Dr. Ngirente shared the update on Friday, March 27, 2025, as he addressed members of parliament.
He revealed that in 2024, Rwanda exported 2,384 tonnes of coltan, generating $99 million, while 4,861 tonnes of cassiterite earned $96 million. Wolfram exports stood at 2,741 tonnes, contributing $36 million, while gold remained the dominant mineral, generating $1.5 billion from 19,397 kilograms.
The Prime Minister highlighted Rwanda’s ongoing efforts to boost mineral exports, particularly by shifting focus to processed minerals since 2020. He dismissed claims that Rwanda has limited mineral deposits, stating that resources are spread across different parts of the country.
Dr. Ngirente attributed the increase in mineral exports to four key factors, including the modernisation of mining operations, which has moved away from traditional extraction methods. He further noted that the government has invested in advanced machinery and expertise to improve production efficiency while ensuring environmentally sustainable practices.
Additionally, the Prime Minister said Rwanda has recently discovered new minerals such as lithium and beryllium, which are in high demand globally, particularly for electric vehicle batteries.
“The volume of production has increased, and new minerals such as lithium and beryllium have been discovered. These are highly sought after globally,” he said.
Investment in the mining sector has also increased significantly, rising from $25 million in 2010 to $121 million in 2023. Dr Ngirente said this growth reflects a structured and strategic approach to developing the industry.
He emphasised that Rwanda is prioritising value addition before exporting minerals, with three processing plants now operational.
Gasabo Gold Refinery has the capacity to process 96 tonnes of gold annually, while LuNa Smelter refines 360 tonnes of cassiterite per month. Additionally, Power Resources International Ltd processes 120 tonnes of coltan every month.
Sebahizi made these remarks while addressing the National Forum of Political Parties, where he outlined the country’s policies and strategies for enhancing international trade and economic cooperation.
In light of ongoing security issues in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), several countries have imposed sanctions on Rwanda, including trade restrictions, while overlooking the underlying causes of the regional problems.
For instance, the European Union has placed sanctions on Rwanda’s Gasabo Gold Refinery, prohibiting it from trading gold within EU member states.
However, Sebahizi pointed out that these sanctions stem from Rwanda’s decision to fill the economic gaps left by these countries. Through Rwanda’s measures, the country now processes and exports its minerals directly, whereas these nations previously handled the processing.
Rwanda continues to strengthen its mining sector with several processing plants designed to add value to its minerals before export. These include the Gasabo Gold Refinery, which processes 96 tons of gold annually, LuNa Smelter, which melts 360 tons of cassiterite monthly, and Power Resources International Ltd., which processes 120 tons of coltan each month.
Sebahizi emphasized that raw minerals exported without processing are often seen as waste by the importing countries, even though these nations profit significantly from them.
“When we process these minerals ourselves, the countries that previously imported them lose out, which is why they are unhappy with the decision,” Sebahizi said.
The Minister also highlighted that many investors who had mining licenses in Rwanda once planned to export unprocessed minerals. However, they are now required to process the minerals domestically.
“Our gold is not sold to Europe. If you look at the numbers, you’ll see that our refined gold is sent to Arab countries.
“The strategy is to find alternative markets so that if Europeans block our access to their market, we can take our products elsewhere. However, it’s also possible for us to use these resources ourselves and start selling the finished products derived from our minerals,” Sebahizi explained.
The Minister reaffirmed that Rwanda’s strategy is centered on processing all mined resources locally to create added value within the country.
“For example, we have many minerals used to make metals and glass. Today, we produce metals and glass ourselves. So, their sanctions don’t mean much to us. In fact, we need them to help our industries grow. What they did is open our eyes and teach us a new kind of wisdom,” Sebahizi added.
Rwanda is rich in valuable minerals such as Wolfram, cassiterite, and coltan, which are used in tungsten, tin, and tantalum production. The country extracts between 8,000 and 10,000 tons of these minerals annually, with prices fluctuating based on market conditions.
In addition to these minerals, Rwanda also produces gold in regions like Gicumbi, Musanze, Burera, Nyamasheke, Rusizi, and Nyarugenge. The country also has sapphires in the western provinces and is conducting ongoing research into lithium and other minerals.
According to the Rwanda Mining Board (RMB), mineral exports in 2023 generated over $1.1 billion, marking a 43% increase from the previous year.
Rwanda’s target is to reach $2.2 billion in mining revenue by 2029, with plans to increase the share of processed minerals from 40% to 80%.
Addressing the UN Security Council in New York on Thursday, March 27, 2025, Nduhungirehe condemned the failure to hold Kinshasa accountable for its role in fueling the crisis and defended Rwanda’s border security measures as necessary for national protection.
Minister Nduhungirehe accused the UN and its peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO, of perpetuating a misleading narrative that places disproportionate blame on Rwanda while ignoring key factors contributing to instability in eastern DRC.
He highlighted that, despite repeated evidence of the DRC integrating fighters from the FDLR genocidal militia—linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda—into its national army, international actors continue to turn a blind eye.
“The conflict was not started by Rwanda, yet the burden has been placed squarely on our shoulders,” Nduhungirehe stated. “The failure to hold the DRC accountable for its governance failures and alliances with violent groups only exacerbates the crisis.”
Nduhungirehe emphasised that one of the root causes of the instability is the continued presence of the FDLR militia in the eastern DRC. According to the minister, the group has engaged in ethnic massacres, child soldier recruitment, and cross-border attacks, yet international actors fail to acknowledge its impact.
“The recent capture and handover of FDLR commanders, including a senior figure, further confirms the DRC government’s support for this group,” he noted, accusing Kinshasa of equipping and funding these forces.
Another major issue raised was the long-standing persecution of Congolese Tutsi and other Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in eastern DRC. Nduhungirehe described this as a consequence of deep-seated ethnic discrimination stemming from colonial history.
“As a result of systemic persecution, hundreds of thousands of Congolese Tutsi remain displaced, forced to seek refuge in Rwanda, Uganda, and beyond,” he said, calling for an end to targeted violence against these communities.
In a scathing critique, Nduhungirehe pointed to MONUSCO’s long-standing failure to neutralise armed groups in eastern DRC, despite operating as the UN’s most expensive peacekeeping mission for over 25 years.
“In 2013, this very Council adopted Resolution 2098, mandating Monusco’s Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) to eliminate all armed groups, including the FDLR. However, instead of fulfilling this obligation, Monusco focused its military efforts almost exclusively on M23, leaving the FDLR to operate with impunity,” he asserted.
The minister also denounced MONUSCO’s alleged direct involvement in military operations alongside the DRC army and European mercenaries, some of whom were forced to return home after the capture of Goma by the M23 rebels.
“Not only has Monusco failed in its mission, but it has also placed itself in a position of belligerence,” he added.
Responding to criticism of Rwanda’s defensive actions along the border, Nduhungirehe reiterated that Rwanda will not compromise its national security.
“Our defensive measures will remain in place until there is a credible framework for long-term security guarantees,” he affirmed, rejecting any suggestion that Rwanda should lower its guard while its borders remain threatened.
Despite his criticisms, Nduhungirehe welcomed recent efforts to advance a political resolution, particularly the recent joint summit between the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), which seeks to merge existing peace processes. He expressed Rwanda’s full support for these African-led initiatives and urged the international community to do the same.
“A sustainable political solution with long-term security guarantees for Rwanda will allow us to get back to the serious and urgent work of developing our country and integrating our region together with our neighbors,” he remarked.
In a statement issued on Thursday, March 27, the Rwanda Governance Board said the directive takes effect immediately.
The new policy forbids all forms of collaboration, partnerships, and engagements with the Belgian government, its agencies, and related non-governmental cooperation actors.
Additionally, the directive bans any financial transactions involving the Belgian government or its institutions. This includes, but is not limited to, budget support, project funding, and technical assistance grants.
The prohibition extends to financial contributions made directly or indirectly through third-party intermediaries, with strict penalties for any attempts to circumvent these restrictions.
The Rwanda Governance Board (RGB) directed that all active projects or agreements involving Belgian-linked entities be terminated immediately.
Entities found violating the directive could face severe consequences, including suspension of registration or even revocation of legal status, as well as other legal and administrative sanctions.
“Any attempts to circumvent these financial restrictions, including indirect transactions through subsidiaries or partner organisations, will be subject to strict penalties,” RGB stated.
Rwanda severed diplomatic ties with Belgium on March 17, 2025, accusing Belgium’s pitiful attempts to sustain its neocolonial delusions.
The government noted that Belgium had “consistently undermined Rwanda, both before and during the ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC),” accusing the former colonial power of taking a biased stance in regional affairs.
“Belgium has clearly taken sides in a regional conflict and continues to systematically mobilize against Rwanda in different forums, using lies and manipulation to secure an unjustified hostile opinion of Rwanda, in an attempt to destabilize both Rwanda and the region,” the government said.
Rwanda has been accused of supporting the M23 rebel group, a claim it has consistently denied. Instead, the Rwandan government maintains that its primary concern is the ongoing collaboration between the Congolese government and the FDLR militia, an armed group composed of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, who remain intent on destabilizing Rwanda.
The appointment was made during a cabinet meeting chaired by President Paul Kagame on Wednesday, March 26, 2025.
As head of RIB, Col. Kabanda will oversee the overall direction and operations of the bureau, including leading investigations, ensuring accountability, and upholding the rule of law.
In addition to Col. Kabanda’s appointment, the cabinet also confirmed several other key positions across different institutions, including the reappointment of Oda Gasinzigwa as chairperson of the National Electoral Commission (NEC). She will be deputized by Kizito Habimana.
Other members of the commission include Fortunée Nyiramadirida, Nicole Mutimukeye, Carine Umwali, Jean Bosco Mutijima, Faustin Semanywa, Françoise Kabanda Uwera, and Judith Mbabazi.
During Wednesday’s meeting, the Cabinet also appointed Jeanne Umuhire as the new Deputy Director General at the Rwanda Biomedical Centre (RBC).
Nassi Agaba Bisengo was appointed Deputy Director General at the Rwanda Technical and Vocational Education Training Board (RTB).
In the Ministry of Education, John Bosco Nkuranga was named Strategic Projects Implementation Unit Coordinator.
Dorian Cyubahiro joins the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning as Chief Technical Advisor.
At the Rwanda Atomic Energy Board, Dr. Joram Ndayishimye will head the Nuclear Technologies and Research Development Department, while Capt. Agnes Mutoni will lead the Nuclear Safety and Security Department. Eng. Alexis Ruhinda steps into the role of Manager of the Research Reactor Division, and Eng. Yves Butera becomes Manager of the Nuclear Power Production Development Division.
In the Office of the Prime Minister, Chantal Tuyishimire takes on the role of Senior Policy Analyst, with Françoise Niyigena, Oscar Uwayo, and Ornella Rwaniza all appointed as Policy Analysts.
“These comments are surprising because Rwandan and Burundian defence and security institutions have actually been meeting to discuss how to secure our common borders in light of developments in Eastern DRC,” Makolo.
The President of Burundi made these remarks during an interview with the BBC, where he accused Rwanda of attempting to destabilize his country by backing RED Tabara—an armed group based in South Kivu, DRC, known for its opposition to the Burundian government.
He alleged that Rwanda plans to use this rebel group in the same way it has been accused of supporting M23 rebels in eastern DRC.
“We know that Rwanda is trying to attack us through RED Tabara operating from Congo. But if they want to come to Bujumbura that way, we can also get to Kigali through Kirundo,” Ndayishimiye warned.
This is not the first time Ndayishimiye has accused Rwanda of supporting RED Tabara. In December 2023, following an attack by the group in Gatumba zone, Bujumbura, he repeated similar accusations.
These allegations, refuted by Kigali as baseless, saw Burundi closing borders in January 2024.
Despite these tensions, recent months had seen signs of diplomatic progress. Military and intelligence officials from both countries held bilateral meetings aimed at restoring security cooperation and resolving border issues.
The latest such meeting took place on March 10 in Kirundo province, Burundi. Besides, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, stated on March 14 that Rwanda and Burundi were on a good path towards de-escalation and mutual understanding as talks continue between the leadership of both countries.
President Paul Kagame also hinted at improving regional relations during a citizen outreach programme on March 16 at BK Arena, where he revealed that former colonial powers had attempted to unite Burundi and DRC against Rwanda.
However, he noted that such efforts were being unraveled and Rwanda was working to rebuild strong ties.
Speaking at a church event on the same day, President Ndayishimiye accused Rwanda of sowing chaos across the region and described any intentions to attack Burundi as madness.
“The idea that someone dreams of attacking Burundi is madness. I hear people say, ‘Rwanda has a strong army.’ Oh! They don’t know the kind of army I have,” he said defiantly.
“Burundi has both visible and invisible forces. We are well protected.” Ndayishimiye also expressed lingering frustration over Rwanda’s refusal to extradite individuals accused of involvement in the 2015 attempted coup against the late President Pierre Nkurunziza.
Rwanda has maintained that these individuals are refugees protected under international law and cannot be handed over.
The current turn of events casts doubt on the recent optimism surrounding Burundi–Rwanda relations.
While both countries had appeared to be on a diplomatic path towards peace and cooperation, President Ndayishimiye’s statements suggest deeper mistrust still lingers—potentially jeopardizing the fragile progress made in recent months.
He was speaking at the 2nd joint virtual summit of East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) Heads of State held on March 24, 2025.
The summit, co-chaired by EAC Chairperson President William Ruto of Kenya and SADC Chairperson President Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe, was focused on addressing the worsening security situation in the region.
The government of the DRC has frequently accused Rwanda of violating its sovereignty, claiming that Rwanda has sent troops onto its territory and is supporting the M23 armed group, which controls large areas.
Rwanda has denied these accusations, explaining that in response to security threats originating from the DRC, such as the FDLR, it has strengthened its border security measures.
These security measures have helped prevent some of the shelling in the Rubavu District since the morning of January 27, 2025, when M23 fighters clashed with the DRC armed forces and its coalition in Goma City.
Kagame emphasized that Rwanda’s security concerns must be considered within a broader context.
“Rwanda remains concerned about our security, and this must be addressed within the framework of dealing with problems of other countries, including DRC as well,” he stated.
The summit, which was characterized by a collaborative and positive atmosphere, resulted in the appointment of five eminent persons to a newly established Panel of Facilitators tasked with finding a lasting political solution to the crisis.
Kagame reiterated the importance of respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations, stating, “When we talk about sovereignty and territorial integrity, it should mean every country. Every country deserves respect for its territorial integrity or its sovereignty.”
Kagame’s message also underscored the significance of addressing the underlying political issues that contribute to the instability in the region.
“If you want the war to end, you end the injustice, you end political problems for not only your people, but for others, including neighbors, that are affected,” he asserted.
The meeting of the Heads of State of EAC and SADC, which followed a previous one on February 8, 2025, made decisions including calls for an end to fighting and hostilities between the conflicting parties in Eastern DRC.
This was followed by a meeting of the military chiefs of the member states leading to a report outlining how the fighting and hostilities would cease, allowing humanitarian efforts to continue without obstruction. The report was discussed and approved by the council of ministers.
Kagame also expressed cautious optimism, acknowledging the progress made in the discussions and highlighting the collective responsibility to resolve the crisis.
“I think we are making progress. We are counting on everyone to help make positive contributions towards ending all of this,” he stated.
In an interview with IGIHE, legal expert and political analyst Gatete Ruhumuliza discussed the implications of this decision.
He explained that severing diplomatic ties indicates a breakdown of communication.
“This shows that both sides tried and found no further reason to maintain relations. However, Rwandans with Belgian citizenship are allowed to stay in Rwanda with their belongings. This decision targets Belgium’s government, not Belgians,” he stated.
Some critics argue that such a decision was taken hastily and should have been preceded by dialogue and diplomatic mediation. However, Gatete believes the move delayed, given the historical context and its particular impact on Rwanda.
“This decision was long overdue. We have never had a good relationship with Belgium. Belgium came to Rwanda to help us achieve independence, but instead, they sowed ethnic division, fought against the Rwandan people who didn’t comply with their interests, and introduced oppression and forced labor, and many more evils.”
Gatete pointed out how Belgium played a significant role in dividing Rwandans, particularly through the manipulation of ethnic divisions.
“Belgium exacerbated ethnic divisions in Rwanda by favoring some groups over others, encouraging loyalty to their cause.”
When the Belgians arrived in Rwanda, they encountered a united nation with unique governance practices, making it challenging to impose their systems as they had done in other African countries.
This led them to try every means to weaken Rwandan unity, which was the foundation of the country’s stable governance.
Gatete emphasized, “The Belgians worked to undermine the unity of the Rwandan people because unity was the key to strong leadership, which would be an obstacle to their colonization ambitions.”
Belgium sought to disrupt Rwandan unity by attacking cultural practices, religious beliefs, and traditional leadership structures.
Among the cultural aspects they fought against, he cited ‘Umuganura,’ a cultural festival that united Rwandans.
They also fought against Rwandans’ religious practices, changing their names and attempting to dismantle key societal structures.
King Yuhi V Musinga, who was responsible for safeguarding Rwandan unity, noticed the harmful intentions of the Belgians and refused to align with them.
This ultimately led to his exile to Moba in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
“King Yuhi V Musinga was the protector of Rwandan unity, and he refused to collaborate with those who sought to divide us,” Gatete explained.
Following Musinga’s exile, his son, King Mutara III Rudahigwa, succeeded him and was baptized, signaling his willingness to cooperate with Belgium.
However, it didn’t take long for him to realize that their efforts to divide the people would bring ruin to Rwanda.
For example, Belgium attempted to segregate Tutsi children for education, but King Rudahigwa rejected this.
“King Rudahigwa rejected Belgium’s divide-and-rule tactics and continued to support the Rwandan people,” Gatete noted.
After his murder, Belgium’s colonial rule in Rwanda ultimately set the stage for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. The Belgian authorities favored the Hutu extremists, which exacerbated ethnic divisions.
After Rwanda’s independence, Belgium continued its support of those who promoted the ideology of division, including the Parmehutu ideology that led to the systematic persecution of the Tutsi population.
Even after the genocide, Belgium continued to undermine Rwanda’s peace efforts by supporting genocide deniers and revisionist groups like Jambo ASBL.
Gatete highlighted how Belgium has been complicit in promoting genocide denial and spreading false narratives.
“Belgium has funded organizations that deny the genocide and spread lies about Rwanda’s history. Some members were also given roles in grassroots leadership. While their efforts to join the parliament remained futile, they benefited from Belgium’s support.”
Gatete also criticized Belgium’s role in promoting ethnicity under the guise of researching gender equality in Rwanda, where they propagated false reports by categorizing Rwandan leaders based on their ethnicity, perpetuating the same divisive tactics they had used during colonial rule.
“These studies were biased and designed to further divide Rwandans by emphasizing ethnic differences,” he explained.
Belgium’s persistent efforts to undermine Rwanda’s unity and peace have fueled the country’s ongoing challenges. Gatete emphasized that no foreign power has ever defeated Rwanda, and its strength lies in unity.
“When Rwandans are united, no one can defeat us. Our unity has allowed us to achieve progress, and that is the foundation of Rwanda’s success.”
This unity being the core of Rwanda’s progress, according to Gatete, is what President Paul Kagame has focused on in rebuilding Rwanda after the genocide.
Gatete also explained how international interests continue to play a role in destabilizing the region, citing the ongoing tensions between Rwanda and the DRC.
He noted that international powers benefit from dividing Rwanda and its neighbors because it makes it easier for them to maintain control.
After concluding his visit, Gen. Muhoozi took to X to extend his gratitude to Rwandan President Paul Kagame, First Lady Jeanette Kagame, and Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Mubarakh Muganga.
“I want to thank H.E. Paul Kagame, First Lady Jeanette Kagame, and my counterpart General Mubarak Muganga for the warm reception my delegation and I received in Rwanda. God bless the fraternal relations between Uganda and Rwanda,” he posted.
His message reinforced the significance of military diplomacy in fostering regional stability and collaboration.
Gen. Muhoozi’s visit, which took place from March 20 to March 22, 2025, included high-level security engagements aimed at strengthening defense cooperation between Uganda and Rwanda.
He was officially seen off by Gen. Mubarakh Muganga, the Commander of the Republican Guard, Maj. Gen. Willy Rwagasana, and RDF Spokesperson, Brig. Gen. Ronald Rwivanga.
During his stay, Muhoozi visited the RDF Senior Command and Staff College in Nyakinama, Musanze District, where he delivered a lecture on peacekeeping and security in Africa.
He also held discussions with senior RDF officers and Ugandan military officials on ways to enhance bilateral defense cooperation and address security challenges.
Speaking on the unity between the two countries’ armed forces, Muhoozi stated, “When we combine the strength of our powerful armies, there is no challenge we cannot overcome together.”
His visit, accompanied by top Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) officials and veteran journalist Andrew Mwenda, is seen as part of ongoing efforts to strengthen diplomatic and military relations between Uganda and Rwanda.
Speaking in an exclusive interview with IGIHE, Dr. Destexhe, who has been closely engaged with Rwanda and the Great Lakes region for decades since serving as Secretary General of Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders), described the situation in eastern DRC as a fight for survival rather than a matter of territorial integrity.
“The issue in the Kivus isn’t about Congo’s territorial integrity or sovereignty; it’s about the threat to the lives of minorities, especially the Tutsis, who are the primary targets of Kinshasa and the regime,” he said.
“These people have the right to live in peace where they’ve always lived before being forced out.”
During recent visits to Goma, the former lawmaker engaged with local communities and M23 leadership, including military chief Sultani Makenga, amid the rebel group’s recent advances in the east. He observed that the city was not the war zone portrayed in international media but rather a place where some sense of order had returned under M23 control.
“I was surprised at how quiet and orderly it was. Life in Goma felt normal: people were out in the streets, shops were open—except the banks, which were closed by the Kinshasa authorities,” he noted.
He contrasted this with the chaos under the Congolese armed forces (FARDC), whom he accused of extortion and misconduct. According to him, many people in the region saw M23’s governance as an improvement over Kinshasa’s neglect.
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Dr Destexhe was particularly critical of the international community’s selective response to the crisis, highlighting what he described as a “double standard” in the way Western nations handle the DRC conflict.
“When it comes to Rwanda or M23, there’s a stance followed by sanctions. With the DRC, they might say hate speech is bad, but there are no consequences,” he stated, referring to claims of Congolese leadership spreading hate speech against certain communities and accusations that Rwanda backs M23 rebels.
He also pointed to the influence of the FDLR, a group linked to the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, within the Congolese army, which Rwanda insists continues to pose a threat to Rwanda’s security.
“The FDLR has infiltrated the Congolese army’s key units, advising them and spreading their ideology—hatred of Tutsis and the genocide mindset.”
MONUSCO, the UN peacekeeping mission in DRC, also came under fire from the veteran doctor, who dismissed it as a costly failure.
“They’ve been there 20 years—costing at least $1 billion a year and how many civilians have they protected? Very few, I’d guess,” he said.
“MONUSCO has a vested interest in staying, but it’s not in the Congolese people’s interest.”
With tensions escalating following the capture of the cities of Goma and Bukavu, the former lawmaker warned that the situation could spiral out of control unless a political solution is found. He suggested that M23’s increasing strength—bolstered by defectors from the FARDC—could shift the balance of power further.
“Kinshasa can’t retake Goma and Bukavu… M23 might have the capacity to push to Kisangani or Lubumbashi,” he warned.
“Tshisekedi needs a political solution, or the situation on the ground could spiral—I don’t know how,” he added.
He called for security for all Kivu residents, regardless of ethnicity, and development of the region’s rich agricultural and mineral resources.
To Rwanda and Belgium, where [ diplomatic ties recently frayed->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/rwanda-severs-ties-with-belgium-orders-diplomats-to-leave-within-48-hours] over accusations of Belgium pushing for sanctions against Rwanda, the seasoned lawmaker insisted that “Sanctions are wrong and unfair… The Kivu issue is about survival for its people, not Congo’s sovereignty.”
As a medical doctor, he urged Western nations to reassess their approach to avoid the misdiagnosis that has persisted for decades.
“I’m a doctor—when treating a patient, you first diagnose the illness correctly. If the diagnosis is wrong, you can’t treat them. The international community needs a proper diagnosis of the Kivu problem, then a solution. Right now, they’re giving the patient the wrong medicine.”
