The event was attended by Dr. Sultan bin Ahmed Al Jaber, Minister of Industry and Advanced Technology, and Sarah bint Yousef Al Amiri, Minister of Education, in addition to a number of senior officials and partners.
The event concluded with the participation of public figures from different sectors, who took the very first steps “towards Mars” on the stationary treadmills, marking the initial contributions to the national collective countdown and goal.
The national ‘Walk to Mars’ initiative looks to transform movement into achievement, encouraging participants to collectively cover 54 million kilometres together, equivalent to the distance between Earth and Mars, and thereby also marking the 54th year of the nation.
Through walking, running, cycling, swimming, and other physical activities, participants of all ages and fitness levels are invited to take part under the theme “Every Step Makes a Difference.”
The initiative aims to promote daily movement, community wellbeing, and a culture of active living across the UAE, ensuring that the goal is attained in time for the upcoming Games.
Sarah Al Amiri said, “Walk to Mars embodies the spirit of the continual pursuit of progress that distinguishes the United Arab Emirates. Just as our passion for science led us to explore space and reach Mars, today this national, social movement leads us toward a unified goal that reflects the power of will and collective action.
“Every step we take is not merely a distance covered, but an investment in our health and in a more prosperous, vibrant future for coming generations. Through this journey, we affirm that ambition begins with each and every individual, and their constant ability to move, learn, and grow.”
Aref Hamad Al Awani, Secretary-General of Abu Dhabi Sports Council, stated, “This first-of-its-kind national movement embodies the spirit of collective ambition that defines the UAE. Through this initiative, we aim to inspire every individual to move with purpose and take part in a collective challenge that goes beyond fitness, it’s about unity, progress, and pride. Together, we can show the world what it means to dream big and achieve as one community.”
Following the event, interactive and community activities will be held to encourage participation and raise awareness of healthy lifestyles.
The Open Masters Games Abu Dhabi 2026 application will allow participants to track progress and record their contributions from across the Emirates. It is open to everyone aged 30 and above, with no fitness or experience limits.
The Congolese army had previously stated that it was on a mission to eliminate the FDLR. However, skepticism surrounding this statement arises from the group’s longstanding ties with the Congolese army, which has collaborated with the militia for years.
The FDLR emerged in 2000, originating from the ALiR group. Its founders were former members of the Interahamwe, the militia responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, along with defeated soldiers (Ex-FAR) and some Rwandan refugees.
On June 27, 2025, Rwanda and the DRC, with the support of the United States, signed a peace agreement that included clauses for dismantling the FDLR. According to the Concept of Operations (CONOPS), before launching the operation, an awareness campaign would first urge the group’s fighters to surrender their weapons and prepare for repatriation.
On October 10, 2025, the DRC army called on FDLR fighters to surrender their arms to the DRC government or to the United Nations peacekeeping forces (MONUSCO). Following this, a group of DRC soldiers, led by Brigadier General Patrick Sasa Nzita, head of the country’s military intelligence, was sent to Walikale to lead a “campaign” urging the FDLR fighters to disarm.
However, the soldiers reported that “no FDLR fighters were seen.” When asked why the campaign was conducted in areas where the fighters were not present, they explained that these areas were the closest to the militia’s main strongholds.
{{Where is the FDLR located?}}
FDLR fighters were initially based in various areas of North Kivu, such as Rutshuru and Masisi, but attacks by the AFC/M23 group forced them to retreat to remote areas controlled by the DRC army and local militias, including Wazalendo.
AFC/M23 has indicated that some FDLR fighters have sought refuge in South Kivu, where they are collaborating with Burundian forces and other groups to launch attacks on the Banyamulenge people in the Fizi, Uvira, and Mwenga territories.
According to Rwanda’s Financial Intelligence Centre (FIC), senior leaders of the FDLR are located in the Walikale territory, areas controlled by the DRC government, such as Buhaya.
These leaders include FDLR President Lt Gen Gaston Iyamuremye and the group’s military commander, Pacifique Ntawunguka, also known as ‘Gen Omega.’
The DRC army has suggested that FDLR fighters are now located in areas controlled by AFC/M23, attempting to evade responsibility for dismantling the group, although it has not officially acknowledged this.
{{FDLR’s resistance to disarmament}}
In an interview with Radio France Internationale (RFI), Lt Col Octavien Mutimura, the spokesperson for FDLR-FOCA, reiterated the group’s stance that its fighters remain in the forests of the DRC to protect “abandoned Rwandan refugees.”
Lt Col Mutimura stated that the FDLR has no intention of laying down arms, asserting that its fighters are not afraid of potential attacks in the future.
He said, “We are here to defend ourselves and protect the abandoned Rwandan refugees. Asking us to lay down our arms without honoring our request is just a dream.”
Although the FDLR claims to be protecting Rwandan refugees, Rwanda continues to receive many individuals who were held captive by the group, with support from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
The Rwandan government reports that over 5,000 Rwandans have returned since January 2025, with 222 returning in the most recent repatriation on November 6, 2025.
The FDLR targets those it knows are planning to return to Rwanda, either killing them or subjecting them to severe punishments, including torture.
Ntawiha Feza, a returnee, shared her experience with IGIHE, saying, “I feel relieved because I have made it back home. I have three children. My husband was killed. We were about to return when they killed him, and I came back alone. I am hopeful we will live well now that we’re home.”
{{Fighters}}
As AFC/M23 resumed fighting in November 2021, the DRC government repeatedly claimed that the FDLR was a small group of aging fighters, incapable of threatening Rwanda’s security.
In September 2022, President Félix Tshisekedi stated that his country had disarmed hundreds of FDLR fighters more than twice, claiming this demonstrated political will. He further asserted that the FDLR was no longer a security threat.
However, the DRC army’s collaboration with this terrorist group has been confirmed by UN experts, who have documented the ongoing ties in reports approved by the UN Security Council.
Various reports estimate the number of FDLR fighters to be between 1,500 and 3,000. Lt Col Mutimura disputed these figures, stating that the number of fighters is much higher.
In June 2025, Rwanda’s military spokesperson, Brig. Gen. Ronald Rwivanga, stated that the FDLR’s fighters were estimated to number between 7,000 and 10,000. He also noted that when they expect an attack, they blend in with civilians to shield themselves.
{{Repeated shielding patterns}}
Under international pressure, in September 2024, the DRC army initiated operations aimed at dismantling FDLR strongholds in areas near the city of Sake, including Shove, Kimoka, Lupango, and Mubambiro.
Before these operations began, Gen Maj Peter Cirimwami, the then Governor of North Kivu, notified senior FDLR leaders, prompting them to relocate their positions.
On September 23 and 24, elite forces led by Lt Col Donatien Bawili carried out attacks in these areas. On September 25 and 26, the 11th Brigade, led by Gen Papi Lupende, also launched an assault in Rusayo. It was later revealed that the forces fighting the DRC army were members of the APCLS group, led by Janvier Karairi, not the FDLR.
While UN experts suggest that these attacks were not specifically targeting the FDLR, Lt Col Mutimura reported that the group lost “many fighters and significant equipment” during the September 2024 operations.
Lt Col Mutimura’s statement attempts to clarify that the FDLR is not collaborating with the DRC army, but strong evidence points to a partnership, particularly in the context of their shared fight against the AFC/M23.
On January 25, 2025, the wife of President Tshisekedi visited wounded soldiers being treated at the Kokolo and Tshatshi military hospitals. Among the injured, one soldier was found with a tattoo representing the elite FDLR unit, known as CRAP.
The Minister of Infrastructure, Dr Jimmy Gasore, presented the policy to the Chamber of Deputies, saying it seeks to ensure sustainable, well-planned, and inclusive cities while tackling informal settlements.
The plan aims to increase the proportion of citizens living in urban areas from 27.9% in 2022 to 52% by 2035 and 70% by 2050.
The policy also targets the improvement of existing informal settlements and the creation of safe, economically vibrant, and environmentally friendly cities. It is based on four key pillars: collaboration between government institutions, the private sector and partners; efficient use of land through high-density settlements; improved social welfare; and economic development.
{{Defining affordable housing
}}
During the parliamentary session, MP Izere Ingrid Marie Parfaite asked what affordable housing means for Rwandans, noting that homes currently cost between Frw 25 million and Frw 40 million, which remain beyond the reach of many citizens.
Dr Gasore explained that housing affordability is usually measured by whether a household pays more than one-third of its income on housing.
“If you rent a house and pay more than a third of your income, you are living in an expensive house. If you take a loan and pay more than a third of your income, you are in an expensive house. That is why, when we talk about affordable housing, we look at the lowest possible cost at which a house can be provided here in Kigali and still be affordable,” he said.
Dr Gasore noted that, given current income levels and construction costs, strict international affordability standards may not always be feasible in Rwanda.
“Today, the houses costing between Frw 25 million and Frw 40 million are what we consider affordable. We are not strictly following the one-third rule; rather, we are looking at what is technically feasible while keeping in mind that there are people who do not have that money and still need a place to live,” he added.
Plans also include providing one-room units for rent to accommodate low-income earners, ensuring access to housing even for those who cannot afford to purchase a home.
“Once the houses are built, we will also provide single-room units that people can rent according to their means,” the Minister noted.
{{Urban living standards
}}
Dr Gasore also highlighted that city residents must adjust to urban realities, including shared accommodation arrangements.
“People have to accept that in the city, they will live as city residents. There are things we must accept and prepare for accordingly,” he said.
He further emphasised that lowering rental costs will require greater government involvement in housing construction and increasing the overall supply of urban homes.
Dr Bizimana made the remarks on November 11, 2025, while appearing before the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) to discuss the implementation of resolutions adopted by the Chamber of Deputies.
The Chamber had earlier flagged issues in the construction of houses for vulnerable genocide survivors, particularly concerning poor smoke ventilation systems in kitchens.
The Director General of the Rwanda Housing Authority (RHA), Alphonse Rukaburandekwe, explained that the problem largely resulted from the use of unsuitable cooking materials by residents. He noted, however, that affected households are being sensitised to adopt safer cooking practices.
PAC Chairperson, MP Valens Muhakwa, questioned the explanation, pointing out that similar complaints had been recorded in different districts. He called for a fresh technical assessment to determine whether structural flaws might have occurred during construction and to ensure corrective action is taken.
Minister Bizimana acknowledged that while some of the issues are linked to how residents use the houses, others stem from construction errors. He assured that the matter is being addressed.
According to the Minister, 6,973 homes for vulnerable genocide survivors need to be rebuilt, and more than 29,000 others will have to be repaired. However, due to budget constraints, only 298 new houses are expected to be constructed during the current fiscal year, as MINUBUMWE received an allocation of Frw 5 billion.
Dr Bizimana further explained that a new integrated approach has been adopted to align housing support for genocide survivors with broader national programmes targeting vulnerable citizens.
“We have agreed that survivors of the Genocide against the Tutsi should no longer be treated as a separate category in housing projects. They will now be integrated with other vulnerable groups so that construction efforts move together,” he said.
“This approach not only promotes inclusion but also helps address the perception of genocide survivors as an isolated group.”
The Minister added that standard housing models have been approved to reduce construction costs and ensure uniformity across provinces and districts.
“Each province and district now has an approved design adapted to local building standards, which will help streamline implementation and control costs,” he noted.
Dr Bizimana explained that the new model will also give districts more autonomy in implementing housing projects. They will be able to work with local contractors or existing partners instead of relying exclusively on the Reserve Force (Inkeragutabara).
“We have agreed that where the Ministry of Defence finds it feasible for a district to construct houses at a lower cost through another contractor, the district will be authorised to award that contract. This flexibility will enable more houses to be built within the same budget,” he said.
Findings by RHA indicate that the cost of building one house varies significantly across districts, averaging Frw 17.3 million in Bugesera, Frw 16.5 million in Kayonza, and Frw 20 million in Nyamagabe.
Dr Bizimana cited an example from Rusizi District, where a house built by FPR Inkotanyi members for a vulnerable survivor cost just Rwf 9 million yet was sturdier than some that cost twice as much.
He concluded that empowering districts to oversee construction could lower costs and increase the number of houses built for survivors.
This impasse occurred primarily due to a procedural standoff in the Republican-controlled Senate (53–47 majority). Despite Republicans controlling the House, Senate, and the Presidency (Donald Trump), the minority Democratic caucus leveraged the Senate’s 60-vote filibuster rule to block the passage of spending bills.
The core negotiations hinged on a central policy dispute opposed by the Democratic minority: the demand for the inclusion of provisions, specifically the extension of enhanced tax credits for the Affordable Care Act (ACA), which are crucial for preventing health insurance premiums from skyrocketing for millions of Americans.
With Republicans firmly rejecting this concession, the funding bill failed, triggering a widespread disruption of critical government services and escalating pressure on citizens and federal agencies.
The consequences of the 43-day shutdown have been immediate and severe across the country. One of the most critical effects has been the disruption and uncertainty surrounding food assistance through the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), impacting tens of millions of vulnerable Americans.
Beyond social programs, the functionality of the nation was impaired, with the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) facing operational strain that led to cancellations and delays in air travel. Hundreds of thousands of federal employees were either furloughed or forced to work without pay, and many federal services, grant programs, and cultural institutions were paused.
Internationally, the shutdown strained diplomatic relations, raising concerns among key allies about U.S. stability and its ability to maintain continuity in intelligence-sharing and security operations abroad.
As of November 12, 2025, the government remains technically shut down, but a major legislative compromise is moving forward. The Senate secured the passage of a funding package on November 10th by a 60-40 vote, with eight members of the Democratic caucus siding with Republicans to break the filibuster.
This package is designed to fund most of the government through January 30, 2026, and includes three full-year appropriations bills for key agencies like the Department of Veterans Affairs and the USDA/FDA.
The deal also guarantees retroactive pay for furloughed federal workers and reverses mass layoffs initiated during the shutdown. Crucially, the final bill does not include the extension of the ACA tax credits that Democrats had demanded, instead securing only a commitment from the Senate Majority Leader for a separate vote on the issue in December.
The political stakes remain exceptionally high as the legislation now heads to the Republican-controlled House of Representatives for a final vote expected today, Wednesday, November 12. House Democrats have signaled fierce opposition, with their leadership vowing to reject the bill for failing to win any concessions on healthcare.
The inability to resolve the policy issue before agreeing to funding underscores the deep partisan gridlock within U.S. politics. The eventual passage of the bill, which President Trump has already endorsed, would end the longest shutdown in U.S. history, but it simultaneously postpones the core fight over healthcare policy, leaving the credibility of U.S. institutions and the stability of critical social programs hanging in the balance.
Ahead of the World Cycling Championship, which took place from September 21-28, 2025, several roads in Kigali were temporarily cleared of speed bumps to ensure smooth traffic flow and facilitate the event’s organization.
Some of the roads affected include Downtown – Nyamirambo, Nyabugogo-Kimisagara – Nyamiramo, and Sopetrade-Kimihurura.
City of Kigali spokesperson Ntirenganya Emma Claudine clarified that the removal of the speed bumps is not permanent, as they play an important role in reducing vehicle speeds.
“The reinstatement of speed bumps will depend on the specific location and its conditions. In some areas, the speed bumps will be restored, while in others, alternative traffic signs and measures will be put in place to manage speed more effectively. Each area will be assessed individually. Reducing speed on the roads is not only about speed bumps; other methods, such as signage, will also be used,” she explained.
Although Ntirenganya did not provide a specific date the work will begin, she confirmed that relevant authorities are currently evaluating the logistics of the restoration, based on the characteristics of each area.
The seventh biennial Scientific Conference on Medical Products Regulation in Africa (SCoMRA VII) was held in Kenya’s coastal city of Mombasa, with delegates reflecting on the growing urgency to address vulnerabilities exposed by emergencies like the Ebola outbreak and COVID-19.
John Munyu, chairperson of Kenya’s Pharmacy and Poisons Board, said unlocking Africa’s potential in health product manufacturing and trade is a continental priority.
“Africa imports over 90 percent of its medicines and produces less than one percent of its vaccines. This is not just a statistic; it reflects our dependence and vulnerability, which the COVID-19 pandemic painfully exposed,” he said.
“SCoMRA VII is not merely a conference; it is a strategic platform to make this vision real to catalyze local manufacturing, support intra-African trade under the Africa Continental Free Trade Area, and ensure that quality, safe, and effective medical products reach every African,” he added.
African Medicines Agency (AMA)’s Director-General Delese Mimi Darko underscored the institution’s commitment to supporting local pharmaceutical manufacturing across Africa.
Darko said increased regional production will improve access to safe, affordable, and high-quality medical products, while reducing dependence on imports.
Symerre Grey-Johnson, director of human capital and institutional development at the African Union Development Agency-New Partnership for Africa’s Development, said Africa has made strategic moves to actualize medical product manufacturing through the establishment of the AMA.
Grey-Johnson noted that the establishment provides predictable regulatory functions and authoritative continental leadership, ensuring long-term sustainability for Africa’s health future.
In today’s digital age, while social media serves as a tool for sharing ideas and promoting businesses, it is also misused to distort historical facts and spread misleading narratives.
To help provide a clearer understanding of Rwanda’s true history, we’ve compiled a list of books that offer valuable insights into the nation’s past, from its foundation to its post-genocide rebirth.
These books are available in various libraries in Rwanda and accessible via online bookstores.
{{1. Imizi y’u Rwanda (Umutumba wa Mbere, 2013)}}
Written by Jean de Dieu Nsanzabera, Imizi y’u Rwanda (Roots of Rwanda) is an essential read for anyone seeking to understand the origins of Rwanda.
It describes how Rwanda was founded, through the unification of 29 kingdoms, and the significant efforts of the kings of Gasabo in creating a unified nation.
The book details the historic agreement made in Nkotsi and Bikara (Musanze), which led to the formation of Rwanda.
This 440-page book is packed with details about the heroic struggles for Rwandan unity and the leaders who fought to preserve it.
{{2. Ibitaramo ku Mateka y’u Rwanda by Kagiraneza Zephyrin}}
This book, written by Kagiraneza Zephyrin and published in 1990, traces the history of Rwanda from its creation. It discusses the country’s borders at that time, the advent of white people, how its territories were taken away through deceit, and its early foreign diplomacy.
{{3. History of Rwanda: From the Beginning to the End of the 20th Century by the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission}}
This book was published by the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission in 2016, under supervision of Déo Byanafashe in collaboration with Paul Rutayisire.
It traces the origins of German influence in Rwanda and how they were later replaced by the Belgians, who immediately began efforts to divide the country and its people, leading Rwandans to realize that their situation had drastically changed.
The book also focuses on Rwanda’s history from the early 20th century until its end, examining the lives of Rwandans, politics, social relations, and development. It particularly highlights the impact of colonialism and how it sowed divisions, which ultimately led to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
{{4. A Thousand Hills: Rwanda’s Rebirth and the Man Who Dreamed It by Stephen Kinzer}}
In this book, author Stephen Kinzer, published in 2008, focuses extensively on Rwanda’s journey after the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, highlighting the leadership of President Kagame, whose visionary approach enabled the country to rebuild and emerge stronger, leading to the Rwanda we see today.
Kinzer discusses Kagame’s early life, from being born and then sent into exile at just four years old, to developing revolutionary ideas that eventually led to the struggle for the country’s liberation. He also details Kagame’s role in halting the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The author further explores the journey of unity and reconciliation, as well as Rwanda’s development. Anyone who reads this book will gain a clear understanding of the political transformations, particularly the recent history of Africa.
{{5. Defeat Is the Only Bad News: Rwanda Under Musinga (1896-1931) by Alison Liebhafsky Des Forges}}
This book, written by Alison Liebhafsky Des Forges and published in 2011, focuses primarily on the reign of King Yuhi V Musinga and examines the colonial era during his reign, extending into the early 20th century.
Des Forges highlights the difficult times King Musinga faced, as the Belgians arrived during his rule and sought to impose their colonial ideas and governance on the Rwandan people.
The book explores the origins of the divisions in Rwanda that ultimately led to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
{{6. Stepp’d in Blood: Akazu and the Architects of the Rwandan Genocide Against the Tutsi by Andrew Wallis}}
In this book, published by Andrew Wallis in 2018, the focus is on the history of Juvénal Habyarimana’s regime and the members of the ‘Akazu,’ (inner circle) a group largely composed of his family members, including his wife Agatha Kanziga, his brothers-in-law, and others known for their key roles in planning and executing the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The book delves into both the direct and indirect involvement of the Akazu members, their propaganda efforts, and their illicit business activities, including trading in precious minerals, drugs such as cocaine, trafficking of gorilla babies, and their role in the death of Dian Fossey, who had conducted research on gorillas.
Additionally, Wallis examines how the international community stood by while the Genocide against the Tutsi unfolded, failing to intervene or stop it.
This book provides a thorough understanding of the political landscape that led to the 1994 Genocide, which resulted in the deaths of over a million Tutsi.
{{7. Rwanda Before the Genocide: Catholic Politics and Ethnic Discourse in the Late Colonial Era by J.J. Carney}}
This book authored by Carney, focuses extensively on the significant role the Catholic Church played in the governance of Rwanda, particularly its involvement in politics and ethnic divisions before the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The author investigates the Church’s collaboration with the colonizers and its role in the establishment of ethnic classifications and the ideologies associated with them.
He examines how these factors ultimately contributed to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
{{8. L’État Français et le Génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda by Raphaël Doridant and François Graner}}
This book focuses on the role that France played in the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
The author explains that France supported Habyarimana’s government both politically and militarily, which made the preparation and execution of the genocide possible.
The book discusses France’s actions both before and during the Genocide, as well as its post-genocide involvement.
It argues that these actions led Rwanda into a period of darkness, causing immense destruction and turning the country into a site of devastation.
Additionally, the book explores the roles of other countries in Rwanda’s history and their conduct during the Genocide against the Tutsi.
{{9. The Struggle for Liberation: War and Militarism in African History by John Burton Kegel}}
This book by John Burton Kegel was published in 2025. It discusses Rwanda from its roots, covering the periods before independence, as well as the administrations of Habyarimana and Kayibanda.
The book also explores the birth of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (FPR Inkotanyi), the Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA), and the launch of the struggle to liberate the country. It traces the journey of Rwanda’s reconstruction after the Genocide against the Tutsi.
{{10. Intwari z’Imbanza, zubatse u Rwanda rugahamya igitinyiro (Umutumba wa mbere, 2018)}}
This is one of the comprehensive books that documents the history of Rwanda, authored by the expert in Rwandan culture and history, Jean de Dieu Nsanzabera. The book covers the significant events in the history of the foundation of Rwanda (1091-2017).
It provides a thorough overview of the country’s evolution, from its establishment to its eventual decline and subsequent rebirth. It details how the process of building Rwanda was planned, implemented, and where it stands today, highlighting the contributions of those who shaped the nation during their time.
The book serves as a guide for those seeking to understand the history of each king who ruled Rwanda over the course of 870 years (1091-1961) and the impact of their reigns.
It also covers the actions taken by the Presidents after the monarchy transitioned to a republic. The history is traced from the era of King Gihanga Ngomijana to the time of President Paul Kagame, who was in power when this history was documented.
{{11. Les conditions de vie des Tutsi au Rwanda de 1959 à 1990 : Persécutions et massacres antérieurs au génocide de 1990 à 1994 by Antoine Mugesera}}
This book, written by Antoine Mugesera and published in 2015, focuses on the severe conditions that the Tutsi population endured between 1959, when they began to face persecution, killings, and displacement, and 1990, when those in exile decided to launch the struggle for the country’s liberation, allowing refugees to return home.
Antoine Mugesera, along with Kayitesi Judence who co-authored this work, were recently recognized as one of the top writers in 2025.
These Rwandans had spent three days at a temporary disarmament and reintegration center in Goma before their return.
According to MONUSCO, a total of 49 Rwandans were repatriated, all of whom expressed joy at returning home and urged their compatriots still in the forests to lay down their arms and live peacefully with others.
From January to October 2025, MONUSCO facilitated the repatriation of 54 Rwandan ex-combatants, mostly from the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), together with 44 of their family members.
Upon arrival in Rwanda, the ex-combatants are taken to the Mutobo Demobilization and Reintegration Center in Musanze District, operated by the Rwanda Demobilization and Reintegration Commission (RDRC), where they receive training to help them reintegrate into civilian life and achieve self-reliance.
On October 30, the RDRC reintegrated 143 former FDLR combatants who had completed between three and six months of training at the Mutobo center.
The commission reaffirmed its commitment to ongoing support for those who choose to return peacefully.
Broadcasting from September to October on ST Zone, ST Novela E, and the StarTimes ON streaming platform, the series is designed to strengthen cultural understanding and build deeper ties between China, Africa, and the global community.
This season trails a diverse group of African and international participants, from creatives and entrepreneurs to adventurers, as they share authentic experiences of living, working, and exploring in modern-day China.
Through their lenses, viewers journey across the country’s most compelling destinations: the peaceful beauty of Taizhou, the dynamic rhythm of Chongqing, the historical charm of Chongzhou, the coastal culture of Fujian, the ancient desert landscapes of Dunhuang, and the spiritual heights of Wudang Mountain.
By spotlighting regions beyond China’s major cities, “A Glimpse of China in the New Era” reveals the country’s vast cultural diversity, evolving local lifestyles, and the sense of opportunity that continues to draw foreigners into China’s rapid transformation.
“Our audience will enjoy powerful cross-cultural stories while gaining a deeper appreciation of China’s cultural depth, seen through the relatable perspectives of foreigners living here,” said Lizzie LYU, Marketing Director of StarTimes.
“This documentary is both visually compelling and educational, a bridge for cultural exchange between Africa and China.”
Beyond its on-air content, StarTimes is also supporting offline activities inspired by the series, encouraging cultural exchange, community engagement, and meaningful dialogue.
With its immersive storytelling and striking imagery, “A Glimpse of China in the New Era” celebrates the spirit of curiosity, collaboration, and friendship that connects people across borders.
