The three had previously been remanded in custody by the Nyarugenge Primary Court, which cited serious grounds to suspect them of the alleged crimes.
Prof. Munyaneza faced charges of abuse of authority for personal gain, making decisions influenced by favouritism, nepotism or hatred, and unlawfully receiving or granting payments beyond the legal limit.
Umuhumuza was charged with abuse of authority for personal gain, biased decision-making, and mismanagement of public resources. Murekezi faced a charge of complicity in abuse of authority for personal gain.
After being ordered to 30 days of provisional detention by the Primary Court, the trio appealed. Their case was heard on Tuesday, September 16, 2025.
On September 17, the Intermediate Court upheld their appeal, overturning the Primary Court’s detention order and granting them provisional bail.
On Tuesday, September 16, the General Delegation for Prison Administration and Reintegration (DGAPR) of Morocco and Rwanda’s General Commissariat of Correctional Services signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) in Rabat.
The agreement, signed by Morocco’s General Delegate Mohamed Salah Tamek and Rwanda’s Commissioner General Evariste Murenzi, aims to enhance collaboration on prison governance, particularly in facilities housing high-risk inmates. It also establishes a framework for sharing best practices and expertise in prisoner rehabilitation and post-incarceration reintegration.
Tamek described the MoU as a key step in bilateral cooperation, emphasising that it will facilitate experience exchanges, capacity building, and technical collaboration to modernise prison systems in both countries. He highlighted training programs for staff, improvements in prison security, and enhanced management of dangerous inmates as core areas of focus.
Murenzi welcomed the initiative as part of the broader strategic partnership between Rwanda and Morocco, established in 2016. He noted that the signing reflects Rwanda’s commitment to deepening bilateral ties and promoting institutional capacity building in correctional services.
Both officials underlined that the MoU will serve as a platform for future collaboration, with the potential to expand into other areas of shared interest.
At the beginning of 2025, the Belgian government spearheaded a campaign urging European Union member states and other wealthy nations to impose sanctions on Rwanda, accusing Kigali of supporting M23.
Prévot, who also serves as Deputy Prime Minister, argued at the time that sanctions would pressure Rwanda to “withdraw its troops” from eastern Congo. In his view, such punitive measures, which also extended to some leaders of the AFC/M23, could end the decades-long conflict in the DRC once and for all.
This stance led Rwanda in March 2025 to sever ties with Belgium, accusing the former colonial power of pitiful attempts to sustain its neocolonial delusions.
However, in a recent interview with Jeune Afrique, Minister Prévot acknowledged that dialogue is the only path to resolving the conflict. This position echoes Rwanda’s consistent call for the Congolese government to engage in direct talks with M23 instead of shifting the blame.
Asked why his government no longer views sanctions as a viable solution, Prévot explained that although they may exert pressure on targeted individuals or entities, sanctions are not a “miracle cure” for ending conflicts like the one in eastern Congo.
“What seems important to us is to be able to respond to the humanitarian emergency, knowing that the diplomatic resolution of the conflict is now in the hands of Qatar and the
United States,” he stated.
The Belgian minister added that his country would not interfere with the peace initiative led by the United States and Qatar. He warned, however, that if fighting resumes in the DRC and more cities fall, Belgium could renew its call for punitive measures.
“These are processes that we must support, not interfere with. Only if they were to fail or if military logic took over again, with, for example, new captures of cities, could the question of sanctions arise again,” he added.
“My dream was just to be known,” he confessed during a recent interview on the Long Form podcast, revealing a passion for recognition over riches that propelled him from Lagos streets to European stadiums.
In a candid conversation on the sidelines of the SportsBiz Africa Forum recently held in Kigali, where he featured as a keynote speaker and panellist, the African football legend shared insights on his improbable rise, the weight of fame, the financial savvy that secured his future, and his concerns about the fading flair of African football.
{{From Nigerian streets to European pitches
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Okocha’s path to football immortality was far from scripted. In 1990, at just 17, he arrived in Germany on a visiting visa, not as a scouted prodigy but as an opportunist seizing his brother’s trial opportunity at a third-division club.
This marked the start of a career that would dazzle at Eintracht Frankfurt, PSG, and Bolton Wanderers.
Facing language barriers, cultural shock, and even racism, Okocha leaned on his dream to “eradicate poverty in my family, my community.”
“My challenges were off the pitch,” he admitted, but his distinctive style, African flair fused with a relentless work ethic, won over sceptics in Germany’s disciplined football landscape.
“I needed an identity,” he said, determined to represent Africa uniquely.
{{Navigating fame and financial responsibility
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Okocha’s flair found a home in the English Premier League with Bolton Wanderers, where he became a cult hero. Despite offers from top-four clubs, he stayed, drawn by the fans’ passion and the challenge of elevating a smaller team.
“I felt wanted,” he said, recalling how his presence helped Bolton reach mid-table and compete in Europe. “One fan approached me and said, ‘Thank you. You’ve put Bolton on a European map that I never thought would happen.’”
Financially, Okocha was wise beyond his years. His first contract, a modest 5,000 Deutschmarks in 1991, was saved, not squandered.
“You can’t wash away poverty with champagne,” he remarked, rejecting the urge to splurge.
With no pension for athletes, in what he described as “you are basically your own government,” he invested solely in property to ensure stability after retirement.
“My contract money is for investment,” he explained. “Match bonuses, endorsements—that’s enough for nice cars, watches, travel with the wife.”
Okocha also tackled the “black tax,” the cultural expectation to support extended family. He made dependents part of his budget but set firm boundaries.
“You make it clear they have a limited time,” he said. “You’re trying to set them up, and they have to make it count.”
By buying houses and paying school fees, he secured their futures while safeguarding his own.
“I can’t suffer because you decide not to be responsible,” he stressed.
{{Highs and lows of a storied career
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Okocha’s career peaked with Nigeria’s gold medal at the 1996 Atlanta Olympics, a historic first for an African football team. The triumph came despite chaotic preparations, with unpaid buses and repetitive meals of rice and chicken sauce.
“We had to pay for accommodation,” he recalled, highlighting the team’s grit. Conversely, relegation with Frankfurt in 1996 and Nigeria’s failure to qualify for the 2006 World Cup were his lowest moments.
“I felt bad,” he said of Frankfurt, blaming a manager who “destroyed the team.” The World Cup miss in Germany, where he had first made his name, stung deeply.
{{Future of African football
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Okocha voiced concern over African football’s fading flair, as players increasingly mimic European styles.
“We are losing our identity,” he warned. “We are trying to play like Europeans, and we can’t beat them at their game.”
He attributed this to structured coaching that stifles the street-bred creativity of his era, when he and peers like Rashidi Yekini played for love, not just results.
“We were free,” he said, lamenting the shift toward predictable, pass-heavy play.
To revitalise African sports, Okocha called for better governance, with former athletes in leadership roles.
“No one will understand how an athlete feels except if you’ve been an athlete,” he argued, criticising the appointment of unqualified figures as “political settlements.”
He also urged for investment-friendly structures, noting that unappealing leagues deter funding.
“If the league is not interesting, you can’t get value for your money,” he said.
During the interview, Okocha also hailed Rwanda’s progress as a model for Africa, praising its leadership and ambition.
“Rwanda can be used as an example of what one can achieve if you have a good leader and citizens willing to follow,” he said, urging Nigeria to adopt its focus on implementation.
For young Rwandans and aspiring athletes, Okocha’s advice was clear: “Dreams do come true. There’s no limit to what you can achieve if you believe, but it will never be rosy.”
He emphasised discipline and resilience, urging them to embrace challenges and take risks. “Don’t be scared of trying,” he said, “because a foolish doer will always do a great thinker.”
Senior ABC journalist John Lyons had asked Trump how much wealthier he had become since returning to the White House in January.
“I don’t know,” Trump replied, insisting that his children were in charge of the family businesses. He then accused the reporter of undermining relations between the two nations: “In my opinion, you are hurting Australia very much right now, and they want to get along with me.”
Trump added that he would raise the matter with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, saying, “I’m going to tell him about you. You set a very bad tone.”
When Lyons attempted to continue his questioning, Trump pressed his index finger to his lips and said “quiet” before turning to another journalist.
The exchange comes as Albanese continues to seek face-to-face talks with Trump. A planned meeting in June was cancelled at the last minute after Trump left the G20 summit early to address developments in the Middle East.
Albanese confirmed in an interview with ABC Radio that he would meet Trump next week while in the US for the UN General Assembly.
“He’s hosting a reception on Tuesday night of next week. And as well, we’ll see each other at various forums that are taking place between now and the end of the year,” the prime minister said.
The farewell ceremony was held at Kigali International Airport on Monday, September 15, and was led by Maj Gen Vincent Nyakarundi, RDF Army Chief of Staff, alongside Commissioner of Police Vincent B. Sano, Deputy Inspector General of Police in charge of Operations.
Earlier on Saturday, Maj Gen Nyakarundi briefed members of the contingent at the Rwanda Military Academy in Gako. The session, also attended by Commissioner Sano, emphasised the importance of discipline, commitment, and teamwork as the troops prepare to continue Rwanda’s support to Mozambique’s security operations. The new deployment will be commanded by Maj Gen Vincent Gatama.
Maj Gen Nyakarundi conveyed a message from President Paul Kagame, Commander-in-Chief of the RDF, commending the achievements of previous contingents and urging the incoming team to maintain the same high standards.
Commissioner of Police Sano also reminded the troops to foster teamwork and avoid any misconduct that could harm Rwanda’s reputation abroad.
Rwandan troops were first deployed to Cabo Delgado in July 2021 at the request of the Mozambican government, following years of attacks by Islamic State-linked insurgents.
Since then, the joint operations between Rwanda Security Forces and the Mozambican army have significantly weakened the insurgency, restored security in several areas, and enabled thousands of displaced residents to return to their homes.
The latest deployment comes weeks after a visit by Mozambican President Daniel Francisco Chapo to Rwanda, during which a renewed Status of Forces Agreement on the support to fight terrorism in Mozambique was signed. The agreement extends Rwanda’s military support in Cabo Delgado province.
“Thanks to this cooperation, we can see peace returning to the region,” President Chapo said, acknowledging Rwanda’s role in stabilising Cabo Delgado despite ongoing sporadic attacks.
The ICRC on Monday received a signed copy of the mechanism for the release of detainees during a handover ceremony in Doha, attended by officials from the State of Qatar in its role as mediator, alongside representatives of both the Congolese government and the AFC/M23.
The agreement marks a significant milestone in ongoing efforts to de-escalate tensions in eastern Congo, where years of conflict have displaced thousands and strained regional stability.
As part of the process, the AFC/M23 has demanded the release of more than 700 prisoners currently held by the Congolese authorities in connection with the ongoing conflict. The request is expected to form a key part of the verification and exchange operations supervised by the Red Cross.
Qatar’s mediation role was highlighted during the talks, which built on the Doha Principles Agreement signed last July. The detainee exchange is seen as a concrete step toward restoring trust between the parties and advancing prospects for a lasting peace settlement.
“This is a pivotal step toward de-escalating hostilities and fostering peace in eastern DRC,” Massad Boulos said in a statement issued on September 12. “We deeply appreciate Qatar’s critical work with the ICRC on this process and encourage parties to use this momentum to make additional progress on reaching a final peace agreement.”
The ICRC has previously facilitated similar operations in the region. Between April 30 and May 15 this year, the humanitarian body assisted in transferring more than 1,300 disarmed personnel from the Congolese government forces, along with their family members, from the city of Goma to Kinshasa.
The 17-page draft outlines measures for regulatory reforms, third-party oversight of mining operations, the creation of cross-border special economic zones, and safeguards to ensure that each country retains full sovereign control over its natural resources.
Sources familiar with the matter told Reuters that the draft builds on principles agreed in August, covering cooperation in energy development, infrastructure, mineral exploitation, national parks, tourism, and public health. It also outlines implementation measures, coordination mechanisms, and annual high-level summits to monitor progress, alongside technical working groups and steering committees.
Under the draft, Rwanda and the DRC would work with the United States and other international partners to develop regulations and reforms aimed at reducing risks for private investors, curbing illicit trade, and increasing transparency. The agreement calls for third-party inspections of mining sites and collaboration with the private sector to create cross-border special economic zones.
In a framework agreed upon last month, both countries reaffirmed their “full, sovereign control” over the exploitation, processing, and export of natural resources while committing to ensure that mineral revenues do not fund armed groups. The draft also seeks to establish a world-class industrial mining sector and improve interoperability of mineral supply chains across borders.
Although the draft is a cornerstone of the June peace deal brokered in Washington under U.S. President Donald Trump, its implementation faces major security hurdles. The peace accord stipulated the neutralisation of the FDLR militia group linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, followed by the lifting of Rwanda’s defensive measures.
The plan to dismantle the FDLR and remove Rwandan security measures was initially given a 90-day timeframe. However, there is currently no certainty that it will begin soon, as the DRC government continues to delay.
Rwanda’s Ambassador to the United Nations, Martin Ngoga, recently told the Security Council that the DRC government did not agree to launch the operational plan to dismantle the FDLR during a joint security-level meeting held in Ethiopia early August.
Frequent setbacks in the Doha process, which mediates between Kinshasa and the M23 rebels, further complicate the situation.
Meanwhile, the draft is currently under review by Rwanda, the DRC, and other stakeholders. Representatives of both countries are expected to meet in early October 2025 to finalise the agreement. Unless changes occur, the economic cooperation pact will be signed by the end of that month, marking the final component of the Washington-brokered peace deal.
U.S. officials have indicated that the agreement is critical for linking peace and economic development in the region and for attracting billions of dollars in Western investment in cobalt, tantalum, copper, lithium, and gold.
The induction ceremony, held on September 14, 2025, was attended by Corneille Nangaa Yobeluo, leader of the coalition, and M23 commander Maj Gen Sultani Makenga.
According to AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka, the new recruits include former soldiers of the Congolese army (FARDC) as well as fighters from groups aligned with the Wazalendo coalition. He said they joined M23 after the capture of Goma and Uvira earlier this year.
In his address, Maj Gen Makenga said the recruits had been trained to “liberate their country,” accusing President Félix Tshisekedi’s government of killing civilians on ethnic grounds, destroying villages, and weakening the national army.
“He has destroyed everything. Even the army, he ruined it, turning it into a dumping ground,” Makenga said, further alleging that the Congolese army has been mixed with Wazalendo militia, the FDLR, Imbonerakure, and foreign mercenaries.
He argued that Tshisekedi values foreign forces more than his own army, adding: “A leader who disrespects the army does not respect the country, nor the Congolese people, and should not remain in power.”
Makenga urged the new fighters to maintain discipline, respect civilians, and distinguish themselves from their adversaries, insisting this would help them achieve their stated objective of liberating the country.
Earlier this month, Makenga declared that M23 aims to expand its control to other key cities, including Kalemie in Tanganyika Province, Kisangani in Tshopo, and Kindu in Maniema, saying this required continued recruitment.
Nangaa echoed the ambition, telling fighters that the movement ultimately plans to “liberate” additional cities, among them Lubumbashi in Haut-Katanga, Mbandaka in Equateur, and the capital, Kinshasa.
The AI, named Diella, meaning “sun” in Albanian, will oversee all public tenders, Prime Minister Edi Rama announced at a party assembly in Tirana on Thursday.
Diella was first introduced earlier this year as a virtual assistant on the e-Albania platform, helping citizens access government services and navigate the system. Her avatar appears as a young brunette woman dressed in traditional Albanian attire.
Since her launch, Diella has assisted in issuing over 36,600 digital documents and provided nearly 1,000 services through the platform.
“Diella is the first cabinet member who isn’t physically present but is virtually created by AI,” Rama said. “Public procurement must be transformed, and we need to gradually transfer it to AI, making Albania a country where public tenders are 100 percent free from corruption.”
Albania has long struggled with corruption, consistently ranking low on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, coming 80th out of 180 countries last year. Graft scandals have frequently erupted around public contracts, complicating the country’s bid for European Union membership, for which it was officially granted candidate status in 2014.
Recent corruption cases, including a major waste management scandal in April that saw seven former officials convicted of abuse of power, have added urgency to the government’s anti-graft agenda.
While Rama has framed Diella as a transformative tool for transparency, the move has raised questions about its legality and effectiveness. Albania’s constitution requires government ministers to be mentally competent citizens aged at least 18, leaving Diella’s official ministerial status ambiguous.
Opposition figures have criticised the appointment, with Gazmend Bardhi, parliamentary group leader of the Democrats, calling it “unconstitutional” and labelling it “buffoonery.”
Despite scepticism, some experts see potential in using AI to curb corruption.
“AI is still a new tool—but if it is programmed correctly, when you put a bid in online, you can see clearly and more closely if a company meets the conditions and the criteria,” said Dr Andi Hoxhaj of King’s College London, who specialises in the Western Balkans and corruption.
Rama has emphasised that Diella is more than a symbolic gesture. “We’re working with a brilliant team, both Albanian and international, to develop the first full AI model in public procurement,” he told the BBC. “Not only will we remove every potential influence on public bidding, but we will also make the process faster, more efficient, and totally accountable.”
Though reactions are mixed, the government hopes the move will encourage other agencies to modernise and rethink traditional ways of working.
As Albania pushes to accelerate EU accession negotiations, with a target completion by 2027, the success of Diella could set a precedent for other nations seeking innovative solutions to entrenched corruption.
