Thomas Kenneth Elisapana, spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, said the accusations implicating government officials in obstructing humanitarian access by imposing illicit costs are unsubstantiated.
“We have not yet received official communication on this through diplomatic channels, but our preliminary position is this: the claim about senior government officials being involved in the obstruction of humanitarian activities is unsubstantiated and therefore unfounded,” he told journalists in Juba, the capital of South Sudan.
South Sudan, as a sovereign country, respects the U.S. government’s decisions, he said, adding that Juba has been providing unhindered access to humanitarian activities through the concerned authorities.
On Thursday, the United States suspended foreign assistance in Ayod County, Jonglei State, and said it is reviewing its aid to Western Bahr el Ghazal State and considering significant reductions, according to a statement issued by its embassy in Juba.
Trump said Venezuela had begun releasing a significant number of political prisoners as a gesture of “seeking peace,” following last week’s US-led operation to abduct President Nicolás Maduro, who is currently in US custody along with his wife, Cilia Flores.
“This is a very important and smart gesture. The USA and Venezuela are working well together, especially as it pertains to rebuilding, in a much bigger, better, and more modern form, their oil and gas infrastructure,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.
“Because of this cooperation, I have cancelled the previously expected second Wave of Attacks, which looks like it will not be needed; however, all ships will stay in place for safety and security purposes.”
The announcement comes amid evolving US-Venezuela relations, with Trump indicating earlier on Fox News’s Hannity program that Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado would visit Washington next week, despite his previous dismissals of her political influence.
Trump also told The New York Times on Wednesday that the US was “getting along very well” with Venezuela’s interim government, led by acting President Delcy Rodríguez.
In addition to the diplomatic developments, Trump is scheduled to meet with executives from major oil companies at the White House on Friday. He announced that “at least 100 billion dollars will be invested by BIG OIL” in Venezuela, a move aimed at restoring the country’s oil and gas infrastructure.
The Trump administration has repeatedly indicated its intention to control Venezuela’s oil industry indefinitely. Energy Secretary Chris Wright has emphasised that Washington would manage the country’s oil production, though the state-run oil company has maintained that it remains in charge, negotiating only on oil sales with the US.
Exxon Mobil, Chevron, and ConocoPhillips are expected to attend the White House meeting. Chevron is currently the only US company licensed to operate in Venezuela; Exxon and ConocoPhillips left the country in 2007 after refusing to cede majority stakes to the government.
Venezuela, sanctioned by Washington since 2019, holds roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil reserves but produced only about 1 percent of global crude output in 2024, according to OPEC. Trump views the country’s oil wealth as a potential boost to lower domestic fuel prices in the US.
A United Nations expert report, released on December 30, 2025, reveals that since March 2025, AFC/M23 fighters have launched repeated attacks against Wazalendo groups, forcing them to relocate their positions. Some Wazalendo members, including the well-known figure Mapenzi, formerly of NDC-R, have defected to the coalition, which controls areas including the city of Goma.
The UN experts noted that Wazalendo and FDLR forces have continued operations across several parts of North Kivu Province, including the territories of Masisi, Rutshuru, Nyiragongo, and Walikale, and that they maintain a presence even on the outskirts of Goma.
Guidon Shimiray Mwissa, the overall commander of Wazalendo and leader of NDC-R, relocated from Pinga in Walikale to the Kibati area. Janvier Karairi Boingo of APCLS established bases in Lukweti, Masisi, while fighters of the CMC-FDP group, led by Dominique Ndaruhutse, were stationed in Virunga National Park.
Since June 2025, Wazalendo fighters, in collaboration with the FDLR, have infiltrated areas controlled by AFC/M23, occasionally setting ambushes. Their operations aim to regain strategic locations, impede AFC/M23 fighters, and block supply routes used for transporting equipment.
The report highlights that in several attacks, Congolese government forces provided air support to these groups, and in some instances, government soldiers also participated directly in ground operations.
“Despite diplomatic efforts to address the presence of FDLR, FARDC continued to rely on operational support from the FDLR and groups aligned with them,” the report reads in part.
Assistance from the DRC government to armed groups operating in North Kivu reportedly included weapons, ammunition, food, and uniforms, along with monthly payments of USD 300,000. These operations were largely coordinated through Colonel Cyprien Semivumbi Sekololo.
On October 10, 2025, the Congolese army issued a statement urging government soldiers and civilians to cease cooperating with the FDLR militia group, formed by individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. The army also called on FDLR fighters to lay down their arms and be repatriated to Rwanda, warning that those who refused would face military action.
The army stated that its actions complied with the peace agreement signed between the DRC and Rwanda on June 27, 2025, which includes provisions to dismantle the FDLR and the lifting of Rwanda’s defensive measures.
The report indicates that this army statement created tensions between the DRC military and the FDLR, as well as with Wazalendo. Some officials within the government and military reportedly acted behind the scenes to reassure the groups that cooperation would continue.
UN experts further noted that even if operations to dismantle the FDLR were attempted, the Congolese army lacks the capacity to completely neutralize the group.
{{Mercenaries in Kisangani and Walikale
}}
The report confirms that after AFC/M23 gained control of Goma in 2025, mercenaries from the Congo Protection, who had been operating alongside Congolese government forces, suspended their operations. Additionally, mercenaries from the Agemira group terminated their contracts in July 2025
On January 29, 2025, more than 280 mercenaries from Europe, primarily Romania, returned home via Rubavu and then flew out from Kigali International Airport.
Following Agemira’s withdrawal, the DRC government quickly hired other mercenaries reported to operate CH-4 drones. These drones were heavily deployed on the battlefield after government forces suffered significant losses.
The experts explained that the city of Kisangani, in Tshopo Province, is of strategic importance to Congolese forces fighting in North and South Kivu, as its airport serves as a key hub for deploying drones and other military equipment.
Kisangani has also emerged as a new base for foreign mercenary groups. Specifically, camps such as the one named after Lt Gen Bahuma Ambamba Lucien, as well as areas in Walikale, have hosted mercenaries from El Salvador since July 2025.
The decision was made under Presidential Proclamation 10998, which aims to tighten visa and travel rules for foreign nationals from several countries, including Tanzania.
According to a statement from the U.S. Embassy in Tanzania, the new restrictions affect multiple visa categories. These include non-immigrant visas such as B-1 (business), B-2 (tourism), F and M (student visas), and J (exchange visitor visas), as well as immigrant visas, which are issued to individuals seeking permanent residency in the United States.
“In line with Presidential Proclamation 10998, as of January 1, 2026, the United States is partially suspending visa issuance to Tanzanian nationals for nonimmigrant B-1/B-2 visitor visas and F, M, J student and exchange visitor visas, and all immigrant visas, with limited exceptions,” the communique reads.
While Tanzanians may continue to apply for visas and attend embassy interviews, they may not be granted them, depending on security assessments and eligibility under the proclamation.
However, there are several exceptions to the suspension. For instance, immigrant visas for ethnic and religious minorities facing persecution in Iran are exempt from the suspension. Tanzanians who hold dual nationality and apply with a passport from a country not subject to the ban will also not be affected.
Additionally, Special Immigrant Visas (SIVs) are available for eligible U.S. government employees, and participants in major international sporting events may still be able to receive visas. Furthermore, Lawful Permanent Residents (green card holders) are also exempt from these restrictions.
The embassy also clarified that visas issued before the effective date (January 1, 2026, at 12:01 a.m. EST) will not be revoked. Nationals who already hold valid visas by that time will not lose them, though they could still face restrictions on future admissions depending on U.S. border policies.
The partial suspension comes amid broader visa and travel policy changes under the proclamation, which extends and expands earlier restrictions on foreign nationals from multiple countries. In total, the U.S. government has placed full or partial visa suspensions on citizens from 39 countries, citing ongoing concerns about security screening, vetting processes, and information sharing. Other countries facing similar partial restrictions include Nigeria, Angola, Cuba, Senegal, Zimbabwe, and others.
U.S. authorities say the measures are intended to enhance national security and public safety by strengthening the vetting of foreign travellers and ensuring that individuals admitted to the United States meet rigorous screening standards. The restrictions will remain in place until affected countries address identified deficiencies and improve cooperation on security protocols.
Ngoma made the remarks in Goma following a ceremony organised by the AFC/M23 alliance to honour 22 civilians from Masisi Centre, in North Kivu Province, who were killed in a drone strike attributed to the DRC armed forces on January 2, 2026.
Speaking to supporters after the ceremony, Ngoma accused President Tshisekedi of responsibility for the attack and vowed accountability.
“He will definitely pay for this. It won’t be long. He will go to court for these things. We will arrest him, and he will go to court,” Ngoma stated.
Meanwhile, AFC/M23 political coordinator Corneille Nangaa accused the Kinshasa government of continued violence against civilians, arguing that the state has failed to distinguish between combatants and non-combatants.
“The false political power that the Kinshasa government has given itself does not have the right to kill its citizens,” Nangaa said. “No elections, no international recognition, and no nationalist rhetoric can justify the killing of civilians.”
Nangaa also sought to reassure residents in areas under AFC/M23 control, pledging that the coalition’s forces would continue to ensure their security.
The AFC/M23 alliance, which controls significant territory in eastern DRC, has in recent weeks accused the Kinshasa administration of launching attacks on its positions and on civilian areas, despite the group’s unilateral declaration of a ceasefire.
The group says its armed struggle is aimed at defending the rights of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese communities, who continue to face marginalisation and persecution.
The twins, both males, were discovered on Saturday, January 3, 2026, by community trackers, who observed 22-year-old female Mafuko cradling her newborns. The park confirmed that “both appeared to be in healthy condition at the time of the observation.”
Twin births among mountain gorillas are exceptionally uncommon, occurring in roughly 1% of all births, and require extra care, as newborns rely entirely on their mother for survival during the first months of life. The last birth of mountain gorilla twins in Virunga National Park was in September 2020.
The birth of the twins increases the Bageni gorilla family to 59 individuals, making it the largest family in the park.
“This birth of twins constitutes the first birth recorded in 2026 at the Park. Twin births among mountain gorillas are rare and present additional challenges, particularly during the early months,” the park noted:
Authorities said that “additional monitoring and protection measures will be deployed to closely observe the twins and support their health and survival during this critical early period.”
Virunga National Park, Africa’s oldest and largest protected area, spans 7,800 square kilometers of rainforest, mountains, lakes, and active volcanoes. The park is home to fewer than 1,100 mountain gorillas, which are found only in Virunga and in neighbouring national parks in Rwanda and Uganda.
The Extraordinary Meeting of the Specialized Committee of Defense Experts of the ICGLR is expected to lay the groundwork for the Extraordinary Meeting of Chiefs of Defense Forces/Staff scheduled for Friday, followed by the Extraordinary Meeting of the Committee of Ministers of Defense on Saturday.
The meetings aim to forge a unified and coordinated regional response to the security situation in eastern DRC.
Among the key issues under consideration are the Expanded Joint Verification Mechanism Plus (EJVM+), the terms of reference for the ceasefire, and the oversight and monitoring mechanism signed in Doha.
In his opening remarks, Zambia Army Commander Geoffrey Zyeele said the security challenges facing the region call for strengthened collective efforts, deeper information sharing, and enhanced coordinated cross-border operations.
He noted that armed groups have continued to destabilize peace and security in the region, describing the challenges as immense. “Only through unity of purpose and decisive action can we overcome these destabilizing forces and secure a future of lasting stability for the Great Lakes Region,” Zyeele said.
Zyeele added that the humanitarian situation in eastern DRC remains precarious, requiring urgent attention, as families are being displaced and communities continue to live under constant threat.
Yasir Ibrahim Ali Mohammed, deputy executive secretary of the ICGLR, said the humanitarian and security situation in eastern DRC has deteriorated significantly, threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of member states and risking peace and stability.
He expressed concern that the situation has worsened following the signing of the Washington Agreements last month, intended to reaffirm commitments to peace and prosperity.
“This underscores the urgent need for all parties to respect their engagements and honor the commitments they have made under regional and international agreements,” he said.
The meeting, he added, is a response to an escalating crisis that demands collective and decisive action.
Mitterrand died at the age of 79, shortly after completing 14 years in office. He remains one of the most controversial French leaders in modern history, particularly over his African policy, which critics argue contributed to instability across the continent. His presidency has been closely scrutinised for France’s conduct before, during, and after the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
Presidency coinciding with the genocide
Mitterrand’s final term coincided with the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, a period during which he was reportedly weakened by illness. Critics maintain that his close personal and political relationship with then Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana influenced France’s actions in Rwanda.
That relationship, analysts argue, shaped France’s continued political, military, and diplomatic support for the Habyarimana government, even as preparations for mass violence were underway.
The anti-genocide-denial organisation Survie has documented the involvement of French actors in Rwanda prior to and during the Genocide. Among those cited is Captain Paul Barril, a former French gendarme who had worked closely with senior Rwandan officials from 1989. Barril reportedly operated with the backing of François de Grossouvre, a close adviser and confidant of President Mitterrand.
Barril is accused of having signed an agreement on May 28, 1994, with Rwanda’s Interim Government, represented by Prime Minister Jean Kambanda, to supply weapons and provide military training to forces implicated in the Genocide. Reports indicate that the government at the time agreed to pay France approximately three million US dollars for the arms.
{{Bisesero and accusations of abandonment
}}
French forces have also been criticised for failing to protect Tutsi civilians during massacres in several parts of the country. In Bisesero, where tens of thousands of Tutsi had gathered and attempted to resist attacks, documents later revealed the presence of French mercenaries in mid-May 1994.
Survivors and investigators allege that these mercenaries encouraged continued attacks rather than intervening to protect civilians, leading to the deaths of thousands.
{{Zone Turquoise under scrutiny
}}
Under Operation Turquoise, French forces established what was described as a humanitarian safe zone in parts of Cyangugu, Kibuye, and Gikongoro. However, critics argue that the operation failed to prevent killings of Tutsi who sought refuge in those areas.
Despite Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) continuing to broadcast genocidal propaganda into the French-controlled zone, no action was taken to shut it down. French troops also did not arrest members of the Interim Government who fled Rwanda through Zone Turquoise into what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo.
When questioned in the French National Assembly, France’s Foreign Minister at the time stated that the troops had not been given a mandate to investigate crimes or arrest suspects.
While the conduct of French forces has been widely criticised, President Mitterrand consistently defended them, claiming they had saved thousands of lives.
{{Kagame on France and Belgium’s role
}}
In an interview with journalist Mario Nawfal last year, President Paul Kagame stated that France and Belgium played a role in preventing timely United Nations intervention during the Genocide.
“You see an ideological link from the beginning,” Kagame said, referring to Belgium’s colonial legacy and policies that entrenched ethnic divisions.
On France, Kagame described Mitterrand’s relationship with Habyarimana as very close.
“The French president at the time was François Mitterrand. He was a very close friend of Habyarimana. Very close. One was like a father figure to the other,” President Kagame said.
He added that historical records show that Mitterrand bore responsibility comparable to others who enabled the killings.
{{Protection of Agathe Habyarimana
}}
Following the shooting down of President Habyarimana’s plane, Mitterrand facilitated the evacuation of Habyarimana’s widow, Agathe Kanziga Habyarimana, and her children to Europe.
Despite international arrest warrants over her alleged role in the Genocide against the Tutsi, France has neither extradited her to Rwanda nor prosecuted her domestically.
President Kagame once said he raised these issues with individuals close to Mitterrand, including his son, who wielded influence over French policy in Africa, but they consistently rejected any responsibility.
{{Rwanda marginalised after the genocide
}}
After the fall of the Habyarimana government, Mitterrand distanced himself from Rwanda’s new leadership under the RPF-Inkotanyi. Rwanda was sidelined diplomatically at a time when it urgently needed international support.
In November 1994, France hosted the France–Africa Summit in Biarritz, attended by 25 African heads of state. Discussions included France’s relations with Africa and post-genocide Rwanda. However, Rwanda was not invited.
Former presidential adviser Dr Charles Murigande later said the exclusion reflected Mitterrand’s stance toward the new Rwandan government.
“The fact that we were not invited did not surprise us,” Murigande said. “That was his mindset. He had aligned himself with those who had destroyed Rwanda. He carried a burden of shame and could not bring himself to invite the President of Rwanda to Biarritz.
The announcement follows concerns from some residents who, upon attempting to pay their land taxes for the year, discovered that rates had increased. Many were unaware of these changes. The land tax rate is now set at Rwf 80 Rwandan Francs per square meter, a significant rise from the previous rate.
In response, the City of Kigali clarified via its official social media platforms that the new rates were approved by the Kigali City Council on February 21, 2025, and are now being enforced.
“These rates replaced those that were last approved by the District Councils in 2017–2018, which had continued to be applied until the end of 2024,” the City of Kigali explained.
The City further stated that, once finalised, the new tax rates were communicated to the public through multiple channels, including the media, social networks, and online platforms.
The new rates were established based on a Ministerial Order issued by the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, which outlines base tax rates for land. Published on November 28, 2023, the order specifies that land tax can range from 0 to 80 Rwandan francs per square meter. Land within Kigali’s Central Business District (CBD), which includes major business and industrial areas, will have tax rates between Rwf 70 and Rwf 80 per square meter. These rates apply to commercial, industrial, and non-residential areas, while residential areas within the CBD are taxed between Rwf 60 and Rwf 80 per square meter.
In less urbanized parts of Kigali, residential areas are taxed between Rwf 40 and Rwf 60 per square meter, and non-residential areas such as business or industrial zones are taxed between Rwf 50 and Rwf 70 per square meter. Agricultural and livestock zones, which are more rural, are taxed between 0 and 0.4 Rwandan francs per square meter.
In areas that have a mix of urban and rural features, such as small business centers or locations with basic infrastructure, residential areas are taxed between Rwf 10 and Rwf 40 per square meter, while non-residential areas such as business and industrial properties are taxed between Rwf 20 and Rwf 50 per square meter.
Finally, rural agricultural zones located between urban and rural areas of Kigali will continue to be taxed between 0 and 0.4 francs per square meter.
The call came at a sensitive moment in the U.S.-Colombia relations, which have been strained over a series of disputes, including disagreements on drug policy and recent U.S. military action in the region. Trump recently called Colombia a “sick man” and suggested military action in the country “sounds good to me.”
According to a Colombian official familiar with the exchange, the leaders discussed issues related to drug trafficking and other disagreements, and both sides considered the dialogue a “180‑degree change” in rhetoric compared with previous statements.
President Trump confirmed the call and described it as “friendly,” even as tensions had escalated recently with sharp public criticism and accusations traded between the two leaders. Trump’s administration previously accused Petro of failing to control drug production and trafficking, and at times used harsh language in public about Colombia’s leadership.
Petro, who is Colombia’s first left‑leaning president in decades, has also been an outspoken critic of some U.S. policies, particularly military actions in neighbouring Venezuela. He condemned what he described as a violation of regional sovereignty and sharply criticized U.S. military involvement.
Despite the earlier tensions, both Trump and Petro expressed satisfaction with the tone of Wednesday’s call. The leaders agreed that diplomatic engagement was a priority and indicated plans to continue discussions and cooperation, including potentially meeting in Washington in the near future to address shared challenges.
The diplomatic shift comes as both countries face pressure to maintain cooperation on issues such as drug trafficking, regional security, and economic ties. Colombia has historically been a key ally of the United States, particularly in efforts to combat drug cartels and organized crime, and the renewed conversation suggests both governments are seeking to manage tensions and strengthen collaboration.
Analysts note that while the phone call represents a positive sign of diplomatic dialogue, significant issues remain unresolved. Both sides are expected to continue negotiations to find common ground on security concerns and policy differences that have previously driven a wedge between the two nations.
