For younger generations who did not witness the events of 1994, hearing accounts from elders offers a moment of reflection and a deeper appreciation of the peace they now enjoy and the country they call home.
For those who directly participated in the liberation struggle, the day is marked by solemn reflection on a difficult journey that shaped the nation’s destiny, a struggle that also came at the cost of many lives.
Each year on this date, Rwandans turn to archival and nostalgic photographs that capture moments from this historic period. These images, drawn from personal collections, public archives, and shared memories, document lived experiences, milestones, and Rwanda’s long journey of liberation.
Together, they serve as a powerful visual reminder of the liberation struggle led by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), under the leadership of President Paul Kagame, and its enduring place in the nation’s collective memory.
Here are the photos:
RPA forces moved into the Virunga Mountains through bushland after withdrawing from Mutara.This photo was taken after the RPA had liberated Kibungo.During the liberation struggle, sports played an important role, as soldiers would take time to relax and engage in recreational activities whenever the opportunity arose.RPA forces at the Kigali International Airport.Fred Ibingira during a conversation with a journalist about the liberation struggle.These are weapons that had been abandoned by FAR troops and were later recovered by RPA forces.
RPA troops in Kagitumba on October 22, 1990, during the early stages of the liberation struggle to free the country.A large number of RPA soldiers were young. The group shown here was photographed on May 26, 1994, as they advanced toward Kigali City.These RPA soldiers were photographed in a banana plantation within Kigali City during the liberation struggle to liberate the country.
RPA soldiers in Nyamata during the liberation struggle. At the time, they relied on small radios to receive updates on the progress of the war, and they listened to Radio Muhabura.Gen. Maj. Paul Kagame often engaged with the media, emphasizing that his forces were fighting for the right to their country and to protect Rwandans who had long lived in exile and displacement.RPA forces departed from Mulindi and moved towards the CND.Nearly all the RPA soldiers who participated in the liberation of Rwanda were young at the time they joined the struggle. They abandoned their education and peaceful lives, choosing instead a difficult path that ultimately led Rwanda toward a better future.The RPA began with very limited resources, lacking both equipment and established bases, yet it ultimately achieved victory through determination, resilience, and a commitment to justice.Wherever they were deployed, RPA soldiers were characterized by strong morale. This image captures one of their night moments, illuminated by a kerosene lamp.
High morale was one of the key sources of their strength, enabling them to remain focused and determined despite the challenges of the battlefield and the loss of fellow soldiers.Gen. Maj. Paul Kagame was compelled to suspend his studies in the United States and return to lead the liberation struggle, a campaign that ultimately resulted in victory.
Among the RPA soldiers who served as bodyguards to Gen. Maj. Paul Kagame were Mugisha Pepekale, Happy Ruvusha, James Kabarebe, Alex Kagame, Charles Kayonga, and John Gasana, who is seen seated.Following the liberation of the country, a new phase of reconstruction began. The area once known as “kwa Lando,” which previously looked very different, has now been transformed and is filled with modern buildings.Rtd Col Ludovic Dodo Twahirwa, seen wearing a red hat, was among those who played a key role in planning and conceptualizing how the military operations should be conducted during the struggle.Day and night, RPA forces studied military strategies aimed at winning the war and rescuing Tutsi civilians who were being systematically massacred.They gave up their youth and committed themselves to liberating their country.RPA forces arrived at the CND in Kimihurura, at the Parliamentary building, where they secured the area and rescued Tutsi civilians as well as RPF political leaders who were inside.Lt. Gerald Mbanda, former Head of Media sector Development at the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB), is seen alongside colleagues who worked at Radio Muhabura, the radio station affiliated with the RPA during the liberation struggle.Gen. Maj. Paul Kagame is seen alongside other RPF members, including politicians such as Tito Rutaremara, who is positioned on the right.Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame being sworn in as Minister of Defence after the country’s liberation.Following the liberation war, RPA forces continued their humanitarian efforts by locating survivors, rescuing those who remained in hiding, and ensuring they were provided with necessary care and support.The RPA did not abandon or discriminate against the refugees who accompanied them, ensuring they were treated with care and inclusion.From the outset, the RPA had a unit dedicated to helping soldiers relax and maintain morale during the struggle.A white sheep features prominently in this photo, where it was captured during a parade of the 101 Battalion.RPA forces after the capture of Kigali International Airport.Gen. Maj. Paul Kagame in Rusumo during the early stages of the liberation struggle to liberate the country.The RPA fought the war while simultaneously rescuing persecuted Tutsi civilians, providing safety and relief to those who reached its protection.The RPA intensified its military operations until it captured Kigali, marking the declaration of victory.Some of the RPA soldiers who participated in the liberation struggle to free the country.
The bamboo forests of the Virunga Mountains provided RPA forces with a strategic advantage in their operations against FAR troops.They had a limited number of computers, which they used for writing and communicating information despite their scarcity.Rtd Capt. Daphrosa Intaramirwa was among those who took part in the liberation struggle, which was characterized by courage and deep compassion. In this image, she is seen carrying a child who had just been rescued.This soldier is among many who performed acts of bravery, helping to save numerous lives, including those of young children. This image was taken in Kabgayi on May 25, 1994.During the liberation struggle, it was difficult to find proper facilities for treating the wounded. Medical personnel often operated in makeshift conditions in the bush, yet continued to perform their duties with dedication and efficiency.Gen. (Rtd) James Kabarebe was among the soldiers who took part in the liberation struggle and has continued to play a role in the country’s development to the present day.The RPA lacked adequate military equipment to match its adversaries, but it relied on strong ideas, determination, and strategy that enabled it to achieve significant progress.
“Mukotanyi” is a uniform considered to be part of Rwanda’s exceptional historical heritage.Young women sacrificed their youth and dedicated themselves to serving and liberating their country.Even injuries did not prevent them from continuing the struggle.This photograph was taken shortly after the end of the Genocide against the Tutsi. It shows an RPA soldier in Kanombe in conversation with United States soldiers who were deployed in Rwanda.These RPA soldiers were photographed in a banana plantation in Kigali City during the liberation struggle to liberate the country.They had very limited resources and were forced to conduct the entire operation with improvised means. Here, they are seen advancing toward Kigali City, with some carrying ammunition boxes on their backs.This photograph shows an RPA soldier in the outskirts of Byumba positioned near a machine gun. It was taken on April 17, 1994.This young man is among those who sacrificed their youth and chose to dedicate themselves to serving their country. He was photographed in Byumba on April 7, 1994.This soldier was photographed near Nyanza in early June, carrying an ammunition box.Following the capture of Kigali City by the RPF-Inkotanyi forces, life in the country gradually began to return to normal.This photograph of Gen. Maj. Paul Kagame was taken on May 11, 1994, in Byumba, during a meeting with José Ayala Lasso, who was then the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.On June 2, 1994, RPA forces were advancing toward Nyanza when they engaged in heavy fighting with FAR troops along the way.This RPF soldier was moving through a dug trench that had been used as a passageway. The image was taken in Byumba.Despite having very limited equipment, they made use of what was available to carry out acts of bravery that have become part of Rwanda’s history.This photograph was taken in southern Rwanda during the RPA’s liberation campaign. In many areas, the forces advanced on foot due to limited logistical capacity and scarce resources.Some RPA soldiers were photographed standing on one of the streets of Kigali on May 26, 1994.This RPA soldier was photographed in Byumba in the early days of April 1994.They fought the war with confidence that they would emerge victorious, and that belief itself gave them inner joy, motivation, and inner strength.
Day by day, despite the difficult and dangerous conditions, morale remained consistently high.This photograph taken on July 4, 1994 shows Gen. Maj. Paul Kagame, Commander of the APR forces (indicated by the blue arrow), alongside other soldiers after arriving in central Kigali.
The documents were recently uncovered by Seiya Matsuno, a historian and researcher at the International Peace Research Institute of Meiji Gakuin University, in Japan’s National Archives.
Matsuno said the materials not only provide new evidence about Japan’s wartime production of poison gas munitions but also illustrate the dark reality of a government and military apparatus that placed war above society and human life.
The newly found document, titled “Compilation of Reports on the Implementation of Military Mobilization,” is a production report covering fiscal 1941 operations at the Sone Manufacturing Plant of the Tokyo Second Army Arsenal.
Matsuno analyzed the material and published his findings in the June 2026 issue of the Japanese magazine Sekai.
According to Matsuno’s research, the Sone plant, formerly located in Kitakyushu City in Fukuoka Prefecture, was responsible for filling artillery shells with toxic chemical agents and assembling poison gas bombs. The facility also manufactured smoke shells and incendiary bombs.
The material documents accidents that occurred during poison gas bomb production and the injuries suffered by workers. Until now, such incidents had largely been known only through testimonies from former employees. The newly discovered records provide documentary evidence supporting those accounts.
Matsuno told Xinhua that the material also shows how poison gas bomb production expanded alongside Japan’s growing war efforts. During fiscal 1941, the Sone plant increased its workforce and boosted output.
He noted that, at the time, Japan was continuing its war in China, preparing for a possible conflict with the Soviet Union and planning military expansion into Southeast Asia.
Matsuno emphasized that the Japanese military’s use of chemical weapons in China and elsewhere violated international law, adding that the military also conducted human experiments and committed other war crimes, which reflected the brutal nature of Japan’s wartime aggression.
Under the rule of Japanese militarism, the country became increasingly consumed by war fervor.
Matsuno said that the newly discovered records reveal a period in which the government and military subordinated all aspects of society to the war effort, while dissenting voices were systematically suppressed.
War brings only suffering and misfortune, Matsuno noted, stressing the importance of uncovering the realities of wartime history to prevent similar tragedies from recurring.
Understanding how Japan became a country that inflicted serious harm on many Asian nations, and examining the conditions that made such developments possible, remain important tasks for contemporary Japanese society, he added.
Newly discovered historical records have shed fresh light on the operations of a Japanese poison gas bomb factory during World War II.
Biak Numfor Police Chief Ari Trestiawan said the grenade was found at the blast site and safely detonated by a bomb disposal unit at around 6:00 p.m. local time.
Residents have been warned to stay away from the area until it is declared free of explosive materials.
Police have not yet begun a formal crime scene investigation pending the completion of site sterilization efforts.
The explosion occurred at a fishery complex in Biak Kota district on Sunday afternoon, killing five people, including two children. Three others remain missing, and 19 people were injured.
The blast also damaged nine houses occupied by 10 families, displacing 55 residents who are currently being sheltered by local authorities.
The Mills bomb was first developed during World War One
In 1996, as the camps began to be dismantled and refugees were encouraged to return home, Musabyemungu decided to repatriate and join fellow Rwandans in rebuilding a nation devastated by the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
While many civilians returned, former government soldiers (Ex-FAR) and Interahamwe militia members refused to do so. Instead, they organised armed groups with the aim of launching attacks on Rwanda and reclaiming power. Their continued presence eventually prompted military operations to facilitate their repatriation.
In 2000, these groups formally established the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a rebel movement that sought to continue armed operations against Rwanda. Musabyemungu’s husband, Jérôme Ngendahimana, then a colonel, became commander of the group’s Second Division before later being appointed head of intelligence.
Speaking to KP Media24, Musabyemungu recalled how her efforts to bring combatants home began in 2001 after RPA forces captured approximately 2,000 FDLR fighters and transferred them to Mudende, in present-day Rubavu District.
“I decided to go and see them because I knew many of them,” she said. “Some had studied with me, worked with me, or lived with me in the refugee camps. I wanted to talk to them, explain the situation, and encourage them to return to their country.”
During one of those visits, Musabyemungu met James Kabarebe, who was serving as Chief of Defence Staff of the Rwanda Defence Forces at the time. Impressed by her determination, he agreed to support her proposal to travel into the forests of eastern Congo and persuade other FDLR members, including her husband, to return to Rwanda.
Two years later, in 2003, Musabyemungu embarked on the mission. She travelled across Lake Kivu to Bukavu and continued on foot through dense forests to reach FDLR-controlled territory.
Upon her arrival, she was housed with the wives of FDLR fighters, as many members of the group distrusted her motives. She later learned that some individuals within the movement had proposed killing her, but the group’s commander, Paul Rwarakabije, repeatedly intervened to protect her.
“Commander Rwarakabije saved my life,” she said. “Whenever reports recommending my execution were brought to him, he would reject them. Sometimes he would say, ‘Leave her alone; I will deal with her myself.’ At other times he would insist that they could not kill me before my husband arrived.”
Musabyemungu explained that her husband was stationed roughly a week’s journey away from the location where she first arrived. When she eventually reached him, she seized an opportunity to speak with him privately.
She told him she had come to take him home and relayed assurances from Gen. Kabarebe that he would be welcomed back and allowed to live peacefully in Rwanda.
Initially sceptical, Ngendahimana struggled to believe the guarantees. He asked for three days of fasting and prayer before making a decision. At the end of that period, he agreed to return, though he remained uncertain about what awaited him during the journey and upon arrival in Rwanda.
In October 2003, after a difficult trek through the forests of eastern Congo, Musabyemungu and Ngendahimana reached Bukavu before crossing into Rwanda through Rusizi. They later travelled to Kigali, where they were personally received by Gen. Kabarebe.
“It was already night when we arrived in Kigali,” she recalled. “I felt immense relief because I had managed to bring him back alive.”
According to Musabyemungu, Kabarebe welcomed them into his home and shared a meal with them.
Soon after Ngendahimana’s return, Kabarebe contacted Rwarakabije by telephone to inform him that the former FDLR commander’s colleague had safely arrived in Rwanda. He then entrusted Musabyemungu with another mission of bringing Rwarakabije home as well.
Musabyemungu said she later spoke directly with Rwarakabije, who told her he would only return if she personally came back to the forests and accompanied him to Rwanda, just as she had done with her husband.
“He had refused to come,” she said. “He told me that he would only return if I came back for him. I agreed and returned to Congo. By then, I was no longer thinking about the possibility of being killed. I was only focused on the outcome.”
Ngendahimana supported the new mission and assured Kabarebe that his wife was capable of accomplishing it.
Musabyemungu described the second mission as even more challenging than the first.
“The first time, I had my husband with me. If something happened, we would face it together. This time, I was alone. Reaching Rwarakabije’s base and convincing him to leave was much more difficult,” she said.
In November 2003, she successfully escorted Rwarakabije back to Rwanda. He returned alongside more than 120 soldiers, including 12 officers.
“When we reached Rusizi, an aircraft was sent to transport us because we were such a large group,” she said. “When we landed at Kanombe, senior military officers and generals were waiting for us.”
The return of Rwarakabije and the officers dealt a major blow to the FDLR. Musabyemungu said the group also brought back weapons and equipment from the movement’s headquarters, making it significantly harder for the organisation to regroup and rebuild its capabilities.
Following his repatriation, Rwarakabije joined the Rwanda Defence Forces and rose to the rank of Major General. After retiring from military service, he was appointed Commissioner General of the Rwanda Correctional Service.
Ngendahimana also joined the Rwanda Defence Forces and retired with the rank of Major General.
For her part, Musabyemungu continued her education, earning postgraduate qualifications from the former National University of Rwanda and later from Kigali Independent University (ULK). Between 2008 and 2013, she served as a member of Rwanda’s Parliament.
Maj. Gen. (Rtd) Jérôme Ngendahimana returned to Rwanda in October 2003.Maj. Gen. (Rtd) Paul Rwarakabije returned to Rwanda in November 2003, along with 120 other fighters.Anne Marie Musabyemungu said the mission to repatriate the generals was highly challenging, but that she remained confident.
This dangerous ideology intensified during the genocide, with the aim of accelerating the extermination of Tutsis across Rwanda. In just 100 days, from April 7 to July 4, 1994, more than one million Tutsis were killed simply because of their identity.
The Habyarimana regime deliberately promoted hateful language and stereotypes intended to dehumanize Tutsis and strip them of their dignity. They were increasingly accused of being accomplices of the RPF Inkotanyi and became targets of systematic persecution.
After learning that the commander of the RPA forces, Maj Gen Fred Gisa Rwigema, had been killed during the liberation struggle on October 2, 1990, authorities in the former Gisenyi Prefecture organized residents to participate in a mock burial ceremony. People were instructed to carry banana leaves and tree branches symbolizing Rwigema’s body.
In Rugamba Sector, within the former Kayove Commune, local leaders, teachers, students, and security personnel marched to the Butana River, where they dug pits and buried the bundles. Afterwards, celebrations were held to mark what they described as the “burial” of Rwigema.
Tensions escalated further following the deployment of a third battalion of 600 RPA soldiers to the former parliamentary building, known at the time as the CND, on 28 December 1993.
The soldiers had been assigned to protect RPF Inkotanyi politicians who were preparing to take up positions in state institutions under the Arusha Peace Accords.
Extremists within Habyarimana’s government were angered by the presence of the RPA soldiers at the CND.
Unable to attack them directly, they instead targeted Tutsis across the country, killing them while claiming they were “sending them to join their relatives” at the CND.
It was in this context that several locations and mass graves throughout Rwanda came to be known as “CND.”
Among them were sites in Kabuga in present-day Gasabo District, Rutabo in Ntongwe, and Cyugaro marsh in Ntarama, Bugesera District.
Retired Lt Col Régis Rurangirwa, who was among the RPA soldiers stationed at the CND and hails from Ntongwe, told IGIHE that the mass grave in Rutabo was dug in 1992 by teacher Jacques Habimana, then president of the extremist CDR party in Ntongwe Commune.
“It is a pit where many people were thrown,” he explained. “People killed in Ntongwe Commune, those murdered in Nyamukumba, and others captured later were dumped there. That is why they called it CND claiming they were being sent to join their relatives at the CND.”
Lt Col (Rtd) Rurangirwa further explained that a man known as Nsabimana, nicknamed “Pilato,” had placed a chair near the pit beneath a large tree, where he would oversee the killing of Tutsis before their bodies were thrown into the grave.
“That man called himself Pilato,” Rurangirwa said. “There was a large tree near the pit, and in 1994 they placed a chair there. Every person they intended to kill was brought before him and humiliated. He would pronounce judgment while holding a stick and weapons. He considered himself more powerful than everyone else.”
He added that it was not until 2014 that the bodies of Tutsis dumped into the pit were exhumed and given a dignified burial at Ruhango District Genocide Memorial.
Historian and Senator Prof. Jean Pierre Dusingizemungu told IGIHE that bars frequented by Tutsis and other places associated with them were often labeled “CND” in an attempt to portray them as connected to the RPA soldiers stationed at the parliament building.
“In other words, it was a way of identifying such places as centers associated with Tutsis,” he explained. “The pits they dug were symbolically linked to the CND. They used to fire bullets at the CND building, believing they were targeting Inkotanyi soldiers inside. There were both soldiers and politicians there.”
He continued, “Any place they suspected was frequented by Tutsis was immediately labeled CND so they could justify attacking or killing people there. They wanted to create the impression that such places were legitimate targets.”
Today, locations that were labeled “CND” remain important historical sites linked to the Genocide against the Tutsi and are preserved as memorials. In Ntarama, annual commemorations are held in honor of the victims killed there, while the mass grave in Rutabo has been protected and preserved as a genocide memorial site.
Many Tutsis were killed at Cyugaro marsh in Ntarama.A genocide memorial site was set up at the marshThe pit dug by Nsabimana, also known as Pilato, in Rutabo, formerly part of Ntongwe Commune, was named ‘CND’.Senator Prof. Dusingizemungu explained that places considered to be frequented by Tutsis were commonly referred to as ‘CND’.
The project, titled “Inkingi z’Amazina y’Abacu”, was unveiled on May 14, 2026. It features names presented in a 3D digital structure, forming pillar-like columns that continuously display and honour the victims.
The initiative was inspired by Ancialla Umubyeyi, a resident of Vienna, Austria, who initially envisioned a physical wall bearing the names of victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi whose families live in Austria.
Although the idea was not approved in Austria, she later discussed it with memorial artists Béla Marx and Gilles Mussard, who are involved in remembrance projects combining art and memory. They advised her to transform the concept into a digital installation instead of a physical structure.
Umubyeyi explained that the project began with three digital pillars displaying 250 names provided by members of the Rwandan community in Austria. However, she said the number was too limited, prompting the team to collaborate with genocide memorials in Rwanda to ensure the use of verified names with clear historical records.
“We started with 250 names given by people living in Austria, but we realised this was not enough. We then requested to work with memorial sites in Rwanda so that we could use verified names with clear origins, which can help all Rwandans remember,” she said.
The Executive Secretary of Ibuka, Ahishakiye Naphtal, said the project represents another step forward in helping Rwandans, especially young people, to remember and learn about the history of the genocide.
“Genocide was not only about killing people, but also about erasing their identity, their history, and dehumanising them. This initiative restores dignity to each name and gives it a place in our shared history,” he said.
Aegis Trust, Rwanda Country Director Alphonse Munyantwali, said the project combines art, technology, and remembrance in a unique and meaningful way.
“This initiative will help us remember through technology by preserving and displaying the names of those killed in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. It is a way of continuing to honour every name, every life, and every story. It also helps present the truth and counter genocide denial and distortion,” he said.
The project is expected to take five years to complete. It will eventually include all names recorded in genocide memorials across Rwanda, with plans to later add more personal details such as where victims lived, their families, and other historical information.
The project, titled “Inkingi z’Amazina y’Abacu”, was unveiled on May 14, 2026. The project features names presented in a 3D digital structure, forming pillar-like columns that continuously display and honour the victims. The Executive Secretary of Ibuka, Ahishakiye Naphtal, said the project represents another step forward in helping Rwandans, especially young people, to remember and learn about the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The Government of Rwanda launched the nationwide program in 2019 to streamline Genocide memorials, with the aim of better preserving the history and evidence of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Vedaste Ngarambe, President of Ibuka and also Chairperson of the District Advisory Council in Karongi, said the process is underway in the district.
Among the memorials already consolidated are Murangara, whose remains were transferred to Mubuga, and Bukiro, which was merged into Nyange Memorial in Ngororero District.
“The process is ongoing. The Gahunduguru memorial in Ruganda Sector will be relocated to Birambo Memorial in Gashali Sector. Mukimba memorial in Rugabano Sector will also be moved to Birambo,” he said.
District officials explained that the remaining consolidations have been delayed due to the need to upgrade Birambo Memorial, which is set to receive additional remains. However, feasibility studies have been completed, and construction is expected to begin next year.
Karongi District Mayor Gelard Muzungu said that once the process is complete, nine memorial sites will remain. These include Birambo, Mubuga, Ngoma, Bisesero, Gitesi, Rubengera, Gatwaro, Home Saint Jean, Saint Pierre, and Nyamishaba.
“We still have memorials that require construction or rehabilitation. As a priority, we plan to begin with Birambo next year, where we will relocate remains currently buried in inadequate conditions at Mukimba and Gahunduguru,” he said. “Gitesi memorial has not yet been built and is in worse condition than Home Saint Jean and Saint Pierre.”
Muzungu added that the district plans to construct or upgrade at least one memorial each year to ensure that all sites properly preserve the remains of victims, as well as the history and evidence of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
In 2022, Karongi District had initially planned to retain five memorial sites under the consolidation program. However, additional sites—Home Saint Jean, Saint Pierre, Nyamishaba, and Gitesi—were later included, bringing the total to nine.
This adjustment followed further assessment of the specific circumstances and historical significance of different locations during the Genocide.
Nyamishaba Memorial, for instance, was retained because it holds many remains recovered from Lake Kivu and will serve as a key site for commemorating victims who were thrown into the lake during the Genocide.
In 2022, Karongi District had initially planned to retain five memorial sites under the consolidation program. However, additional sites—Home Saint Jean, Saint Pierre, Nyamishaba, and Gitesi—were later included, bringing the total to nine.
On April 9, 1994, three days after the start of the Genocide against the Tutsi, Grégoire de Saint Quentin, a technical advisor to the commander of the Para-Commando battalion, Maj. Aloys Ntabakuze, visited Kanziga’s residence in Kanombe. He reportedly informed her that French President François Mitterrand had requested that she and her family be evacuated to France immediately.
Kanziga, whose husband had been killed on April 6, 1994, when the presidential aircraft was shot down near Kigali, was instructed to prepare for immediate departure. She and her entourage were given little time to gather their belongings, with each person allowed only one bag and approximately 30 minutes to get ready.
At around 3 p.m. that day, French soldiers escorted Kanziga and 11 members of her family and friends to Kigali International Airport.
Among those with Kanziga were her three children, her younger sister Catherine Mukamusoni and her four children, as well as her son-in-law Alphonse Ntirivamunda. They were transported on a C-130 military transport aircraft.
The aircraft also carried Kanziga’s cousin, Twahirwa Séraphin, who had insisted on being evacuated, claiming he was seriously ill. It also carried two other families.
Reports indicate that Twahirwa had made prior financial arrangements to leave the country, including the conversion of Rwandan francs and the deposit of approximately 1 million USD into an account at Belgolaise Bank.
All of them departed Kigali at 7 p.m., heading to Bangui in the Central African Republic.
Agathe Kanziga chose to flee, leaving the country in the hands of Col. Théoneste Bagosora and her brother, Protais Zigiranyirazo. Members of the “Akazu” reportedly agreed to her departure, believing she would return soon once the country was “restored to peace.”
They also asked her to continue using her name in politics and her network of friends to help those who remained obtain military, political, and diplomatic support.
It is reported that French forces refused to transport President Habyarimana’s body, instead ordering that it remain in the mortuary of the military hospital in Kanombe.
In Bangui, Kanziga met a Polish nun named Editha, who ran her orphanage called Sainte Agathe, located in Masaka.
In deep sorrow, the nun told Kanziga that the Tutsi children in the orphanage had been killed on 7 April 1994, and asked her: “How could you allow such things to happen? The soldiers at least should not have done this.”
Kanziga told the nun not to blame the soldiers, saying they acted out of anger. She then asked her to remain silent and not speak further on the matter.
In the Central African Republic, Agathe Kanziga’s family was later flown out by an Air France aircraft. Upon arrival, she was welcomed with a bouquet sent by Mitterrand and a $35,000 financial support to help her start a new life.
She was also received by her two children, Jean-Pierre and Bernard, who were studying in France, as well as Marie Rose and Jean Claude, who were studying in Canada.
The family first stayed at the Forest Hill Hotel in Paris before moving into an apartment that Habyarimana had recently purchased in the city.
Kanziga’s reception in France was controversial, and every French official questioned about it reacted angrily to journalists.
Michel Roussin, then French Minister for Cooperation, once responded: “We had relations with a president who was elected legally; we evacuated his family because they requested assistance. It is not normal to blame France for acting this way. Other countries abandon leaders they had good relations with. What we did could have placed them in danger of death.”
Kanziga fled to France, believing she would return within days, expecting a swift military resolution. However, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) continued its advance, and the interim government eventually fled Kigali, relocating to Gitarama before crossing into what was then Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) following its defeat.
Agathe Kanziga, wife of then-Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana, fled Rwanda for France together with her children and close relatives three days after the Genocide against the Tutsi began.
A French military command document dated April 8, 1994, indicates that beginning on the morning of April 7, members of the unit that had been responsible for Habyarimana’s protection became active, launching attacks against Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) forces stationed at the CND (National Development Council). The document further states that political opponents and Tutsi civilians were arrested and killed during the early hours of the violence.
Among those killed on the morning of April 7 were Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, President of the Supreme Court Joseph Kavaruganda, and Minister of Labour and Social Affairs Landouald Ndasingwa, all members of the transitional government established under the Arusha Agreement.
The French government reported that violence and looting intensified as armed Interahamwe militias and disorganised soldiers moved through Kigali. It also noted repeated attacks on French forces operating in the city.
According to the same document, troops guarding Habyarimana’s residence surrounded bases hosting United Nations peacekeepers from UNAMIR, restricting their movement. It also indicates that some peacekeepers were killed during this period.
As security conditions in Kigali deteriorated rapidly, the French government concluded that the safety of its nationals was at risk and decided to urgently evacuate all French citizens from Rwanda.
This decision led to the launch of “Operation Amaryllis,” a military evacuation mission aimed at extracting French nationals from Kigali. Those located in provincial areas such as Gitarama and Butare were assisted in crossing into neighbouring countries, including Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) and Burundi.
To secure the evacuation in Kigali, France deployed special forces, some of whom were tasked with securing Kigali International Airport starting on the morning of April 9, 1994.
Additional commando units stationed in Bangui (Central African Republic) and Libreville (Gabon) were placed on alert to reinforce operations in Kigali if the situation deteriorated further.
Lieutenant Colonel Jean-Jacques Maurin, a security adviser at the French Embassy in Kigali, was appointed to lead Operation Amaryllis, while Colonel Henri Poncet oversaw troop deployment and coordination.
French forces were assigned to secure the airport, protect the embassy, and safeguard other designated assembly points where French nationals were gathered. They also escorted evacuees to Kigali International Airport.
The troops were instructed not to intervene in the fighting between the RPA and the former Rwandan government army (Ex-FAR), though they were authorised to use force in self-defence if their evacuation operations were obstructed.
In April 2022, Rwanda’s Minister of National Unity and Civic Engagement, Dr. Bizimana Jean-Damascène, stated that French forces witnessed Tutsis being killed by Ex-FAR and Interahamwe militias but did not intervene, focusing instead on evacuating French nationals.
“Those French soldiers watched people being killed but never intervened. They left them to die while continuing to evacuate their own people. They did not seek to stop the violence taking place in front of them, particularly at Kanombe airport, where many were killed,” he stated.
The evacuation order initially prioritised around 60 individuals considered at high risk, based on a list provided by French Ambassador Jean-Michel Marlaud. Subsequent evacuations were carried out in additional phases.
Among those evacuated on April 9 under Operation Amaryllis were members of Habyarimana’s family, including his wife Agathe Kanziga, their children, and close associates, all of whom were located at their residence in Kanombe, near Kigali International Airport.
Operation Amaryllis concluded on April 12, 1994. French authorities stated that the mission was successfully completed. Nine transport aircraft were used, including eight C-160 aircraft and one C-130.
Operation Amaryllis prioritised the evacuation of French nationals and designated individuals from Rwanda, as violence escalated and Tutsis who were being killed were left without assistance.
The attack took place on March 18, 1997, three years after the Genocide against the Tutsi, during a period when national security was still fragile, particularly in areas near the border with Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), where perpetrators of the genocide had fled. At the time, the students were aged between 17 and 22 and were well aware of Rwanda’s tragic history, including how ethnicity had been politicised before and during the genocide.
In interviews with IGIHE, survivors described how insurgents entered classrooms while students were reviewing lessons in the evening at around 8 PM. Urimubenshi Emmanuel, a sixth-year student, recalled:
“It started while we were having our evening meal, and at first we didn’t understand what was happening. We saw many people dressed in unfamiliar military-style clothing. There was a military post nearby, but the area had no electricity at the time. Those who had lights were using generators or solar lamps. Since we also had a generator and were used to soldiers coming to the school to connect radios, we assumed it was them, but soon we realised they were insurgents.”
The attackers demanded that students separate, with Tutsi on one side and Hutu on the other. A sixth-year student, Mujawamahoro Marie Chantal, responded by declaring,
“We are all Rwandans.”
The insurgents shot and killed her and continued firing, targeting other students. After lying on the floor to survive, the sixth-year students witnessed the attackers move to the fifth-year classrooms.
Fifth-year students, including Ndemeye Valens, who would later be killed, took cover under desks as insurgents entered. Two attackers were armed with guns and grenades, while a third stood outside with a machete. One student, Benimana Hélène, refused to separate by ethnicity, saying there were no Tutsi or Hutu among them; they were all Rwandans. She and several others, including Mukarutwaza Séraphine and Valens, were killed.
Survivors said that their upbringing at Nyange, which emphasised unity, prayer, and coexistence, helped them reject the insurgents’ demands and remain united.
The attack left seven students dead, six on the night of March 18, 1997 and one in 2001 from injuries sustained during the assault. The two schools had 47 students at the time; 39 survived, with one later dying in 2018 from illness.
Because of their courage, the Rwandan government recognised the Nyange students as National Heroes in 2001, placing them in the “Imena” category. Survivors later formed an association, Komezubutwari (“Continue the Heroism”), and some, like Rusizi District Mayor Sindayiheba Phanuel, went on to serve in government.
Urimubenshi reflected on the long recovery after the attack:
“Fear was overwhelming. Even at the hospital, we panicked at every sound. But the government supported us fully, covering all medical treatment and helping us recover. Their support reinforced unity and showed us the value of being there for one another.”
The Nyange students’ defiance that night remains a lasting symbol of courage and national unity in Rwanda, commemorated today alongside other heroes on Heroes Day.
