian forces deeper into South Kivu, with a primary focus on retaking key rebel-held areas, including Bukavu and Kavumu airport. However, reports from within Burundian military ranks suggest that soldiers are growing increasingly reluctant to engage M23, fearing heavy losses in what has become a grueling and costly conflict.
As regional leaders continue to push for a diplomatic resolution, Burundi’s deepening involvement complicates ongoing peace efforts.
During the February 8 summit of the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), calls for an immediate ceasefire and renewed dialogue were reiterated. However, with Burundian forces pressing ahead on the battlefield, the prospects for peace remain uncertain.
The IGAD envoys from Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda, who are based in Juba, the capital of South Sudan, said escalating tensions and armed clashes in Nasir County, which have left over 20 people dead and displaced many others, could undermine a permanent peace deal.
“We call upon all the parties and their affiliate groups to immediately cease hostilities and exercise maximum restraint,” the diplomats said in a joint statement issued in Juba.
Clashes erupted in mid-February between the South Sudan People’s Defense Forces and the armed civilian groups in Nasir County.
Tensions escalated further after the government announced plans to deploy new forces to Nasir County to rotate troops stationed in the area for several years, raising concerns among local communities that the incoming forces could target civilians or initiate a disarmament campaign.
More than 20 people have been reported killed and several others injured on the outskirts of the now-deserted town of Nasir, located near the border between South Sudan and Ethiopia.
According to the Ceasefire and Transitional Security Arrangements Monitoring and Verification Mechanism, a multinational body that monitors compliance with the South Sudan peace agreement signed in 2018, the security situation in Upper Nile State has significantly deteriorated in the past weeks.
The IGAD diplomats said the security situation in Nasir threatens to undermine the hard-won gains achieved in implementing the revitalized peace agreement and exacerbate the already dire humanitarian situation in the region.
“We emphasize the paramount importance of upholding the permanent ceasefire and adhering to the provisions of the peace agreement,” the envoys said while encouraging continued dialogue and consultations within the framework of the revitalized peace agreement.
With the fall of Goma and Bukavu, along with increasing territorial losses, Kinshasa is seeking to leverage its vast mineral wealth to secure military and diplomatic backing from global powers.
In a bid to pressure Rwanda, which Tshisekedi accuses of backing the M23 rebels, Congolese envoys were recently dispatched to Washington to negotiate deals granting U.S. companies privileged access to the DRC’s rich mineral reserves.
High-level delegations, including officials from Gécamines and other state mining enterprises, have engaged with American authorities, with Jacques Tshisekedi, the president’s brother, personally involved in security discussions.
Kinshasa’s strategy, drawing parallels with Ukraine’s reliance on Western support, is aimed at ensuring that Washington prioritizes DRC’s security interests. However, the reception has been lukewarm, with skepticism in some U.S. circles about Kinshasa’s reliability and governance.
Amid uncertainty over U.S. commitment, Tshisekedi has also turned to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) for emergency military assistance. Recent discussions between Kinshasa and Emirati officials included offers of mining concessions in Lualaba province, which is rich in cobalt and copper, in exchange for military equipment. Reports indicate that the DRC sought an upfront payment of at least $250 million as part of the deal.
Similarly, Kinshasa explored potential support from Russia, despite Tshisekedi’s historically pro-Western stance.
A presidential envoy traveled to Moscow, but with Russia preoccupied with its war in Ukraine, there was little interest in direct intervention. The DRC also attempted to gain military backing from Mali’s ruling junta and Chad, though the latter ultimately rejected the deployment of troops.
On the African front, Burundi remains the only country with a significant troop presence in eastern DRC, with around 10,000 soldiers engaged in operations against M23. However, Kinshasa is increasingly wary of Burundi’s long-term commitment, especially following recent security talks between Rwandan and Burundian officials in Kigali.
Fears are mounting that President Évariste Ndayishimiye might shift his stance, possibly striking a non-aggression pact with Rwanda, which could alter the balance of power in the region.
{{The high-stakes gamble
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Tshisekedi’s push to exchange mining assets for military and diplomatic support shows just how desperate the Kinshasa regime and the dire state of the conflict.
The DRC is home to some of the world’s most valuable minerals, including cobalt, copper, diamonds, and gold. These resources are crucial to global supply chains, making them a powerful bargaining chip. However, past experiences have shown that mining deals often fail to translate into lasting security gains, with local populations seeing little benefit from their country’s immense wealth.
Rwanda has repeatedly denied accusations of supporting M23, while the rebel group maintains that its fight is rooted in political grievances, particularly the treatment of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in eastern Congo. M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka has insisted that the group’s objectives are not tied to mineral resources but rather to securing rights for marginalized populations.
Originally from the United States, Nyiramacibiri played a significant role in preventing the extinction of gorillas in Volcanoes National Park. When she arrived, gorilla populations were dwindling due to poaching.
Nyiramacibiri arrived at the park in 1967 after spending time studying gorilla behavior. Over the 18 years she spent living among them, she gathered extensive knowledge on their feeding habits, social structures, emotional expressions, and more.
On the morning of December 27, 1985, the tragic news of her death spread throughout Rwanda, particularly in the former Ruhengeri Prefecture. She was found murdered in her cabin with six head and facial wounds, indicating she had been hacked to death with a machete.
Robbery was ruled out as a motive since the substantial cash she kept in her home was untouched. Additionally, her passport and a handgun remained undisturbed. Investigators found footprints of two individuals outside her cabin, and a hole had been cut into the wall.
Following her death, Rwandan authorities swiftly arrested her staff, including Emmanuel Rwelekana, who had previously guided Fossey during her fieldwork. While most were released the next day, Rwelekana remained in custody due to prior conflicts with Fossey that had resulted in his dismissal.
Nine months later, on September 29, 1986, the day before U.S. Embassy officials were scheduled to question Rwelekana, the Rwandan government announced that he had died in his cell, allegedly by hanging. This conclusion raised suspicions, especially among his family.
{{We have no proof that my father died- Rwelekana’s daughter}}
To this day, the circumstances of Rwelekana’s death remain unclear. His family never received his body nor any concrete evidence confirming his death.
Donata Mukarwego, born in 1980 in Rwambogo village, is Rwelekana’s daughter. In an interview with IGIHE, she recounted the day her father learned of Fossey’s death.
“My father was at home when he received the news. He immediately left the house after telling my mother that something terrible had happened,” she recalls. A few days later, gendarmes arrived to arrest her father and other staff members. Eventually, the family heard the news of his alleged death in prison.
“A man came to tell us that our father had died. Rumors spread that he either committed suicide or was killed. Among all the staff, only my father died, which left us devastated,” Mukarwego said.
Following Rwelekana’s death, his wife also passed away, leaving their children to face severe hardship.
Fossey died without ever conceiving a child
Jonas Nubaha, born in Kinigi in 1965, started working for Fossey at Karisoke Research Center in 1979. His duties included monitoring wildlife and setting traps for poachers.
“She hired people who knew the work well. We would report to her every morning with our findings,” Nubaha recalled. He remembered Fossey as a kind employer who treated her staff and local residents generously.
“On holidays, we would bring our families to celebrate with her. She provided food, drinks, and clothes for our children. She was a good person who treated us well,” he said. Despite working closely with the gorillas, Fossey’s staff remained cautious around them.
“She loved the gorillas deeply. We would stay back while she approached them. She played a major role in ensuring their protection,” Nubaha said.
Fossey’s work extended beyond wildlife conservation to supporting local communities, which earned her lasting admiration. “The problem is that she died without ever having a child. But even today, people continue to hold memorials in her honor,” Nubaha noted.
Fidèle Uwimana, another former staff member born in 1967 in Kinigi, described how he first encountered Fossey in 1984 during a community celebration. As a young volunteer, he would help with household tasks during staff holidays, receiving clothes in return.
Uwimana explained that the name “Nyiramacibiri” originally belonged to another researcher who was shorter than Fossey. When that researcher returned home, Fossey inherited the nickname.
{{Was Rwelekana wrongfully accused?}}
When asked whether Rwelekana was responsible for Fossey’s death, Nubaha remained skeptical. “Although some people suspected him, there was never clear evidence,” he said.
Rumors suggested that Fossey’s conflicts with local and foreign authorities might have played a role in her murder. Some believed that disagreements over whether the gorillas should be used for tourism rather than research created enemies for her.
Others speculated that she clashed with the Rwandan government, especially with local officials in Ruhengeri. Uwimana, who also knew Rwelekana and his brother, acknowledged that while Fossey and Rwelekana had a contentious relationship, the truth remains elusive.
“There were meetings at his home with foreign collaborators before Fossey died. It is hard to dismiss the possibility that he was involved,” he said.
Fossey was buried at Karisoke among the gorillas she had cared for, fulfilling her wish to rest alongside the animals she loved so dear.
“The government granted us permission to bury her there. To this day, her grave remains a place of remembrance,” Uwimana said.
This 24th cohort saw graduates leave with a combined earning of more than Frw110million which they acquired through various projects during their rehabilitation period.
At Iwawa, where the largest group of 4,916 students graduated, participants earned income by engaging in construction work, including the building of multi-story staff accommodations.
The National Rehabilitation Service (NRS) stated that these funds will serve as capital to help the graduates start their own businesses and become more self-reliant.
One of the graduates, Omar Niziyimana, who lost his parents at the age of seven and has no known family, was recognized for his exemplary behavior during his three years at Iwawa.
In a public declaration during the ceremony, NRS officials offered him a permanent government position at the rehabilitation center and pledged to provide him with family-like support.
The graduation ceremony featured performances by the students, including songs reflecting their reformation and commitment to good citizenship. Each graduate took an oath to uphold positive behavior and contribute to their communities.
Despite concerns that some graduates from rehabilitation centers may struggle to find employment and risk relapsing into delinquent behaviors, the government has promised that no graduate will be left without a job.
Minister of Local Government, Dr. Patrice Mugenzi, assured the graduates that measures are in place to facilitate their reintegration into the workforce. “No student who has completed their program will be left without work that aligns with their skills,” said Mugenzi during his speech at the Iwawa ceremony.
Inspector General of Police (IGP) Felix Namuhoranye also addressed the graduates, urging them to work alongside fellow citizens to protect Rwanda’s security and to avoid any actions that could destabilize the country.
The NRS continues to implement income-generating initiatives for those undergoing rehabilitation, ensuring that they leave with practical skills and financial support to sustain their future.
This cohort’s achievements mark a significant milestone in the government’s ongoing efforts to rehabilitate and reintegrate citizens into a productive society.
