Speaking in Kliptown, Johannesburg, on Friday, Ramaphosa said South Africa is ready to welcome world leaders and deliver a successful meeting. “The summit will go on. We are not going to stop because they are not here,” he said, adding that most G20 leaders have confirmed their attendance.
Ramaphosa noted that U.S. President Donald Trump had withdrawn all U.S. representatives, citing allegations of ill-treatment of Afrikaners and “genocide.”
Stressing “boycott politics never work,” he said, “If you boycott an event or a process, you lose because the show will go on.”
The G20 Leaders’ Summit is scheduled for November 22 and 23 in Johannesburg, South Africa’s largest city and economic hub.
The G20 is a forum for major global economies that brings together 19 countries along with two large economic blocs: the European Union and the African Union. It represents a significant share of the world’s GDP, international trade, and population. Established in 1999 to address international economic and financial stability, the G20 has since expanded its agenda to include issues such as climate change and sustainable development.
Its members are Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, the Republic of Korea, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Türkiye, the United Kingdom, and the United States, in addition to the European Union and the African Union.
In a statement issued on Saturday night, Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation said the framework marks “an important step on the road to definitively addressing the root causes of conflict in eastern DRC, and the obstacles to peace in the Great Lakes Region.”
Kigali also commended Qatar for its sustained engagement as mediator, as well as the support provided by the United States and the African Union.
The agreement, signed in Doha earlier in the day, is being celebrated as one of the most concrete advances in years toward stabilising a region that has endured insecurity and humanitarian crises for over two decades.
According to U.S. Senior Advisor for African Affairs, Massad Boulos, the framework “charts a clear path toward a peace accord”, with both the DRC government and the AFC/M23 committing to uphold the ceasefire, end hostilities, and jointly tackle the root causes of the conflict.
Boulos highlighted eight core protocols contained in the framework, including mechanisms for prisoner exchanges, ceasefire monitoring and verification, expanded humanitarian access, restoration of state authority, disarmament and reintegration of armed groups, return of displaced people, economic recovery, and efforts to promote justice and reconciliation.
“These obligations will strengthen the foundation for peace, stability, and the rebuilding of trust in affected communities,” Boulos said, thanking Qatar for facilitating the process.
Further details shared by the Permanent Secretary of AFC/M23, Benjamin Mbonimpa, reaffirmed that the framework establishes a phased implementation roadmap. Each of the eight protocols will be discussed and executed progressively, with a defined timeline guiding the process. A comprehensive peace agreement will only be signed once both parties have fully addressed all protocol components.
Among the protocols is a commitment to collaborate on restoring state institutions and public services in eastern DRC, a process envisioned to unfold in stages. Another protocol includes temporary security measures designed to maintain public calm and protect civilians during the transition period.
Both parties have also agreed to form an independent national commission tasked with advancing truth, reconciliation, accountability for crimes, and planning the reconstruction of damaged infrastructure.
The signing ceremony in Doha was witnessed by Qatar’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Mohammed bin Abdulaziz bin Saleh Al-Khulaifi, and Massad Boulos, the Advisor to the U.S. President on African Affairs.
Speaking at a press briefing recently, Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary, Musalia Mudavadi acknowledged the magnitude of the crisis and said the government is pursuing bilateral interventions with Saudi Arabia to repatriate the affected mothers and children.
The ministry revealed that under a programme called “Mobile Consular Services,” DNA tests have been conducted on 707 individuals, including children, to verify parentage and process birth certificates to enable repatriation.
A Joint Interdepartmental Working Group (JIWG), formed in January 2025 and including the Kenyan Embassy as well as Saudi ministries of Foreign Affairs, Labour, Interior and the General Directorate of Passports, is assisting these efforts.
So far, the process has resulted in the safe repatriation of 59 mothers and 73 children.
The plight of these families is rooted in legal and administrative difficulties.
Kenya’s law allows for registration of births abroad, but Saudi Arabia’s legal regime requires a marriage certificate to issue a birth certificate, and strong penalties apply for extramarital sex.
It is reported that many Kenyan single mothers, fearful of legal consequences, deliver children at home and avoid hospitals, leaving children undocumented and vulnerable.
The Kenyan government has also noted that more than 400 Kenyans have been lured abroad by recruitment agents promising lucrative jobs in countries such as Vietnam, Cambodia and Myanmar, only to find themselves stranded, trafficked or forced into unpaid labour.
The foreign ministry emphasised that stranded mothers should engage with Kenyan diplomatic missions in Riyadh and Jeddah or the State Department for Diaspora Affairs in Nairobi to regularise their status and secure documentation for their children.
The government also reminded Kenyan parents abroad to register births of children abroad in order to protect their rights.
This peace agreement is seen as a significant step forward in the ongoing efforts to stabilize the region, which has been plagued by violence for over two decades.
The Permanent Secretary of AFC/M23, Benjamin Mbonimpa, explained that the framework signed by both parties in Qatar on November 15, 2025, consists of eight implementation protocols aimed at addressing the root causes of the conflict in the DRC.
Mbonimpa stated that each protocol will be discussed progressively until all its components are fully respected, and that a timeline has been established for discussions on each protocol.
He noted that only after both sides have addressed the issues outlined in all the protocols will AFC/M23 and the Government of the DRC sign a comprehensive peace agreement.
Among the protocols is one focused on cooperation to restore state institutions and public services in the eastern part of the country, a process to be carried out in phases and through collaboration between the Government of the DRC and the AFC/M23 coalition.
The second concerns a mutual agreement between the Government of the DRC and AFC/M23 to adopt temporary security measures aimed at maintaining public calm and protecting civilians.
The Government of the DRC and AFC/M23 also agreed to establish an independent national commission responsible for promoting truth, reconciliation, accountability for crimes, and planning the reconstruction of damaged infrastructure.
The signing ceremony was attended by Qatar’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Mohammed bin Abdulaziz bin Saleh Al-Khulaifi, and Massad Boulos, the Advisor to the President of the United States on African Partnerships.
In a post on his social platform, Trump wrote: “I am withdrawing my support and endorsement of Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene, of the great state of Georgia.”
He added that while he is willing to back a challenger in her district if one emerges, Greene will not receive his endorsement unless she changes course.
The relationship had already been strained. Greene has recently diverged from Trump and other Republicans on several issues: she criticised the president’s prioritisation of foreign affairs over domestic issues, joined efforts pushing for the release of files connected to the late sex‑offender Jeffrey Epstein, and publicly challenged aspects of Trump’s policy agenda.
Trump, in his message, accused Greene of spending months simply complaining rather than contributing constructively, saying: “all I see ‘Wacky’ Marjorie do is COMPLAIN, COMPLAIN, COMPLAIN!” He also referenced a leaked poll he shared with her that showed her at only 12% support in a hypothetical Senate or gubernatorial run arguing she lacked electoral viability without his backing.
Greene responded on social media, stating that Trump “just attacked me and lied about me.” She released screenshots of a message she claims she sent to Trump urging him to release files related to Epstein, suggesting that was the tipping point in his decision. She further asserted that Trump’s move was meant as a warning to other Republicans ahead of a vote on those very files.
Political analysts say the split is important for several reasons. First, it underlines Trump’s enduring influence within the GOP; he still controls endorsements and can make or break careers in his base.
Second, it suggests he may be repositioning his network of allies heading into the next election cycle, favouring those he views as more disciplined or electorally viable.
Third, for Greene the rift raises questions about her future at a time when some of her former supporters may look elsewhere.
This announcement was made in a statement signed on November 11, addressed to all officers of the Liberia Immigration Service (LIS).
According to Rwanda Directorate General of Immigration and Emigration, the move allows Rwandans to travel in and out of Liberia without prior visa requirements, following a reciprocal agreement signed between the two countries on September 10, 2025, in Monrovia, the capital city of Liberia.
The agreement establishes a Joint Permanent Commission of Cooperation and a Reciprocal Visa Waiver between Liberia and Rwanda.
This move is expected to boost bilateral relations and create new opportunities for cooperation between the two countries.
During the signing ceremony, Rwanda was represented by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Nduhungirehe Olivier, who was on a visit aimed at fostering relations with Liberia, while Liberia was represented by its Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sara Beysolow Nyanti.
Rwanda and Liberia share a strong relationship, especially through collaboration between the legislative bodies of the two countries.
Rwanda’s universities and higher learning institutions also host students from Liberia, among other areas of cooperation.
{{What you should know about Liberia}}
Liberia is a country located in West Africa with a unique history, culture, and many opportunities.
It is one of the early African countries to gain independence, in 1847.
The country has an area of 111,369 km² and a population of approximately 5.7 million people. It is led by President Joseph Boakai.
Liberia was founded by former slaves from the United States, which gives it a distinctive historical connection between Africa and America. This connection has influenced the foundation of its culture, politics, and societal structure, making it unique in Africa.
Liberia uses English as its official language, though there are 20 other indigenous languages spoken across the country.
The country is rich in natural resources, including forests, minerals, gold, palm oil, fertile land, and more. Its economy grew by 4% in 2024. Liberia uses its own currency, with 1,000 Liberian dollars being equivalent to approximately Frw 7,900-8,000.
Monrovia, the capital, has a major port that facilitates international trade, especially with countries bordering the Indian Ocean and the Atlantic Ocean.
Liberia’s decision to lift the visa requirement for Rwandans, opened up new avenues for travel and trade between the two nations.
The strikes reportedly aimed at killing members of the Banyamulenge community who have been living in a camp for internally displaced people in the area.
Moïse Nyarugabo, a politician from the Banyamulenge ethnic group, explained that the attacks took place at 2:00 AM on November 15, 2025.
“On November 15, 2025, at 2:00 a.m., Tshisekedi’s drones bombed the village of Mikenke, a village inhabited by civilians and home to a camp for displaced Banyamulenge people whose villages have been burned. The toll has not yet been established, but certainly, there are civilians who must have been affected,” he said.
Nyarugabo confirmed that reliable information indicates that DRC forces, along with forces from Burundi, Wazalendo, and the FDLR, are present in areas such as Point-Zéro, Mikalati, Kigazura, Marunde, Kipupu, Rugezi, and Mukoko, with plans to launch further attacks in Minembwe and Mikenke, areas inhabited by the Banyamulenge.
“Two generals, one from Congo and another from Burundi, are in that area preparing for these major attacks. Unless there is a last-minute change of plans, in the coming hours or days, those who survive the Sukhoi and drone attacks will face further bombardment from enemies of peace,” he noted.
Since 2017, the Banyamulenge in South Kivu province have faced continuous attacks from a coalition of armed groups supported by the DRC government.
The MRDP Twirwaneho group, which defends the rights of Banyamulenge, disclosed, on November 6, that more than 328,000 people have been displaced over the past eight years.
Over 550 villages, nearly 140 schools, 41 health centers, and over 126 churches have been destroyed. Additionally, over 500,000 cattle have been looted.
“Every single day,” he says, “I have to do this. It’s no joke. I spend most of the time just imagining how great this project will be.”
Half Yemeni, half Ukrainian, Richi never imagined his life would take root in Rwanda. Before the war in Ukraine, triggered on February 24, 2022, when Russia launched a full-scale invasion, he was a successful real estate entrepreneur in Kyiv, owner of a café, a beauty salon, and a father to twins born just months before the fighting erupted.
Since then, fighting and airstrikes have caused more than 40,000 civilian casualties, while 3.7 million people have been internally displaced, and a further 6.9 million have fled Ukraine, creating one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises.
On the day the war began, he was in Poland. His family soon joined him. They drove west to Spain, spent nearly two years there, tried Germany, where his wife has family roots, and visited Portugal. But Europe, for all its comfort, felt temporary.
“I wasn’t sure where my life was leading,” he recalls. “I never thought I’d find happiness again. I never thought that this would be in Rwanda.”
Then a friend who lived in Kigali suggested, “Just come. Visit without your family. See if it’s for you.” Richi bought a ticket and arrived for a 10-day scouting trip. The moment he stepped out of Kigali International Airport, he knew.
“The streets were so clean. Everything was so simple, so beautiful, so organized,” he says.
“Then I learned about more rapid development, huge opportunities in the service sector, and everyone said it was safe. I’m not here to find a job. I’m here to start a business. It was clean, safe, simple, far from Europe’s problems. It felt like destiny.”
Richi soon discovered that Rwanda is not only welcoming to foreigners but is also engineered for their success. “Not only the government, but the people, business partners, other owners, everyone wants to do better business,” he says. “In Europe and Ukraine, you’re more on your own. Here, everybody is open.”
That openness led him to William Shaka, a local landowner who had nurtured a farm in Bugesera for 15 years with a quiet dream to one day transform it into something more than agriculture.
Richi and his wife, passionate about eco-tourism, real estate, and marketing, saw the same vision. “We met,” Richi says, “and it was destiny again.”
Their first test? A mango festival. Over 1,100 people showed up. “It was crazy,” Richi laughs. “We realised there is demand for farm visits in Rwanda. People in Kigali want something new. Bugesera is closer, the roads are better, and it’s fresh.”
What began as a festival soon blossomed into Eagle View Farm: an agro-tourism project blending working agriculture with guest rooms, a lakeside restaurant, a wellness centre, and a vision of families waking up to pick oranges from trees outside their door.
“Imagine this,” Richi says, standing by a fish pond with orange groves behind it. “Your children wake up and say, ‘Wow, oranges!’ You tell them, ‘Go get some.’ They pick them. You wash them, cut them. Just like it was supposed to be.”
Every morning, Richi and his family do yoga on the lake shore, watching fishermen cast nets at 7:30 a.m. in perfect unison. “Only birds and fishermen,” he says. “Pure peace.”
The future kitchen, still under construction, overlooks the water. “Can you imagine working here?” he asks, gesturing wide. “Chefs getting fresh products from the farm, cooking with this view. It’s the dream.”
One year ago, when the family moved in, there was only a house. Now, over 10 guest rooms are rising, along with the restaurant and wellness centre.
“It’s all coming to reality,” Richi says. “Very soon, everyone will know about this project.” But Eagle View is more than a business, it’s a prototype. “I hope we motivate other investors to create farm-integrated, eco-tourism projects across Rwanda,” he says.
“With fast internet and AI, you can be in the middle of nowhere and still solve problems instantly. Take a photo of a diseased leaf AI tells you what to do. No waiting for an expert from Kigali. This opens crazy possibilities.”
Since Richi began posting about farm life online, the messages pour in from expats, investors, and especially Rwandans abroad. Many own unused land back home.
Some write: “You’re living the dream. We want to come home.” His response is direct: “Come home. It’s time to invest in Rwanda. The longer you wait, the harder this will be. Such lifestyles will become rarer.”
He speaks not of happiness, but of something more sustainable. “Happiness comes in phases,” he says. “We’re not designed to be happy all the time. But we can be calm. We can be peaceful.” Buddhist monks don’t seek happiness. They seek peace. If I had to describe my life now, I’d say: peaceful.”
To anyone curious about Rwanda, agro-tourism or a life rooted in the land, Richi extends a warm invitation to come and see it firsthand.
“Please visit us. If you’re into eco-tourism, nature, agriculture, wilderness, and self-development, you’ll see a project that shows where Rwanda is heading. We’re building something unique. Welcome to Eagle View Farm.”
The Berlin Conference, which took place from November 15, 1884, to February 26, 1885, marked a pivotal moment in this transformation. As European nations scrambled to divide Africa among themselves, Rwanda, like many of its neighbors, was caught in the web of imperialism.
It was during this conference that Rwanda’s fate was sealed on November 15, 1884, with the country being placed under German control.
The effects of this decision were far-reaching. Rwanda had never experienced massacres between its inhabitants before the German, and then Belgian colonization, which following the Berlin Conference from, led to the signing of the General Act for the Partition of Africa among Western powers.
Rwanda was assigned to the German zone. Then, Germany, England, and Belgium agreed to reduce Rwanda’s borders, annexing Rwandan territories to the Belgian Congo and Uganda.
{{The spark of colonization}}
The Berlin Conference, hosted by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck of Germany, was convened with one purpose: to regulate European colonization and trade in Africa.
The conference saw representatives from 14 European powers, including Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, Germany, and Italy, come together to formalize their claims to African territories.
The conference was governed by what came to be known as the Berlin Act (1885), a document that set the rules for colonization. It called for European powers to notify each other of their territorial claims and to establish effective occupation. Africa, which had long been home to thriving civilizations, was now a pawn in European geopolitics.
Rwanda, along with Burundi, was assigned to Germany as part of the larger German East Africa protectorate, which also included present-day Tanzania. This marked the beginning of a dramatic shift in the region’s trajectory.
The effects of the Berlin Conference were far-reaching, especially in Rwanda. The decision to place Rwanda under German rule was not simply a matter of territorial control; it marked the beginning of a colonial era that would fundamentally alter the country’s social, economic, and political structures.
During this time, Rwanda was ruled under the reign of King Kigeli IV Rwabugiri, who was placed in a position of limited authority by the Germans.
His power was undermined by the colonial administration, which took full control over the economy and governance. The imposition of European rule created tension between the local monarchy and the colonial powers.
{{The collapse of German control}}
While Germany’s rule over Rwanda was relatively short-lived, it had significant lasting effects on the country. World War I (1914-1918) played a key role in shifting Rwanda’s colonial allegiance. In 1916, as Germany was embroiled in the war in Europe, Belgian forces took over the German colonies in Africa, including Rwanda.
According to the book ‘The History of Rwanda’ published by the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission cyasohowe in 2016, written under the supervision of Paul Rutayisire and Déo Byanafashe, [the last German soldiers left Kigali by May 5, 1916. ->https://en.igihe.com/history/article/the-day-the-last-german-soldier-fled-kigali-during-world-war-i]
After the war, as indicated by the United Nations, the League of Nations granted Belgium a mandate over the territory of Rwanda, then called Ruanda-Urundi, on October 20, 1924, making them Belgian colonies.
The change from German to Belgian control marked a new chapter in Rwanda’s colonial history. On January 1, 1932, Belgium introduced ethnic identity cards, where the colonial administration deepened its involvement in Rwanda’s social structures, solidifying the divide between the Tutsi and Hutu populations.
{{Rwanda’s path to independence}}
Rwanda’s colonial history, shaped first by Germany and later by Belgium, left enduring scars on the nation. Beginning in 1917, Belgium implemented sweeping reforms to Rwanda’s customary institutions, introducing labor legislation that included harsh corporal punishments.
During this period, the racist political party PARMEHUTU emerged, rising to power through a well-coordinated massacre of Tutsi people starting on November 2, 1959.
To secure PARMEHUTU’s dominance, Belgium sent Colonel Guy Logiest to Rwanda as Special Military Resident, granting him full administrative authority. Once Belgium was confident that PARMEHUTU had consolidated its hold on the political landscape, it granted Rwanda independence in July 1962. However, independence brought neither peace nor stability.
Between 1959 and 1962, the country endured a series of unpunished massacres, including the killing of more than 2,000 Tutsi in Byumba Prefecture in March 1962.
In December 1963, a more systematic genocide targeting the Tutsi was orchestrated with Belgium’s support. Some diplomats, missionaries, international cooperation staff, as well as the French, Belgian, and British press, along with the Vatican, described these killings as genocide.
The deep social and political rifts created by the colonial system continued to plague the country, ultimately culminating in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
This tragic chapter was brought to an end by the intervention of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA).
Al-Burhan, who is also chairman of Sudan’s Transitional Sovereign Council, made the remarks while addressing a public gathering in the Al-Sreiha area of Gezira State in central Sudan, according to the sovereign council’s media office.
He emphasized that the conflict will not be resolved through agreements or a ceasefire, vowing that “the march continues to defeat the rebel terrorist militia.”
He also urged all Sudanese to participate in what he called the “battle of dignity and honor,” calling on “anyone who can bear arms” to join the fight against the RSF.
Al-Burhan further stressed that the Sudanese people will not accept the RSF or its supporters, calling on the international community to “collect the weapons from these groups to establish peace in the country.”
On Nov. 6, the RSF had announced its acceptance of a proposal presented by the International Quad Group (United States, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt) to implement a ceasefire as part of a humanitarian truce in Sudan.
According to leaked details, the proposal envisions a three-month humanitarian truce to allow aid access, followed by a nine-month political process aimed at achieving a comprehensive settlement and a permanent ceasefire.
Sudan continues to be gripped by a brutal conflict between the Sudanese army and the RSF, which broke out in April 2023. The fighting has claimed tens of thousands of lives and forced millions from their homes, deepening the country’s humanitarian crisis.
