Zelensky published a letter on Thursday proposing a face-to-face meeting with Putin, with the participation of Europe and the United States, to discuss the peace process.
“I don’t see the point yet,” Putin said, answering a question about whether he would meet with the author of the “open letter.”
He added that he never refused to meet with Zelensky, but is against “beating around the bush.”
Putin said Russia does not need short-term agreements, but rather ones “for a long historical perspective” and solutions in place before such a meeting can take place.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Thursday that Zelensky can come to Moscow any time if he wishes to hold talks with Putin.
Russian President Vladimir Putin is pictured at a meeting with heads of major international news agencies attending the 29th St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF), in St. Petersburg, Russia, on June 4, 2026. Photo by Xinhua/Hao Jianwei
In a statement issued on June 5, Rwanda responded to remarks made by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio during a hearing before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on June 4.
Kigali noted Rubio’s acknowledgment that Rwanda is meeting its commitments and welcomed the continued engagement of the United States in efforts to address insecurity in eastern DRC.
According to the statement, the Washington Accords remain the key framework for tackling the root causes of conflict in the region.
However, Rwanda emphasized that the agreement places obligations on both parties and cannot be implemented selectively.
“The Accords cannot be implemented selectively, nor can obligations to be fulfilled by one party be separated from those to be fulfilled by the other,” the statement said, adding that regional challenges cannot be resolved through partial approaches.
Rwanda maintained that it is implementing its commitments under the agreement while accusing the DRC of violating its own obligations.
The government cited what it described as continued state support by the DRC for the FDLR terrorist group linked to perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Rwanda said the militia has operated from Congolese territory for three decades and continues to pose a direct threat to its security.
Kigali also raised concerns over what it described as the continued use of armed drones in civilian areas.
Despite the concerns, Rwanda reiterated its commitment to the Washington Accords and said it remains ready to work with the United States, regional partners and other stakeholders to promote peace, security and economic development in the Great Lakes region.
The statement comes amid ongoing diplomatic efforts led by the United States and regional actors to ease tensions and support lasting stability in eastern DRC.
The agreements signed by both parties include provisions for the dismantling of the terrorist FDLR group by the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC). Once this is achieved, Rwanda is expected to lift its defensive measures. The accord also includes the repatriation of refugees.
In terms of infrastructure, Rwanda and the DRC are expected to strengthen cooperation in the construction of the Rusizi III hydropower dam, which is projected to generate 206 megawatts of electricity and supply power to more than 300,000 people. The project is expected to be completed by 2030 at a cost of $800 million.
The agreement also covers the mining sector, where Rwanda and the DRC are expected to move beyond extraction toward local processing, in order to maximize benefits for citizens in the region. It further provides for the establishment of harmonized regulations governing the security of mineral trade.
The Washington Accords also stipulate that the two countries will collaborate in the extraction and processing of methane gas from Lake Kivu for electricity generation.
The Government of Rwanda maintains that both countries have significant opportunities for economic gain that could help prevent future conflicts.
The Government of Rwanda has reaffirmed its commitment to the Washington Accords and condemned DRC’s continued support to FDLR.
Gen Tshiwewe was arrested in early July 2025, seven months after serving as military advisor to President Félix Tshisekedi. He had been appointed to that position following his removal as Chief of Staff in December 2024.
He was detained alongside Gen Maj Maurice Nyembo, his former chief of staff, and several other officers, including Lt Col Adelart Mwiza, who was responsible for his personal security. The reasons for their arrest were not initially disclosed.
When Gen Tshiwewe was brought before the court, the military prosecution, led by Lt Gen Lucien René Likulia Bakumi, confirmed that his case file includes eight other senior officers and one civilian, Pascal Nyembo Muyumba.
The co-accused officers include Gen John Numbi; Brig Gen Chinyabuuma Pascal Kamukinde, both currently in exile; Gen Maj Nyembo; Brig Gen John Ngoy Kabila; Brig Gen John Sangwa Muhemedi; Col Guy Mukombozi Zahinda; Col Pathy Sangwa Lumbu; and Col Christophe Tshibangu Kenge.
The prosecution alleges that Gen Tshiwewe, alongside the senior officers and the civilian suspect, was involved in a coordinated plan to overthrow President Félix Tshisekedi’s government. The charges include treason, incitement of soldiers to disobey lawful orders, and illegal possession of firearms.
According to the prosecution, the alleged plot to remove President Tshisekedi from power was developed between 2020 and July 2025, when the suspects were arrested.
Gen Tshiwewe is said to have been recruited into the alleged scheme by Gen Maj Maurice Nyembo, a close associate since 2018. The two are reported to have held frequent nighttime meetings, allegedly attended by other FARDC officers opposed to the current administration.
As the alleged plan evolved, Gen Tshiwewe is accused of relying on several senior officers, including one Brigadier General and two Colonels, to advance its objectives.
On July 9, 2025, security forces searched Gen Tshiwewe’s residence in the Gombe commune of Kinshasa, where they reportedly discovered a significant cache of weapons, including AK-47 rifles, RPG launchers, PKM machine guns, more than 4,300 rounds of ammunition, and grenades.
The prosecution argues that the quantity and nature of the weapons indicate they were not intended for personal protection, but were instead linked to the alleged plan to overthrow the government.
Pascal Nyembo, who is currently in exile, is accused of coordinating the alleged network, issuing instructions to participants, and providing financial support.
Gen John Numbi, a former Inspector General of the FARDC and former national police chief, is accused of inciting soldiers and police officers to disobey President Tshisekedi and support efforts to remove him from power, including through the use of social media platforms.
The prosecution further alleges that Gen Numbi recruited Brig Gen Sangwa into the scheme and provided substantial funding for its execution, including a reported USD 842,320 transferred to Gen Maj Nyembo’s account.
Regarding Brig Gen John Ngoy Kabila, prosecutors state that he acted as a liaison between networks linked to former President Joseph Kabila, who led the DRC from 2001 to 2019, and individuals allegedly involved in the plot.
The case further alleges that Brig Gen Ngoy received instructions from Pascal Nyembo to assist senior officers, including Lt Gen Philémon Yav Irung, Gen Zelwa Katanga, and former senior police officer Christian Kenga Kenga, in escaping detention so they could join the alleged network.
Brig Gen Ngoy is also accused of participating in discussions in which he allegedly expressed sympathy for Joseph Kabila and supported the idea of overthrowing the government, drawing parallels with the 2021 coup in Guinea-Conakry.
Gen Tshiwewe was arrested in early July 2025, seven months after serving as military advisor to President Félix Tshisekedi. Gen Maj Nyembo is accused of recruiting Gen Tshiwewe into a plot to remove President Tshisekedi from power.Gen John Numbi, who fled the country in 2021, is accused of sending funds to support the plan.Among those brought before the court, Gen Numbi, Brig Gen Chinyabuuma, and Pascal Nyembo were absent as they are in exile.
Speaking during celebrations marking the 250th anniversary of the independence of the United States at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali on Thursday, June 5, 2026, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, acknowledged Washington’s role in regional mediation initiatives and expressed hope that ongoing peace efforts would deliver lasting stability.
“Rwanda appreciates the continued support of the United States for regional mediation initiatives aimed at resolving the conflict in eastern DRC,” Nduhungirehe said. “We remain hopeful that these peace efforts, provided that they are fair and aimed at addressing the root causes of the conflict, will soon bear fruit.”
The minister said a successful peace process would contribute to durable security for Rwanda and its borders, greater stability across the Great Lakes region, and expanded opportunities for regional economic integration, trade and investment.
The United States has played a central role in diplomatic efforts to resolve tensions between Rwanda and the DRC through what became known as the Washington Process. The initiative ran alongside other mediation tracks, including the Luanda Process and Qatar-facilitated talks.
Those efforts culminated in the signing of the Washington Accords for Peace and Prosperity in Washington, D.C., on December 4, 2025. The agreement outlined commitments aimed at addressing longstanding security concerns in the region, including the neutralisation of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group linked to perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. The accord also provided for the lifting of Rwanda’s defensive measures as security conditions improved.
Despite the diplomatic breakthrough, the security situation in eastern DRC remains fragile, with fighting involving the M23 rebel movement and Congolese government forces continuing to fuel instability and humanitarian concerns.
Nduhungirehe’s comments came as Rwanda and the United States celebrated deepening bilateral ties across multiple strategic sectors.
In his address, the minister highlighted the significant progress in the partnership, noting that cooperation has evolved into a strategic relationship delivering tangible results. He pointed to the launch last year of the first Rwanda-U.S. Strategic Bilateral Dialogue, which has broadened engagement in health, trade, security, education, technology, and investment.
Nduhungirehe welcomed the recent signing of a Memorandum of Understanding on Strategic Civil Nuclear Energy Cooperation during the Nuclear Energy Innovation Summit for Africa in Kigali in May 2026. He also expressed Rwanda’s keen interest in expanding cooperation in space exploration with NASA under the Artemis Accords, alongside growing American investments, including a recent tungsten shipment by Trinity Metals.
He further praised U.S. support in health, particularly during the Ebola-Bundibugyo outbreak, and collaboration with American firms such as Zipline that are deploying artificial intelligence to improve healthcare delivery.
“As we look ahead, it is clear that the best chapters of Rwanda-United States relations are still being written,” Nduhungirehe said. “The opportunities before us are significant, and together we can continue building a partnership that delivers lasting benefits for both our countries and our peoples.”
U.S. Chargé d’Affaires ad interim John Armiger, who hosted the event, struck a warm and personal tone, sharing how he and his family first visited Rwanda as tourists before deciding to live in the country. Armiger praised Rwanda’s “welcoming spirit” and its global reputation as a safe haven for the vulnerable.
He drew historical parallels between the two nations, noting that both chose unity over division and celebrate defining moments of national rebirth on the same day, July 4th, which is America’s Independence Day and Rwanda’s Kwibohora (Liberation Day).
“Both of our nations understand that our greatest strength lies not in our divisions, but in our shared identity and our shared future,” Armiger said, adding that the United States is honoured to be Rwanda’s partner.
The anniversary celebration marked not only 250 years of American independence but also more than six decades of diplomatic relations between Rwanda and the United States, with both sides expressing strong optimism about future cooperation and regional stability.
Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, and U.S. Chargé d’Affaires ad interim John Armiger toast during the 250th anniversary of the independence of the United States at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali on Thursday, June 5, 2026.The celebrations brought together diplomats, government officials, members of the international community, and guests from both Rwanda and the United States to mark 250 years of U.S. independence and the enduring partnership between the two countries.Envoys representing various countries attended the event.Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, acknowledged Washington’s role in regional mediation initiatives and expressed hope that ongoing peace efforts would deliver lasting stability.U.S. Chargé d’Affaires ad interim John Armiger, who hosted the event, struck a warm and personal tone, sharing how he and his family first visited Rwanda as tourists before deciding to live in the country. Armiger praised Rwanda’s “welcoming spirit” and its global reputation as a safe haven for the vulnerable.The anniversary celebration marked not only 250 years of American independence but also more than six decades of diplomatic relations between Rwanda and the United States, with both sides expressing strong optimism about future cooperation and regional stability.
The warning comes as a fragile ceasefire reached in April remains in place despite weeks of escalating clashes. The United States and Iran have seen some of their most intense confrontations recently, including American strikes on Iran’s Qeshm Island and Iranian attacks on regional U.S. military installations.
U.S. officials said the repeated flare-ups have intensified pressure on Trump and raised questions about the durability of the truce.
Over the weeks, Trump and his administration were reportedly working on a memorandum of understanding with Tehran that would lay out a framework for negotiations over roughly 60 days. But those efforts appeared to have lost momentum by Tuesday, when Iran’s semi-official Fars News Agency reported that talks between the two sides had stalled.
Israel and Lebanon agreed on Wednesday to move forward with a ceasefire, according to a joint statement issued by the two countries and the United States, despite lingering conditions, including a complete cessation of Hezbollah fire and the withdrawal of all Hezbollah operatives from the South Litani Sector.
Meanwhile, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has warned that Israel’s consecutive strikes on Beirut could trigger a return to full-scale war, tying the future of that conflict to the fate of the ceasefire between Washington and Tehran.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry also issued a statement on Monday, highlighting the U.S. and Israeli violations of an April ceasefire.
It said that following the ceasefire, the United States has repeatedly committed “flagrant violations,” including continuous attacks against Iran’s shipping, and Israel has “blatantly” violated the truce, as well as Lebanon’s national sovereignty and territorial integrity.
U.S. President Donald Trump has told his aides that he may reconsider the ceasefire with Iran if Iranian forces kill American troops.
However, statements attributed to former French President François Mitterrand indicate that he did not believe the RPF had a motive to assassinate Habyarimana at a time when the Arusha Peace Accords were paving the way for the movement’s participation in government.
The aircraft carrying Habyarimana and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira was shot down as it approached Kigali after the two leaders had attended a regional summit in Arusha, Tanzania.
At the time, Rwanda was implementing the Arusha Peace Accords, which were intended to end hostilities between the government and the RPF.
As part of the agreement, 600 RPA soldiers had already been deployed to the CND building in Kigali to protect RPF officials who were expected to join a broad-based transitional government.
The accords envisioned power-sharing arrangements that would integrate the RPF into state institutions, including the executive and legislative branches, while also providing for the integration of government forces and the RPA into a unified national army.
The assassination of Habyarimana, however, was followed by the Genocide against the Tutsi, during which more than one million people were killed in a period of 100 days.
Records from a French Cabinet meeting held on June 22, 1994, show that Mitterrand regarded Habyarimana as a central figure in Rwanda’s political transition.
According to the meeting notes, France had supported the Rwandan government while encouraging negotiations with the RPF through the Arusha process.
Mitterrand reportedly noted that the agreements reached in Arusha appeared favourable to the RPF, which was on the verge of entering government institutions.
For that reason, he suggested that the assassination may have been the work of Hutu hardliners opposed to the peace process.
Similar conclusions have appeared in other accounts. A previously classified report by the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reportedly indicated that the attack on Habyarimana’s aircraft may have been carried out by extremist elements within the former government forces, including members of the presidential guard.
The report also alleged that those groups had access to anti-aircraft weapons capable of carrying out such an operation.
This was also explored in Stepp’d in Blood: Akazu and the Architects of the Rwandan Genocide Against the Tutsi, a book by investigative journalist Andrew Wallis.
According to Wallis, individuals within the president’s inner circle feared losing political influence as Habyarimana moved toward implementing the Arusha agreements.
Wallis writes that, two days before the plane crash, Habyarimana informed his chief of staff, Enoch Ruhigira, that preparations should begin for the swearing-in of a new government that would include a broader range of political actors rather than members of the Akazu network alone.
The author argues that the proposal alarmed influential figures close to the president, prompting urgent consultations among senior military officers and political allies who opposed the power-sharing arrangement.
Mitterrand also maintained that French troops deployed in Rwanda should focus on protecting civilians rather than becoming involved in combat operations.
Nevertheless, France’s role during the conflict has remained the subject of intense debate. Critics have long argued that French forces worked closely with the former Rwandan army during the conflict and later facilitated the escape of some perpetrators of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
Operation Turquoise, launched by France in June 1994, involved approximately 2,500 troops deployed in southwestern Rwanda.
While France has described the mission as a humanitarian intervention, critics argue that it created a corridor through which members of the former army and Interahamwe militia fled into what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Mitterrand was considered as a father figure to Habyarimana.
“It’s very, very hard to get it … but nevertheless, I want to get at it,” Trump told reporters at the White House.
Despite recent strikes in the region, he said that the U.S.-Iran ceasefire taking effect in early April remains in place, suggesting that it is possible an interim deal could be reached “over the weekend” as the ongoing talks are advancing.
“The negotiation itself has gone very well – actually, very well – even if it happens, and it might not happen, but if it happens, it could happen like over the weekend,” Trump said.
“A ceasefire there is much different than a ceasefire in other parts of the world,” he said. “You know, I’d say in that part of the world, a ceasefire is when you’re shooting in a more moderate manner.”
Meanwhile, Trump claimed that Iranian officials have “changed their mind a couple of times, but as it stands now, we will go in sometime in the not-too-distant future.”
Iran’s naval forces have targeted the “command center” on a U.S. destroyer in the Gulf of Oman in response to U.S. “violations of the regulations” of the Strait of Hormuz and its “hostile” actions against Iranian vessels, state-run IRIB TV reported Wednesday.
Minutes later, the U.S. Central Command denied the claim on X.
Trump has said U.S., Iran to jointly dig out Iran’s buried nuclear material
The dinner followed the inauguration of the memorial dedicated to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, known as “Les Archives.”
The event forms part of President Macron’s broader efforts since taking office to rebuild and strengthen bilateral relations between Rwanda and France. In 2021, he visited Rwanda, where he joined Rwandans in commemorating the Genocide against the Tutsi and acknowledged France’s role in the events that led to the genocide, issuing an apology for the country’s past failures.
The dinner was attended by several high-profile figures, including Louise Mushikiwabo, Secretary General of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), and former French President Nicolas Sarkozy. Also present was Yonathan Arfi, President of the Representative Council of Jewish Institutions of France.
The dinner followed the inauguration of the memorial dedicated to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, known as “Les Archives.”President Kagame as he was received by his French counterpart, Emmanuel Macron.The dinner was attended by several high-profile figures.Louise Mushikiwabo, Secretary General of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF, attended the dinner.Yonathan Arfi, President of the Representative Council of Jewish Institutions of France, as he arrived at the Élysée Palace to attend the ceremony.
To sustain its activities, the FDLR, whose operations commander, Gustave Kubwayo, commonly known as Colonel Sirkoof, was on Tuesday sanctioned by the United States of America (USA), has relied on a network of revenue-generating activities in eastern DRC, including illegal mining, agriculture, cannabis cultivation and trafficking, and the charcoal trade. The proceeds have enabled the group to purchase weapons, maintain its operations, and recruit new fighters.
The FDLR armed group was formed by remnants of the former Rwandan Armed Forces and extremist militias that fled Rwanda after committing the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Over the years, FDLR has strengthened its presence by recruiting from Rwandan communities that have remained in the DRC and by establishing strongholds in territories such as Rutshuru and Walikale. Despite facing repeated military setbacks, the group has managed to adapt and survive.
The group’s anti-Tutsi ideology has not only targeted Rwandans but also Congolese Tutsis. In areas where it has operated, FDLR has been accused of killings, looting, and the displacement of local communities, forcing many residents to flee to neighbouring countries.
Rise of local resistance
As FDLR expanded its influence, local communities increasingly organised armed groups to defend themselves.
In 2005, residents of South Kivu, including Pastor Jean Musumbu, established the Mai Mai Raia Mutomboki militia to resist FDLR attacks.
A year later, former Congolese army officers led by Gen. Laurent Nkunda formed the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), citing the need to protect Congolese Tutsis from persecution by FDLR, particularly in North Kivu.
The emergence of CNDP highlighted growing frustration among communities that felt abandoned by both the Congolese state and the international community.
In 2008, members of the Nyanga community in Walikale created Nduma Défense du Congo (NDC) under Ntabo Ntaberi Sheka to counter FDLR violence and protect local populations.
Although NDC initially weakened FDLR’s influence in parts of North Kivu, internal divisions later led to the creation of NDC-R under Guidon Shimiray Mwisa, reducing pressure on armed group.
To sustain its activities, the FDLR has relied on a network of revenue-generating activities in eastern DRC, including illegal mining, agriculture, cannabis cultivation and trafficking, and the charcoal trade.
Joint military operations
In December 2008, Rwanda and the DRC launched a joint military offensive against FDLR known as Operation Umoja Wetu, followed by Operation Kimia II.
The operations dealt significant blows to the group, killing senior commanders and hundreds of fighters while encouraging others to return voluntarily to Rwanda.
During the 35-day Umoja Wetu operation in early 2009, 153 FDLR combatants were killed, including Lt. Col. Anaclet Hitimana, commonly known as Gasasira Kabuyoya. Thirteen fighters were wounded, 37 captured, and 103 repatriated to Rwanda.
Creation of proxy forces
Facing increasing military pressure, FDLR adopted a new strategy aimed at ensuring its survival.
According to retired Col. Augustin Nshimiyimana, widely known as Bora Manassé and a former FDLR operations commander, the group began organising and training Congolese armed groups composed mainly of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese Hutu communities.
The militias, collectively known as Nyatura, were established as local allies that would share FDLR’s ideology and help shield the organisation from military offensives.
“I was sent to establish Nyatura on the orders of Gen. Omega, the commander of FOCA,” Bora said in testimony about the group’s strategy. He explained that FDLR sought to recruit young people from Masisi and Rutshuru after suffering losses during confrontations with Raia Mutomboki fighters.
Training of the newly formed Nyatura groups reportedly began around 2010 and was conducted largely by FDLR’s elite CRAP unit under Guillaume Rurakabije.
Over time, multiple Nyatura factions emerged, including Nyatura-Domi, Nyatura John Love, Nyatura Kasongo, Nyatura Jean-Marie, Nyatura Kigingi, Nyatura Gatuza, Nyatura Abazungu, Nyatura Kalume, and Nyatura Karume.
According to former FDLR members, these groups operated in close coordination with FDLR and shared the same anti-Tutsi ideology.
Alliance with APCLS
FDLR also developed close ties with the Alliance of Patriots for a Free and Sovereign Congo (APCLS), a Hunde militia formed in 2010 under Janvier Karairi.
The two groups found common ground in their opposition to Congolese Tutsi communities and later cooperated in military operations.
APCLS traces its origins to PARECO-Hunde and previously fought alongside Congolese government forces against the M23 rebellion during earlier phases of the conflict in North Kivu.
Former fighters and regional analysts say FDLR, Nyatura factions, and APCLS often operate together, making it difficult to distinguish between members of the various groups on the battlefield.
FDLR fighters have also reportedly adopted tactics designed to avoid detection, including frequently changing names, rotating between units, and blending into local communities.
The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) continues to pursue its long-standing objective of destabilising Rwanda.
Ongoing debate over FDLR’s future
The dismantling of FDLR has remained a key issue in regional diplomacy.
Since 2025, discussions involving Rwanda, the DRC, and the United States have increasingly focused on neutralising the group as part of broader efforts to restore stability in eastern DRC.
However, critics argue that progress remains limited.
According to Congolese researcher Dr. Alex Mvuka, FDLR has become deeply intertwined with armed groups operating under the Wazalendo umbrella, including some Nyatura factions and APCLS.
Mvuka argues that disarming FDLR without simultaneously addressing Wazalendo groups would be difficult because of their operational links and shared networks.
As of June 2026, estimates placed FDLR’s strength at between 7,000 and 10,000 fighters. The group’s military spokesperson, Lt. Col. Octavien Mutimura, has claimed that its actual numbers are higher.
Mvuka further argues that FDLR continues to draw recruits from segments of the Rwandan population that remain in the DRC, as well as from Congolese communities influenced by anti-Tutsi narratives, while cooperation with allied armed groups continues to bolster its capabilities.
The FDLR armed group was formed by remnants of the former Rwandan Armed Forces and extremist militias that fled Rwanda after committing the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
He made the remarks on June 2, 2026, during the inauguration of Les Archives, a memorial dedicated to the victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi, where he was accompanied by First Lady Jeannette Kagame and other dignitaries.
In his address, Kagame reflected on his personal experience of displacement and Rwanda’s history of repeated tragedy, noting what he described as a “cycle of thirty years” between earlier violence in the 1960s and the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
He said, “The events of the Genocide against the Tutsi are within living memory. And so the work of memory necessarily begins with the word of survivors.”
Kagame stressed that survivors themselves carry the burden of history, describing them as “living memorials, not only by virtue of the visible scars of the body, but also the indelible wounds of the spirit.”
Speaking about the significance of the newly unveiled memorial, he said it plays a critical role in preserving truth for future generations: “The memorial before us is powerful because it sets the truth in stone and protects it from the heartlessness of time, by instructing the living.”
Kagame added that the memorial is not about validation, but respect, saying it stands as “a mark of respect for the dignity of Rwandans and our history.”
Turning to relations with France, Kagame commended President Emmanuel Macron for his approach to historical responsibility, stating: “President Macron, I want to commend you on both counts: courage and humanity.”
He referenced France’s acknowledgment of its past during Macron’s 2021 visit to Rwanda, noting the recognition that France “could have stopped the genocide but did not,” and describing such acknowledgment as more meaningful than an apology.
Kagame also praised earlier steps taken by France, including historic remarks by former President Nicolas Sarkozy, and efforts by journalists and researchers who helped document the truth of the genocide.
He said Rwanda’s engagement with its past and international dialogue has contributed to what he called an “irreversible journey towards truth.”
Kagame further emphasized Rwanda’s internal responsibility and resilience, saying the country has chosen to confront its history directly and invest in educating younger generations to prevent repetition of past atrocities.
He concluded by stressing that overcoming history requires political will, adding that the unveiling of the memorial in Paris represents a deeper commitment to peace, understanding, and remembrance.
French President Emmanuel Macron also paid tribute to the victims during the official inauguration of the memorial, emphasizing the importance of remembrance.
The French Head of State described the memorial as “the culmination” of the long process of recognition undertaken in recent years regarding the Genocide against the Tutsi.
According to Macron, the construction of the memorial in Paris now places the Genocide against the Tutsi “at the heart of the French capital and its history.”
He noted that the project is the result of years of dedicated work based on survivors’ testimonies, historical research, academic publications, and the sustained commitment of memory and remembrance associations.
The French President also recalled the speech he delivered at the Kigali Genocide Memorial in Gisozi in May 2021, when he acknowledged France’s responsibilities in the events that led to the Genocide against the Tutsi.
“I do not wish to take back a single word of what I said,” Macron stated, reaffirming his commitment to continuing the pursuit of truth between the two countries.
The memorial was inaugurated in Paris on Tuesday, June 2, 2026. President Kagame has hailed Macron for ‘humanity’ and the role played by his country to preserve memory of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. President Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame honored victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi at the unveiled memorial in Paris.
