The crash occurred near Wadi Seidna Air Base in Omdurman, one of the army’s key military hubs, shortly after takeoff.
According to a military statement, the Antonov aircraft suffered a technical malfunction that led to the disaster.
A crew of four, along with multiple officers and soldiers, lost their lives in the crash. At least five civilians were also among the casualties, bringing the total number of fatalities to at least 19, according to media reports.
Eyewitnesses reported hearing a loud explosion as the aircraft plummeted into a densely populated area, igniting a fire and damaging several residential buildings.
Residents in northern Omdurman also experienced power outages following the crash. The Karari Resistance Committee, a local volunteer network, confirmed that ten bodies and numerous injured individuals were taken to Al-Nao Hospital. Several survivors suffered severe burns.
The Sudanese army stated that emergency response teams successfully contained the fire at the crash site, while the injured were transported to medical facilities for treatment.
The crash comes amid escalating violence in Sudan’s ongoing conflict between the army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Just a day before the accident, the RSF claimed responsibility for downing a Russian-made Ilyushin aircraft in Nyala, South Darfur, allegedly destroying it with its crew on board.
Since April 2023, Sudan has been engulfed in a brutal power struggle between army chief Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan and RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, former allies turned rivals.
The war has led to one of the worst humanitarian crises in recent history, with over 29,600 deaths and more than 15 million people displaced, according to the International Organization for Migration.
In a statement shared on X, Nyombayire accused global actors of ignoring Rwanda’s long-standing calls for a political solution while enabling DRC’s leadership to evade accountability.
“Unlike what the international community will have you believe, the idea that a political solution is necessary to solve the conflict in Eastern DRC is far from new. It is what Rwanda has been calling for, for YEARS. It is exactly what President Tshisekedi has openly and REPEATEDLY refused to do. And we will not join you in pretending otherwise,” she wrote.
Nyombayire argued that the selective international outcry is not driven by genuine concern for the DRC but by a decades-old geopolitical calculation that disregards Rwandan lives.
“The underlying message of the selective outcry is not that there is a sudden genuine concern for the plight of a country that everyone knows is a failed state. The message is clear: the decision made 30 years ago—that the lives of Rwandans are expendable in the face of geopolitical interests—still stands today,” she stated.
Nyombayire accused the Congolese leadership of taking advantage of this dynamic, benefiting from international backing while continuing to recruit armed groups, including the FDLR, a militia responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
“That is why the leadership of DRC is enjoying the perks of sharing the same interests as their masters: talk crazy, recruit genocidaires and European mercenaries to fight your wars, sit back, relax, and let the international community bury the real issue,” she wrote.
According to Nyombayire, those pushing for de-escalation are in fact advocating for a return to a system that allows DRC’s elite to profit while Rwanda faces ongoing security threats.
“What every resolution and statement is calling for is an immediate return to business as usual: a nation that must remain a lawless playground where leaders get their cut to go buy castles in Brussels, the international community thrives off the business of peacekeeping and poverty alleviation programs, and their companies protect their profits,” she asserted.
Highlighting the glaring double standards, she noted that the same countries backing DRC would never tolerate the kind of threats Rwanda has endured for decades.
The continued misrepresentation of the conflict, she argued, serves powerful interests rather than the people of either country.
“Every country throwing its weight behind DRC knows they would never tolerate a fraction of the kind of security threats Rwanda has been facing for 30 years,” she noted, adding, “The gaslighting is deliberate because the truth is bad for business. It turns out that in this equation, the citizens of either country don’t actually matter, and in the end, their goal is NOT in fact a path to peace.”
The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has deteriorated since 2021, when the M23 rebel group resumed fighting to defend the rights of marginalized Rwandophones and Tutsi communities.
Instead of addressing the root causes of the crisis, the DRC government has consistently shifted blame onto Rwanda, accusing it of backing the rebels.
These claims have been amplified by the international community, despite Rwanda strongly rejecting them as false.
Kigali continues to advocate for a political solution to the conflict, as recommended through regional initiatives, including the joint East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit.
Tensions escalated further as M23 forces advanced, capturing key cities such as Sake and Goma in North and South Kivu provinces.
Amid growing insecurity, Rwanda has reinforced its border security in response to clear indications that a coalition of forces, including the DRC army and the terrorist group FDLR, is planning an attack. This follows years of repeated attempts to destabilize Rwanda.
In 2022 alone, the FDLR, armed with weapons supplied by the DRC government, launched attacks on Musanze District in March, May, and June. Two years earlier, RUD-Urunana, an offshoot of the FDLR, had killed 14 Rwandans in the same area.
As pressure mounts, Rwanda has criticized those calling for sanctions against it, arguing that such measures unfairly target a country taking necessary steps to protect its borders and citizens.
The Rwandan government maintains that sanctions have never resolved the long-standing security crisis in eastern DRC and will not do so now.
In a statement released on Tuesday, the rebel group reaffirmed its commitment to a political resolution of the ongoing conflict but condemned what it described as the Kinshasa regime’s “reckless and provocative actions.”
The AFC/M23 says that despite a unilateral ceasefire declared on February 4 and reaffirmed on February 22, the Congolese military (FARDC) and its coalition forces—including the FDLR, Wazalendo militias, and Burundi’s National Defence Force (FNDB)—are reorganizing for full-scale war.
According to the group’s spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka, heavy military activity has been observed in conflict zones such as Rusizi Plain, Walikale, Masisi, and Lubero, where reinforcements and military supplies continue to be deployed.
The rebel movement also accused the Kinshasa government of launching targeted attacks against defenceless communities.
On February 25, drone and fighter jet strikes hit villages in Minembwe, including Irundu and Nyarujoka, causing destruction and terror among civilians. Meanwhile, in Uvira town, Kanyuka reported an escalation in the persecution of the Banyamulenge community, citing arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and acts of violence.
AFC/M23 strongly condemned the human rights violations, denouncing what it called the “selective stance” of the international community in addressing the crisis.
The group warned that continued attacks on civilians would escalate tensions, undermine regional peace efforts at the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) levels, and hold the Congolese government responsible for any further deterioration of the situation.
“We urge regional leaders working towards a ceasefire to take immediate action and hold the Government of the DRC accountable for its reckless and provocative actions,” the statement read.
The Congolese government has yet to respond to AFC/M23’s allegations. However, President Tshisekedi’s administration has previously maintained that he won’t dialogue with the group, complicating efforts to find a lasting solution to the security situation in eastern Congo, where the fighters accuse the government of decades of marginalisation and persecution against Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese.
The crisis has deteriorated in recent months, leading to the capture of Bukavu and Goma, key cities in the South and North Kivu provinces.
This initiative aims to enhance skills, workforce training, and research and development to support the continent’s goal of manufacturing 60% of its vaccines locally by 2040.
The effort aligns with decisions by African Union leaders to expand the Partnerships for African Vaccine Manufacturing (PAVM) mandate beyond vaccines to include medicines, diagnostics, and other essential health products.
Financial support for this vision has been substantial, with more than $3.5 billion pledged by global donors and development finance institutions.
The African Vaccine Manufacturing Accelerator (AVMA) is expected to unlock $1.2 billion over the next decade, while Afreximbank has committed $2 billion to strengthening Africa’s health product manufacturing sector.
A recent Africa CDC survey identified 574 manufacturers across the continent, including 25 engaged in vaccine production. Ten of these already have installed capacity, and by 2030, three African manufacturers are expected to produce and secure World Health Organization (WHO) Prequalification for eight vaccines, expanding supply for the continental market and beyond.
The RCCN Secretariats were formally introduced during the 2nd Vaccines and Health Products Manufacturing Forum in Cairo, held from February 4 to 6, 2025.
In his keynote address, Africa CDC Director General, Dr, Jean Kaseya, hailed the initiative, describing it as a game-changer for workforce development in biomanufacturing.
Following a rigorous evaluation process, leading institutions were selected to coordinate efforts in each region, with Institut Pasteur du Maroc and The Unified Procurement Authority leading in North Africa, the Africa Biomanufacturing Institute in East Africa, Institut Pasteur de Dakar in West Africa, and the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research in Southern Africa.
These networks will address one of Africa’s biggest challenges in vaccine manufacturing: the shortage of skilled professionals in biomanufacturing, research and development, and regulatory affairs.
By linking training institutions, manufacturers, and regulatory authorities, the RCCNs will establish structured programs to build a sustainable and well-equipped workforce.
One of the sector’s biggest obstacles has been the lack of hands-on learning opportunities, such as internships and structured workplace training, which are essential for creating a steady pipeline of skilled professionals.
Expanding education in biomanufacturing, research, and regulatory affairs will be central to the initiative, aligning with Africa CDC’s Vaccine Research and Development and Vaccine Manufacturing Competency Frameworks.
Dr. Chiluba Mwila, Talent Development Lead for Africa CDC’s Platform for Harmonised African Health Manufacturing, emphasized the urgent need to quadruple Africa’s current 3,000 vaccine manufacturing and R&D employees to meet its production targets.
He pointed out key challenges, including limited educational programs, brain drain, and fragmented funding. The RCCNs aim to tackle these issues by developing a skilled workforce to support the continent’s growing vaccine and health product manufacturing sector.
Beyond technical expertise, the initiative also focuses on integrating sustainable business and operational models into workforce development. According to Dr. Abebe Genetu Bayih, Coordinator of the Platform for Harmonised African Health Manufacturing, the goal is to create an environment where Africa CDC and its partners can coordinate training programs effectively and sustainably.
Strengthening collaboration between research institutions and industry stakeholders will also ensure that Africa’s vaccine manufacturing ecosystem remains innovative and globally competitive.
In a communiqué issued on February 25, 2025, the Forum highlighted security concerns in the region and criticized the Congolese government’s role in the ongoing crisis.
During a meeting on the same day, leaders of Rwanda’s 11 registered political parties including RPF Inkotanyi, PL, PSD, UDPR, PDI, PPC, PDC, PCR, PSP, PS Imberakuri, and DGPR-Green Party; denounced global actors for their biased approach to the conflict, arguing that foreign powers ignore the crisis’s historical and political roots while exacerbating tensions.
The Forum condemned repeated attacks on Rwanda’s territorial integrity by FARDC, FDLR, and other armed groups, citing recent assaults in Rubavu District that left 16 dead and 177 injured.
They also criticized inflammatory rhetoric from Congolese leaders, particularly President Félix Tshisekedi, accusing him of distorting Rwanda’s image and rallying international support for sanctions.
The continued instability, the Forum asserted, stems from the DRC government’s failure to address grievances among its Kinyarwanda-speaking communities, instead using Rwanda as a scapegoat for its internal challenges.
The communiqué urged President Tshisekedi to sever all ties with the FDLR, a group responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, and to pursue a lasting solution through dialogue rather than military escalation.
The Forum stressed that genuine engagement is the only path to sustainable peace in the region.
Expressing solidarity with Rwanda’s leadership, the Forum praised President Paul Kagame for his role in maintaining national stability and commended the Rwanda Defence Forces for safeguarding sovereignty and security.
Additionally, they welcomed resolutions from the East African Community and Southern African Development Community (EAC-SADC) Summit held in Dar es Salaam on February 8, 2025, calling it a vital step toward regional peace.
The communiqué rejected what it described as unfair and counterproductive sanctions against Rwanda by certain countries and international organizations, arguing that such actions embolden the Congolese government’s confrontational stance while undermining Africa-led peace efforts.
Instead, the Forum called for enhanced regional and international collaboration to tackle the root causes of instability, including the presence of armed militias and longstanding historical grievances in the DRC.
Finally, Rwandans were urged to uphold national unity and embrace self-reliance, emphasizing that internal cohesion remains crucial in countering external threats and ensuring lasting peace and development.
The hearing, which began at 2:00 p.m. local time (0500 GMT), included the examination of evidence by Yoon’s legal team and the National Assembly, which acted as the prosecution.
Appearing in court at 9:00 p.m., Yoon expressed regret for the confusion caused by his martial law declaration, claiming it was necessary due to a national emergency. However, the opposition argued that no such emergency existed.
Yoon insisted lawmakers were not prevented from entering the National Assembly to revoke the martial law, which lasted only two and a half hours. The emergency declaration, issued on Dec. 3, was overturned by the opposition-led parliament shortly after.
During the brief imposition, military helicopters landed at the National Assembly, and armed soldiers entered the building, as shown in TV footage.
While Yoon denied ordering the removal of lawmakers, military commanders testified they had received such directives, according to the prosecution.
The National Assembly’s lawyers argued Yoon had violated the constitution and was unfit for office due to his outdated views on presidential emergency powers.
Yoon was apprehended on Jan. 15 and indicted on Jan. 26 as a suspected leader of insurrection, a charge that could lead to life imprisonment or the death penalty if convicted.
The National Assembly passed the impeachment motion on Dec. 14, suspending Yoon’s presidency while the court deliberates for up to 180 days. However, given past precedents, a final ruling is expected within two weeks.
In a statement released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation on February 25, 2025, Rwanda criticized the UK’s decision, accusing it of taking sides and undermining regional security.
“The punitive measures announced today by the UK Government in response to the conflict in eastern DRC, where the UK has now clearly chosen a side, are regrettable. It is unreasonable to expect Rwanda to compromise its national security and the safety of Rwandans,” the statement read.
Rwanda argued that the measures will neither help the DRC nor contribute to a sustainable political solution, adding that the true responsibility for the crisis lies with the Congolese government.
“The Government of the DRC has a lot more to answer for than any other party within the DRC itself and in the region but gets away with all manner of violations for reasons that are obvious to all,” the statement continued.
Rwanda reiterated its stance that security guarantees are non-negotiable, citing the failure of both the DRC and the international community to address its concerns.
“Rwanda will continue to insist on security guarantees, which the DRC and the international community have so far been unwilling or unable to provide. This perpetual situation of instability seems to benefit, directly or indirectly, a number of those associated with the conflict.”
Rwanda emphasized its commitment to resolving the crisis through African-led mediation and called on the international community to support this approach.
“Rwanda is fully committed to working with partner states on the ongoing African-led mediation process and calls on the international community to support this effort, which is the only credible pathway to a negotiated solution.”
The statement comes as tensions between M23 rebels and the DRC continue to escalate, with international powers increasingly weighing in on the conflict that has displaced and destabilized thousands in the region.
According to the Ministry of Defense, their talks focused on areas of mutual interest between Rwanda and Israel and enhancing military cooperation between the two nations.
The relationship between Rwanda and Israel dates back to Rwanda’s independence in July 1962 but was interrupted by the aftermath of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War.
One year after the Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA-Inkotanyi) liberated Rwanda, diplomatic ties with Israel were restored and have since strengthened, culminating in Rwanda opening an embassy in Tel Aviv.
Rwanda and Israel maintain cooperation agreements across various sectors, including defense, agriculture, technology, education, and private sector development.
Minister Marizamunda also welcomed Mali’s Ambassador to Rwanda, Brig. Gen. Mamary Camara, with whom he discussed enhancing military collaboration between the two countries.
In a meeting with representatives of various political parties in Rwanda on February 25, 2025, Kabarebe explained that the Congolese president made this decision after betraying members of the M23 rebel group who had traveled to Kinshasa to negotiate for peace in eastern DRC. Tshisekedi had promised to work with them in 2019.
“By 2021, Tshisekedi promised he was going to find a solution for Kivu and declared a state of emergency, a wartime condition. He sacked all civilian leaders in Kivu, including Governors and replaced them with military officials. While people were confused about the reason, he was actually preparing for war. What he called bringing peace to Kivu was, in reality, preparation for war,” Kabarebe said.
He clarified that the M23 fighters who went to negotiate in Kinshasa did not come from Rwanda but had been residing in Bihanga military camp in Uganda, where they kept their weapons.
“They entered Uganda, where they were taken to Bihanga military camp. Their weapons were not confiscated. Bihanga is about two and a half hours from here,” he noted.
He explained that while President Tshisekedi promised to collaborate with M23 fighters, he refused President Paul Kagame’s request to dismantle the FDLR, a genocidal armed group operating in eastern DRC.
This refusal had dire consequences for Rwanda. In October 2019, RUD-Urunana, a subsidiary of the FDLR, attacked Musanze district, killing 14 civilians. This attack highlighted the persistent threat posed by the FDLR, which has long sought to destabilize Rwanda from its bases in eastern DRC near the border.
Kabarebe also explained that when M23 resumed fighting the Congolese army (FARDC) in November 2021, they did not come from Rwanda but were based on Mount Sabyinyo, located at the DRC-Uganda border.
As M23 continued to defeat FARDC, the DRC government made a strategic error by collaborating with mercenaries and rebuilding the FDLR despite its genocidal ideology.
“Some may wonder where the strength of the FDLR comes from. Their strength lies in their genocidal ideology. Regardless of their numbers, as long as they uphold this ideology, they remain a significant threat,” he elaborated.
Kabarebe criticized the international community for its inaction despite consistent reports from UN experts confirming FARDC’s collaboration with the FDLR and identifying officers involved in these dealings.
“The international community cannot claim innocence in the crisis in eastern DRC. Every year, UN experts report that FARDC works with the FDLR and even provide the names of collaborating officers,” he stated.
{{SAMIDRC’s involvement in the conflict}}
Kabarebe also highlighted that the DRC government invited troops from South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi under the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mission known as SAMIDRC to support its fight against M23.
The UN Security Council authorized MONUSCO to provide technical and logistical assistance to SAMIDRC.
He recalled that these same countries were part of the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) that expelled M23 in 2013, forcing them to seek refuge in Uganda. This time, however, these SADC countries joined the DRC despite being aware of its collaboration with the FDLR.
“The same countries that comprised FIB in 2013, South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania, are now part of SAMIDRC in 2024. The question is, did these countries know they were joining an alliance with the FDLR? Yes, they knew. They came to support both Tshisekedi and the FDLR,” he asserted.
He further accused SAMIDRC of participating in Tshisekedi and Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye’s alleged plan to overthrow the Rwandan government, a threat Rwanda has not taken lightly by strengthening its defensive measures.
“Rwanda has never attacked Congo or planned to do so. Our priority is self-defense against those who have publicly declared their intent to attack us,” he affirmed.
{{International community’s self-interest}}
Kabarebe criticized the international community for shifting the blame onto Rwanda due to M23’s military successes against FARDC, even contemplating sanctions against her.
“The international community’s response to M23’s victories has been to blame Rwanda. M23’s issue was never Rwanda’s, but they insist on making it our responsibility. Even when sanctions are imposed by the US or the EU, they target Rwanda as if it were our problem,” he noted.
He accused the international community of deliberately preserving the FDLR to use it as a tool against Rwanda. “They don’t want the FDLR dismantled because it serves their interests. The FDLR has become a weapon they can use to intimidate Rwanda and keep us in check,” he remarked.
Regarding the advanced weaponry in M23’s possession, Kabarebe clarified that M23 seizes these weapons from FARDC during battles. He cited the large cache of heavy artillery and other equipment M23 captured in Goma, Sake, and surrounding areas.
“The heavy weaponry you saw in Goma was intended to target Rwanda. These were stationed just 4 to 5 kilometers from our border, aimed directly at us,” he revealed.
He called for a lasting solution to the crisis based on decisions made by the East African Community (EAC) and SADC, supported by the African Union. However, he warned that the international community’s obsession with sanctioning Rwanda could discourage Tshisekedi from engaging in peace talks with M23.
He attributed the push for sanctions to Tshisekedi’s promises to deliver mineral resources to international powers, though he doubted these efforts would resolve the conflict.
“The international community bears 80% of the responsibility for the ongoing crisis in eastern DRC due to its vested interests,” he said.
He urged Rwandans to maintain self-reliance in confronting external threats, emphasizing that self-determination remains Rwanda’s most powerful defense.
However, in 2025, the processor isn’t the only aspect to consider. Memory, technically known as random access memory (RAM), plays a crucial role as well, especially in the era of AI.
Before we discuss how much RAM your next device should have, let’s first understand its importance in smartphones and laptops.
RAM is like your phone’s or laptop’s short-term memory. It temporarily stores the data and apps you are currently using so that your device can access them quickly, without reloading from scratch.
When you open an app or a file, it loads and stays within RAM. With more RAM, you can run multiple apps simultaneously without slowing down your device.
If the memory is full, the device may lag or become slow. Similarly, AI apps, which process large amounts of data in real time, also benefit from more memory.
While it won’t be much of an issue as long as you are using cloud-based AI platforms like Gemini or ChatGPT, having more RAM is crucial, especially if you plan on using hybrid or on-device AI features.
Ramu Morampundi, the General Manager at SHREECOM LTD, the official authorized reseller and service center of Apple products in Rwanda, emphasizes the importance of prioritizing RAM when purchasing new devices.
“In today’s world, AI applications are becoming more advanced and are deeply integrated into our daily tasks. Devices with limited RAM may struggle to keep up with the growing demands of these applications, he explains.
Speaking from his outlet at Pension Plaza, Ramu advises that while processors remain critical, having more RAM ensures seamless multitasking and better overall performance.
“We are seeing a significant shift in how devices handle AI workloads. For example, Apple’s latest iPhones and premium MacBooks are equipped with increased RAM to accommodate complex tasks like on-device language models and real-time data analysis,” he says.
Industry trends reflect this shift. Apple’s iPhone latest lineup now comes standard with 8GB of RAM, an increase from previous models, to support enhanced AI capabilities.
For laptops, the baseline is also rising. While 8GB of RAM was once sufficient for everyday tasks, the integration of AI applications now makes 16GB the recommended minimum for a smooth and future-proof experience.
“Consumers should think long-term. With the pace at which AI is advancing, devices with insufficient RAM will quickly become outdated. Choosing a device with ample RAM is the smartest decision you can make,” he says.
At Ramu’s bustling tech store, a variety of cutting-edge gadgets are available. The sleek iPad Pro, powered by the M4 chip, stands out with up to 16GB of unified memory, perfect for professionals juggling heavy tasks.
For those seeking a lighter yet capable device, the iPad Air with its M3 chip offers 8GB of memory and is ideal for daily multitasking and smooth performance.
Across the aisle, the vibrant iMac with up to 32GB of unified memory, ensuring seamless performance for creative projects and demanding workloads. Nearby, the ultra-portable MacBook Air with the M3 chip in 8GB and 16GB memory options are also available.
Meanwhile, the MacBook Pro lineup dazzles with its range of memory configurations. The M3 model offers 16GB or 32GB of memory for power users, while the M4 Pro version pushed boundaries with up to 64GB, perfect for advanced workflows.
At the pinnacle, the M4 Max variant delivers an astonishing 128GB of memory, a dream for creative professionals handling intensive tasks like video editing and 3D rendering.
For smartphone enthusiasts, the iPhone 15 and iPhone 15 Plus provid a modest 6GB of RAM, sufficient for everyday use. However, the iPhone 15 Pro and Pro Max upgraded to 8GB of RAM, enhancing speed and efficiency.
The remarkable iPhone 16 series are available with all models; whether standard, Plus, Pro, or Pro Max offering 8GB of memory. This boost in RAM ensures fluid multitasking and future-ready performance, making each device a powerhouse in its own right.
With an experience of over 20 years as a tech distributer in Rwanda, Ramu has gained extensive knowledge and a wide base of clientele comprise public institutions such as ministries and others in major public and private agencies.
