The visit took place on April 10, 2026. During the tour, staff members were briefed on the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Ntarama and shown various pieces of evidence documenting the atrocities committed.
One employee noted that the visit served as a reminder of their collective responsibility to combat genocide ideology.
“Visiting the Ntarama Memorial reminds us that remembrance goes beyond the victims’ families. It is an ongoing duty that calls on all of us to actively fight genocide ideology. As Rwandans, we remain committed to standing against it and upholding these values,” the employee said.
Following the memorial visit, the staff travelled to Bugesera District to meet elderly women survivors residing at Impinganzima. They engaged with them in conversation and expressed solidarity during the ongoing national commemoration period.
The General Manager of Mövenpick Kigali, Médiatrice Umulisa, said the visit was intended to offer comfort and reassurance to the survivors.
“Today, as the Mövenpick Kigali Hotel family, we came to tell you that we stand with you, that we are close to you, and that you remain in our thoughts at all times. We are not here merely as visitors, but as your children and as friends who care deeply and wish to support you during this period of remembrance,” she said.
She added that their presence was also meant to reaffirm that survivors are not alone.
“We are here to support and comfort you. We will continue to stand with you and do everything possible to ensure you feel supported and remembered,” she said.
Olivier Granet, CEO of Kasada Capital Management, which manages Mövenpick Kigali Hotel, said Rwanda’s journey from tragedy to unity offers a powerful lesson to the world.
“It is difficult to comprehend what happened here and the weight of remembering it, yet what stands out is the country’s ability to rebuild unity, live together again, and look toward the future. This carries a strong message for the world, particularly in the times we are living in,” he said.
Mövenpick Kigali emphasised that Kwibuka is not merely a ceremonial observance, but a shared responsibility for all Rwandans and institutions, underscoring the importance of standing with and supporting survivors.
Staff members of Mövenpick Kigali visited the Ntarama Genocide Memorial on April 10, 2026. The staff members paid tribute to the victims laid to rest at the memorial and were briefed on the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi.After the memorial visit, the staff travelled to Bugesera District to meet elderly women survivors residing at Impinganzima.
He made the remarks on April 11, 2026, during a commemoration event marking the 32nd anniversary of the killing of Tutsis at ETO Kicukiro, where Belgian peacekeepers withdrew and left behind more than 2,000 Tutsis who had sought their protection, leaving them vulnerable to attack by Interahamwe militia.
Nduhungirehe said no professional soldier should have acted in the way the Belgian contingent did.
“Sometimes we soften it because saying that Belgian soldiers abandoned the Tutsis is an understatement,” he said. “When those troops were ordered to withdraw from ETO, they packed their equipment and even their dogs. Outside ETO there were Interahamwe waving machetes. Any professional soldier who carries out such an action, leaving civilians behind while seeing armed killers, is not merely abandoning them, it is handing them over to killers.”
He argued that the incident reflects a broader pattern of international responsibility in the events leading up to and during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which he said began long before 1994, during the colonial period under Belgian administration.
Colonial roots and early violence
According to Nduhungirehe, the first phase of foreign involvement began with colonial-era policies that institutionalised ethnic divisions, introducing identity-based classifications and governance systems that deepened divisions among Rwandans.
He said these policies contributed to violence against Tutsis in the post-colonial transition period, including the 1959 crisis, and subsequent killings between 1961 and 1963. He described this period as an early genocide in Rwanda in which more than 35,000 Tutsis were killed and many others fled into exile, with Belgian authorities implicated.
Preparation phase of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi
The second phase, he said, involved the preparation of the 1994 genocide. From 1990, when the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) began its liberation struggle, multiple foreign military presences were deployed in Rwanda.
He specifically cited French forces, noting that they remained in the country and contributed to training elements of the Rwandan army (ex-FAR) and the Interahamwe militia.
Nduhungirehe also referenced reports from UNAMIR forces, including communications by its commander, Lt. Gen. Roméo Dallaire, who warned of planned mass killings and requested authority to seize weapons caches.
“On January 11, he sent warnings to the United Nations saying there was a witness reporting that weapons were being prepared in Kigali to kill Tutsis,” Nduhungirehe said. “He asked for permission to seize those weapons, but he was told to report it to President Habyarimana. That decision, to inform a leadership involved in the preparations, reflected the UN’s failure.”
He said the international response amounted to inaction despite clear warnings.
Withdrawal of UN forces during the genocide
Nduhungirehe also cited the UN Security Council’s decision on April 21, 1994, adopting Resolution 912, which reduced UNAMIR forces in Rwanda from 2,548 troops to about 270.
“At that time the country was in mourning and genocide was ongoing,” he said. “But instead of intervening, the UN decided to withdraw its forces from Rwanda.”
The minister said that a third phase concerned the international recognition of the Genocide against the Tutsi, which he said was long delayed due to resistance from powerful states that preferred the term “genocide in Rwanda” instead of explicitly acknowledging its targeting of Tutsi.
He noted that it took 26 years for April 7 to be officially recognised as the International Day of Reflection on the Genocide against the Tutsi, a designation only formally adopted in 2020.
Call to youth
Nduhungirehe urged young people to remember that genocide ideology still exists and that it is their responsibility to fight it.
“All Rwandans are not yet fully liberated,” he said. “There are young people, especially those outside Rwanda, who still hold genocide ideology. I call on their peers to educate them, and if necessary, confront them with the truth.”
The 32nd commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi included the “Walk to Remember” and wreath-laying ceremonies at mass graves in Nyanza, where remains of more than 2,000 Tutsis who had sought refuge at ETO Kicukiro and were later killed are buried.
Participants took part in a commemorative walk in remembrance of Tutsis who had sought refuge at ETO Kicukiro and were killed after Belgian troops withdrew.The French Ambassador to Rwanda, Aurélie Royet-Gounin, laid wreaths at the memorial site.The Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Amb. Olivier Nduhungirehe, laid wreaths at the memorial site.Officials from various institutions attended the commemoration.The Chief Executive Officer of the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), Jean-Guy Africa, also attended the 32nd commemoration of the Tutsi killed in Nyanza, Kicukiro.
The monument also recognises the contribution of Ghanaian peacekeepers during the genocide, paying tribute to Major General Henry Kwami Anyidoho (Rtd) and the contingent he led, who played a key role in sheltering and protecting targeted Tutsis, alongside other African soldiers who intervened to save lives during the crisis.
The unveiling ceremony, held under the theme “Remember, Unite, Renew,” brought together members of the university community, representatives of the Rwandan High Commission, the Ghana Armed Forces, and other invited guests. Participants also joined a symbolic procession titled “A Walk to Remember,” reinforcing the importance of unity and collective memory.
The monument honours victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and also recognises the contribution of Ghanaian peacekeepers.
Speaking at the event, Rwanda’s Minister of Education and Guest of Honour, Joseph Nsengimana, commended the Ghanaian peacekeepers and other African forces for their role during the genocide. He emphasised African solidarity, noting that their actions reflected the principle that “our destiny cannot be outsourced.”
He described the initiative as a significant milestone in remembrance efforts, praising the university for raising awareness about the genocide and stressing that the lives lost, men, women, and children, remain central to shared African humanity.
Rwanda’s Minister of Education and Guest of Honour, Joseph Nsengimana, commended the Ghanaian peacekeepers and other African forces for their role during the genocide.
The university’s President and Founder, Patrick Awuah, said the Genocide against the Tutsi had a profound influence on his decision to return to Africa. He noted that witnessing the tragedy while working abroad strengthened his commitment to reshaping narratives about the continent through education and storytelling, and urged Africans to elevate stories of courage and resilience.
On behalf of the peacekeeping contingent, Major General Anyidoho expressed gratitude for the recognition and paid tribute to colleagues who lost their lives during the mission, saying their service was guided by duty and shared humanity.
He also reflected on Rwanda’s recovery, commending its progress in reconciliation and development, and called on African nations to prioritise peace as a foundation for sustainable development and the preservation of human dignity.
Participants joined a symbolic procession titled “A Walk to Remember,” reinforcing the importance of unity and collective memory.The unveiling ceremony brought together members of the university community, representatives of the Rwandan High Commission, the Ghana Armed Forces, and other invited guests.
Human DNA is made up of long chains of three‑letter units called codons. These codons tell the cell how to build proteins, and many of them can be different but still produce the same amino acid. Until now, scientists assumed that those different codons with the same meaning were interchangeable.
However, a research team from Kyoto University and RIKEN, led by scientists Osamu Takeuchi and Takuhiro Ito, has shown that cells don’t treat all codons equally. Some codons are more efficient at producing proteins, while others are weaker. The team discovered that cells actively recognize and silence the less efficient messages, giving stronger instructions priority in gene expression.
Central to this process is a protein called DHX29, which acts like a quality controller. The researchers found that DHX29 attaches to the ribosome the cell’s protein‑making machinery especially when it encounters these weaker codons. Once there, DHX29 recruits another set of proteins, the GIGYF2•4EHP complex, to selectively suppress the weaker genetic messages.
Co‑corresponding author Masanori Yoshinaga explained the importance of the findings:
“Together, these findings reveal a direct molecular link between synonymous codon choice and the control of gene expression in human cells.”
This discovery challenges the long‑held assumption that synonymous codons are functionally the same, revealing a hidden layer of genetic control. It could deepen scientific understanding of critical biological processes such as cell differentiation, balance within cells, and even the development of diseases like cancer.
The researchers say they will continue to explore how DHX29 influences gene activity in both normal physiology and disease.
New discovery reveals hidden “second code” in DNA that regulates gene expression.
A French military command document dated April 8, 1994, indicates that beginning on the morning of April 7, members of the unit that had been responsible for Habyarimana’s protection became active, launching attacks against Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) forces stationed at the CND (National Development Council). The document further states that political opponents and Tutsi civilians were arrested and killed during the early hours of the violence.
Among those killed on the morning of April 7 were Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, President of the Supreme Court Joseph Kavaruganda, and Minister of Labour and Social Affairs Landouald Ndasingwa, all members of the transitional government established under the Arusha Agreement.
The French government reported that violence and looting intensified as armed Interahamwe militias and disorganised soldiers moved through Kigali. It also noted repeated attacks on French forces operating in the city.
According to the same document, troops guarding Habyarimana’s residence surrounded bases hosting United Nations peacekeepers from UNAMIR, restricting their movement. It also indicates that some peacekeepers were killed during this period.
As security conditions in Kigali deteriorated rapidly, the French government concluded that the safety of its nationals was at risk and decided to urgently evacuate all French citizens from Rwanda.
This decision led to the launch of “Operation Amaryllis,” a military evacuation mission aimed at extracting French nationals from Kigali. Those located in provincial areas such as Gitarama and Butare were assisted in crossing into neighbouring countries, including Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) and Burundi.
To secure the evacuation in Kigali, France deployed special forces, some of whom were tasked with securing Kigali International Airport starting on the morning of April 9, 1994.
Additional commando units stationed in Bangui (Central African Republic) and Libreville (Gabon) were placed on alert to reinforce operations in Kigali if the situation deteriorated further.
Lieutenant Colonel Jean-Jacques Maurin, a security adviser at the French Embassy in Kigali, was appointed to lead Operation Amaryllis, while Colonel Henri Poncet oversaw troop deployment and coordination.
French forces were assigned to secure the airport, protect the embassy, and safeguard other designated assembly points where French nationals were gathered. They also escorted evacuees to Kigali International Airport.
The troops were instructed not to intervene in the fighting between the RPA and the former Rwandan government army (Ex-FAR), though they were authorised to use force in self-defence if their evacuation operations were obstructed.
In April 2022, Rwanda’s Minister of National Unity and Civic Engagement, Dr. Bizimana Jean-Damascène, stated that French forces witnessed Tutsis being killed by Ex-FAR and Interahamwe militias but did not intervene, focusing instead on evacuating French nationals.
“Those French soldiers watched people being killed but never intervened. They left them to die while continuing to evacuate their own people. They did not seek to stop the violence taking place in front of them, particularly at Kanombe airport, where many were killed,” he stated.
The evacuation order initially prioritised around 60 individuals considered at high risk, based on a list provided by French Ambassador Jean-Michel Marlaud. Subsequent evacuations were carried out in additional phases.
Among those evacuated on April 9 under Operation Amaryllis were members of Habyarimana’s family, including his wife Agathe Kanziga, their children, and close associates, all of whom were located at their residence in Kanombe, near Kigali International Airport.
Operation Amaryllis concluded on April 12, 1994. French authorities stated that the mission was successfully completed. Nine transport aircraft were used, including eight C-160 aircraft and one C-130.
Operation Amaryllis prioritised the evacuation of French nationals and designated individuals from Rwanda, as violence escalated and Tutsis who were being killed were left without assistance.
Delegations from both countries departed Islamabad on Sunday without a breakthrough, each side blaming the other for the collapse of talks aimed at ending a war that has killed thousands and disrupted global energy markets.
U.S. Vice President JD Vance, who led the American delegation, acknowledged the outcome shortly before leaving Pakistan.
“We’ve had a number of substantive discussions with the Iranians,” he said. “The bad news is that we have not reached an agreement.”
Vance emphasised that Washington’s key demands had not changed, particularly regarding Iran’s nuclear ambitions. He said the U.S. had sought firm guarantees that Tehran would not pursue nuclear weapons or the capability to rapidly develop them.
“We just could not get to a situation where the Iranians would accept our terms,” he added, describing the proposal on the table as the United States’ “final and best offer.”
Vance also revealed the level of direct coordination with Washington during the talks, saying he had spoken with President Donald Trump as many as a dozen times throughout the negotiations. Even as discussions continued, Trump downplayed the necessity of reaching an agreement.
“We’re negotiating. Whether we make a deal or not makes no difference to me, because we’ve won,” President Trump told reporters on Saturday.
Iranian officials, however, pushed back, accusing Washington of making unreasonable demands. A spokesperson for Iran’s foreign ministry described the talks as “intensive” but said progress depended on “seriousness and good faith” from the U.S. side. Iranian media reported that disagreements over the country’s nuclear programme and control of the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz were among the main obstacles.
The negotiations, held over two days and stretching overnight, marked the first direct high-level engagement between the two countries in more than a decade. They followed a temporary ceasefire agreed earlier in the week, which Pakistani officials have urged both sides to maintain despite rising tensions.
Pakistan’s Foreign Minister stressed the importance of preserving the truce, calling it “imperative” for regional stability. Officials in Islamabad had hoped the talks would pave the way for a broader de-escalation, but signs of strain were evident throughout the discussions. One source familiar with the negotiations described “mood swings” and fluctuating tensions as talks progressed.
Beyond nuclear concerns, broader geopolitical issues complicated the negotiations. Iran has reportedly demanded the release of frozen assets, war reparations, and greater control over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global oil route through which roughly one-fifth of the world’s energy supply passes. The U.S., meanwhile, has insisted on ensuring free navigation through the strait and curbing Iran’s nuclear enrichment capabilities.
The failure to secure a deal leaves the region in a precarious position. Although some oil tankers have begun moving through the Strait of Hormuz following the ceasefire, many vessels remain stranded, and global markets continue to react nervously to the uncertainty.
Adding to the volatility, fighting linked to the broader conflict continues elsewhere in the region. Israel has carried out strikes against Iran-backed Hezbollah targets in Lebanon, underscoring the risk of further escalation beyond the immediate U.S.-Iran confrontation.
Despite the setback, officials on both sides have not ruled out future negotiations. For now, however, the breakdown in Islamabad highlights the deep divisions that remain, and the challenges ahead in turning a temporary ceasefire into lasting peace.
Images showed Vance, who headed the US delegation, along with other members, boarding a plane back to the United States, just minutes after a brief press conference in which he announced that the round of negotiations in Islamabad had ended without an understanding.
In a statement, AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka said government forces shelled civilian areas on Saturday and continued the attacks into Sunday.
“The Kinshasa authorities have deliberately chosen to sabotage the negotiation process underway in Switzerland,” the statement said. “On the night of April 11, 2026, between 22:00 and 04:00, drone strikes targeted densely populated areas of Minembwe and surrounding locations.”
Kanyuka further protested that the actions reflect a refusal by the Congolese government to honor commitments linked to the peace process, and were intended to weaken the planned negotiations.
Delegations from the Democratic Republic of Congo and the AFC/M23 coalition are expected to meet for peace talks in Switzerland from April 13 to April 17, 2026.
The talks are being facilitated by Qatar, which requested Switzerland to host the discussions. They were previously held in Doha but were relocated due to regional instability linked to the conflict involving the United States, Israel, and Iran, which has affected several countries in the Middle East.
Media reports indicate that while Switzerland serves as the host, the process remains under the mediation of Qatar, with Qatari representatives expected to facilitate the proceedings via video conference to maintain the “Doha Process” framework.
In a statement, AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka said government forces shelled civilian areas on Saturday and continued the attacks into Sunday.
The research team, led by Flinders University in collaboration with international scientists, has determined that the immune system sometimes misinterprets a key blood protein, platelet factor 4 (PF4), as a virus protein. In extremely rare cases, this misunderstanding prompts the immune system to produce antibodies that cause blood clots to form.
Dr. Jing Jing Wang, the lead researcher, explained the significance of the findings:
“By modifying or removing this specific adenovirus protein, future vaccines can avoid this extremely rare reaction while continuing to provide strong protection against disease.”
This new understanding builds on previous studies and advances our knowledge of immune responses that lead to clotting disorders, particularly after the use of adenovirus-based vaccines, such as the Oxford-AstraZeneca vaccine.
These vaccines had been linked to the rare condition known as thrombosis with thrombocytopenia syndrome (TTS), which prompted the scientific community to seek answers.
Professor Tom Gordon, a senior expert involved in the study, emphasized the importance of this discovery: “It has been a fascinating journey with an outstanding international team of collaborators to solve the mystery of this new group of blood clotting disorders.”
The study’s findings highlight a phenomenon known as molecular mimicry, where the immune system mistakenly identifies the PF4 protein as a viral agent.
This insight is crucial for the development of future vaccines. With this new knowledge, researchers can modify the design of adenovirus-based vaccines to prevent this rare side effect, ensuring their continued effectiveness in preventing COVID-19.
This discovery represents a critical step in improving vaccine safety and advancing the understanding of immune responses to viral infections.
Researchers are optimistic that these insights will not only benefit COVID-19 vaccination efforts but also contribute to the development of safer vaccines for other diseases in the future.
Scientists discover key to preventing rare blood clots linked to COVID-19 vaccines.
Researchers at the Institute of Science and Technology Austria (ISTA) found that these imperfections are actually part of the solar cells’ success.
Unlike traditional silicon‑based solar cells, which need to be almost perfectly pure, perovskites use their flaws to help electric charges travel efficiently through the material.
The research, published in Nature Communications, shows that networks of microscopic defects inside perovskite crystals act like “highways” for electric charges.
When sunlight hits the material, it creates positive and negative charges that need to move through the solar cell to produce electricity.
These defect networks help separate and guide the charges so they don’t recombine too quickly, which boosts efficiency.
According to the scientists Dmytro Rak and Zhanybek Alpichshev, this mechanism explains why perovskite cells perform so well despite being less pure than silicon.
Rak said the team’s work “provides the first physical explanation of these materials while accounting for most if not all of their documented properties.”
Perovskite materials have been studied for about 15 years and are exciting to researchers because they can be made with inexpensive solution‑based methods. They also show promise for use in other technologies, like LEDs and X‑ray detectors.
This discovery may bring scientists one step closer to making cheaper and more powerful solar cells that could be used at large scale in the real world.
By understanding how these internal pathways work, engineers can design better solar technologies that don’t rely on high‑cost manufacturing methods like those used for silicon.
New research reveals how flaws in perovskite solar cells enhance their performance.
These talks, initially held in Doha, were relocated at the request of Qatar, the mediator in the process. The move comes as a result of escalating conflict involving the United States and Israel against Iran, which has destabilized parts of the Middle East and affected the region’s ability to host such diplomatic engagements.
According to reports published on April 10 by Jeune Afrique, the meetings will not take place in Geneva, and Switzerland will not play a direct role in the discussions. Instead, Qatari representatives are expected to participate remotely via video conference.
Among the key international figures expected to attend are Massad Boulos, Special Advisor to the U.S. President on Africa , and Vivian van de Perre, Deputy Head of the United Nations peacekeeping mission in DRC (MONUSCO) in charge of operations.
Mubita Luwabelwa, Executive Secretary of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), is also expected to take part.
The AFC/M23 delegation will consist of six members led by its Permanent Secretary, Benjamin Mbonimpa. At the time of reporting, the composition of the DRC government delegation had not yet been made public.`
This phase of the peace talks will primarily focus on facilitating humanitarian assistance. Both sides are expected to discuss practical measures to ensure that aid organizations can effectively deliver support to civilians affected by the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC.
One of the major expectations from the international community is the reopening of Goma International Airport, which has been under AFC/M23 control since January 2025. Earlier in 2026, Vivian van de Perre visited Goma and formally conveyed this request to AFC/M23 leadership.
However, tensions remain. Reports indicate that AFC/M23 has been reluctant to proceed with discussions on humanitarian matters while key prior agreements remain unfulfilled. These include adherence to the ceasefire and the mutual release of prisoners.
AFC/M23 continues to accuse DRC government forces of carrying out daily attacks on areas under its control using drones, fighter jets, and heavy weaponry, resulting in civilian casualties.
Although both parties previously agreed to establish a joint ceasefire monitoring mechanism involving MONUSCO and the ICGLR, this initiative has yet to become operational.
Following AFC/M23’s withdrawal from the city of Uvira in January 2026, MONUSCO forces were expected to take over and oversee ceasefire compliance. While assessment missions have been conducted, full deployment and active monitoring have not yet begun.
In a previous humanitarian gesture, AFC/M23 allowed the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to transfer over 1,300 soldiers and police officers who had taken refuge in its controlled areas near Goma back to Kinshasa.
In March 2026, AFC/M23 announced plans to release 5,000 DRC soldiers, expressing hope that the government would reciprocate by freeing detained members of the group. However, confidence in such a reciprocal move has been steadily declining.
Available information indicates that by early 2026, the ICRC had already identified the locations and identities of AFC/M23 detainees. Despite this, no progress has been made, as the DRC government has not agreed to release them.
AFC/M23 maintains that continued military offensives and the refusal to release prisoners demonstrate a lack of genuine commitment to peace on the part of the DRC government.
Instead, the group argues that the government still appears to believe that the conflict can be resolved through military means rather than dialogue.
Peace talks are set to resume in Switzerland amid unfulfilled commitments by the DRC Government.
