He made the remarks on Monday, September 1, during a Youth Town Hall session at the 2025 Africa Food Systems Forum (AFSF) in Dakar, Senegal, where he joined host President Bassirou Diomaye Faye of Senegal and leaders in agri-food systems from across the continent.
Kagame cautioned against Africa’s overreliance on external support despite its abundant resources, noting that the continent’s vast arable land, water, and technology should be enough to achieve food security if coupled with strong political will and youth-driven innovation.
“We have conferences, we have forums, we’re everywhere, saying the right things. But in the end, what can we measure? What results are there to show for the efforts? We must start working the talk and move from talking to doing,” Kagame said.
He emphasised that governments, youth, and women all have shared responsibilities in driving change, pointing to Rwanda’s demographic structure—where women make up over half of the population and 75% are under 35—as proof that inclusive action is essential.
Kagame also highlighted Rwanda’s partnerships in agriculture, citing initiatives such as the Rwanda Institute of Conservation Agriculture (RICA), which trains young innovators from across Africa, and the Rwanda Ireme Invest fund, which mobilised $100 million at COP27 to support climate-smart agriculture.
The President urged young people to complement their demands for support with active participation in entrepreneurship, innovation, and responsible leadership.
“You can’t hold people accountable when you are not playing your part,” he noted. “Young people must feel an obligation. There is no sitting back and waiting until someone comes to help—you must be actively engaged.”
This year’s Africa Food Systems Forum is being held from August 31 to September 5, 2025, at the CICAD and Diamniadio Expo Center in Dakar under the theme “Africa’s Youth Leading Collaboration, Innovation, and Implementation of Agri-Food Systems Transformation.”
The summit has drawn over 5,000 delegates, including heads of state, ministers, business leaders, researchers, farmers, and young entrepreneurs. Discussions are focusing on youth-led agribusiness, digital innovation, agricultural financing, and building resilience against climate change, while also addressing the inclusion of marginalized groups.
The AFSF, formerly known as the African Green Revolution Forum (AGRF), has been held annually since 2010. Last year’s edition took place in Kigali, Rwanda.
Currently halfway complete, the 43.5-megawatt dam is expected to be fully operational by 2028. Once completed, it will generate electricity, support irrigation on over 20,000 hectares of farmland, reduce downstream flooding, and create a reservoir holding 803 million cubic metres of water—the fourth-largest in Rwanda.
According to Amb. Uwihanganye, the lake will stretch 67 kilometres from Nyabugogo to Vunga, reshaping the landscape of eight districts, including Nyarugenge, Rulindo, Gakenke, Muhanga, Kamonyi, Nyabihu, Ngororero, and Musanze.
The project opens up opportunities across various sectors in the capital, Kigali, and beyond.
“The opportunities are endless—from maritime transport and real estate to water sports and irrigation, all of which will revolutionise the way we connect in Kigali, the North, South, West, and beyond!” the state minister said in a post on X.
The Nyabarongo II Hydropower plant is being built between Kamonyi, Gakenke, and Rulindo districts, with the Chinese company Sinohydro serving as the engineering, procurement, and construction contractor.
The project is financed through a $214 million concessional loan from China Exim Bank, stemming from a 2020 framework agreement.
Felix Gakuba, the Managing Director of Energy Development Corporation Ltd (EDCL), told parliament in late June that nearly half of the works had been completed.
“The powerhouse structure has reached its first level, and the dam’s foundation is finished. Construction of the transmission line is underway, and equipment from China is on its way,” he said.
Once complete, the dam will provide irrigation to areas along the Nyabarongo, Akagera, and Akanyaru rivers, as well as upstream zones near Lakes Cyohoha and Rweru in Bugesera District, via a major canal from Shyorongi.
The Nyabarongo Dam is expected to be a transformative project for Rwanda, combining energy, water management, agriculture, and recreation, with widespread economic benefits.
One of the planes arrived earlier this month and has already begun operations, while the second touched down last night.
Each aircraft has a passenger capacity of 174 and will primarily serve short and medium-haul routes, enhancing connectivity within Africa and beyond.
“With a passenger capacity of 174, these aircraft will primarily operate on short and medium haul routes,” the airline said.
The fleet expansion is part of RwandAir’s broader growth strategy, which also includes the planned arrival of a fourth Airbus A330 later this year.
Speaking in June, Chief Commercial Officer Fouad Caunhye said the new aircraft would be delivered in phases, aiming to meet rising regional and international demand.
In addition to the two new aircraft, RwandAir operates a fleet of 13 planes, including two A330-200s, one A330-300, six Boeing 737 Next Generation jets, two Bombardier CRJ900s, and two De Havilland Dash 8-400s.
The airline’s expansion comes on the heels of its recognition as Best Regional Airline in Africa at the 2025 Skytrax Awards in June.
In a separate announcement this week, the airline unveiled a special promotion offering travellers a 50% discount on tickets booked on Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays through its official website or mobile app.
The offer is valid for travel until November 30, 2025, with bookings required by September 14, 2025. Destinations covered include Dubai, Johannesburg, Lagos, Paris, Kigali, and more.
“This weekend, your dream trip is half the price,” the airline said.
The agreements, formalised during a visit by Mozambican President Daniel Francisco Chapo, reflect a shared commitment to tackling terrorism and fostering economic growth.
The first agreement, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) and Mozambique’s Investment and Export Promotion Agency (APIEX), was signed by RDB Chief Executive Officer Jean-Guy Afrika and Mozambique’s High Commissioner to Rwanda, Amade Miquidade.
The MoU aims to expand trade and investment in sectors like agriculture, tourism, and industry, building on prior frameworks to drive economic collaboration.
A second pact, a renewed Status of the Forces Agreement on the Support to Fight Terrorism in Mozambique, was signed by Rwanda’s Minister of Defence, Juvenal Marizamunda, and Mozambique’s Minister of National Defence, Cristóvão Artur Chume.
The agreement extends Rwanda’s military support in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province, where Rwandan forces have been deployed since 2021 to combat Islamist insurgents.
“Thanks to this cooperation, we can see peace returning to the region,” President Chapo said, acknowledging Rwanda’s role in stabilising Cabo Delgado despite ongoing sporadic attacks.
Speaking at the ceremony, President Paul Kagame emphasised the need for African-led solutions to regional challenges, stating, “Outsourcing the responsibility to external actors will not build lasting peace nor development.”
He highlighted the agreements as a step toward operationalising existing frameworks, noting that Rwanda and Mozambique share “very strong bilateral ties” and a bond as “brothers and sisters.”
President Chapo, making his first visit to Rwanda as Mozambique’s leader, praised the warm welcome in Kigali and the “excellent bilateral conversations” that underscored mutual solidarity.
He invited President Kagame to visit Mozambique and thanked Rwanda for its support in combating terrorism, paying homage to Rwandan forces working alongside Mozambican troops.
Both leaders expressed confidence in the partnership’s future. “We are on the right path to growing an already excellent partnership,” Kagame said.
Chapo echoed this optimism, noting that the agreements would strengthen relations between the two nations and their peoples.
On the second and final day of his visit, Thursday, August 28, President Chapo will meet with Rwandan business leaders interested in exploring investment opportunities in Mozambique. He will also tour the Kigali Special Economic Zone in Masoro to study Rwanda’s industrial development and identify potential areas for cooperation.
The initiative, led by Ropeways Transit Rwanda Limited (RTRL), seeks to tackle traffic congestion in the capital while offering a greener alternative to road transport. Rather than replacing existing systems, the project is designed to complement Kigali’s urban growth.
The idea was conceived in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic when RTRL Chief Executive, Muyiwa Omololu. With Kigali’s hilly terrain, fast-growing population, and limited road expansion capacity, Omololu saw an opportunity to explore aerial transport.
“Road construction and maintenance require huge government spending. Kigali is expanding rapidly. The alternative is to take transport into the skies,” he said.
Drawing inspiration from systems in La Paz, Medellín, and Mexico City, Omololu believes Kigali is well-placed to become the first African city to implement a large-scale cable car network.
Plans call for nine routes, linking high-traffic areas from residential zones to business districts, sports facilities, and leisure centres.
The Rwandan government has already granted RTRL approval to proceed, starting with two routes in phases. The first will connect Nyabugogo Bus Station to downtown Kigali, while the second—dubbed Route 10—will link the Kigali Convention Centre (KCC) to Remera, home to Amahoro Stadium, BK Arena, and Zaria Court.
These initial routes, costing $100 million (approximately Rwf 145 billion), are expected to take 24 months to complete. A later extension will reach Sonatube and Gatenga, with the system eventually carrying up to 5,000 passengers per direction, per hour—equivalent to removing 2,000 cars or 5,000 motorcycles from Kigali’s roads.
{{Potential Dangote backing
}}
Omololu confirmed that discussions are underway with Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote to participate in financing the project.
Dangote, recently appointed to the World Bank’s Private Sector Investment Lab, is part of a global initiative linking private sector leaders to solutions for investment challenges in developing economies.
So far, the African Development Bank has pledged $500,000 (about Rwf 725 million)grant for preparatory feasibility studies, while Afreximbank, Africa50, and the Africa Finance Corporation have all signalled investment commitments.
{{Technology and safety
}}
The system will be built by Doppelmayr, an Austrian company and global leader in cableway construction, with support from Outdoor Engineers (Switzerland) and Rwanda’s Planet Projects.
Omololu stressed that safety is paramount, citing Doppelmayr’s recovery concept, which allows cabins to automatically descend to the nearest station in case of a power cut. Sensors will also detect and halt operations if obstacles are detected on the lines.
The cable car system is expected to create around 3,000 jobs in its first phase. Rwandans will receive training to operate and maintain the technology, ensuring long-term local management.
Each cabin will carry 10 passengers, consuming minimal power—comparable to a hair dryer every two kilometres.
The project aligns with Rwanda’s climate targets to cut emissions by 38% by 2030 and reach net zero by 2050. According to Omololu, transporting 10,000 people per hour could remove up to 2,000 vehicles from the city’s roads.
Real estate and business owners also stand to benefit, as land values around the stations are expected to rise, attracting new developments.
To familiarise the public with the technology, RTRL plans a Public Adoption Programme, including study visits to Bolivia’s Mi Teleférico and the creation of a demonstration site in Kigali.
Feasibility studies are set to conclude this year. If financing is secured on time, construction could begin in 2026, lasting 18–24 months, with operations expected to launch in 2028.
The Head of State did not mention the leaders, but his remarks appear to point toward Burundi’s President Evariste Ndayishimiye and the Democratic Republic of Congo’s Félix Tshisekedi, given their history of hostile remarks against Rwanda.
In January 2024, while in Kinshasa, President Ndayishimiye stated that he would do everything possible to help Rwandan youth overthrow the current government.
“In the region, people live together peacefully. I know very well that there are no problems among the citizens; the problem lies with bad leadership. Our struggle must continue until even the people of Rwanda begin to feel pressure, because I believe Rwandan youth cannot accept remaining prisoners in the region,” he noted.
These words appeared to echo those of Tshisekedi, who publicly expressed his determination to topple Rwanda’s leadership.
While addressing over 6,000 soldiers, police, and prison officers at Rwanda Defence Force (RDF)’s Gabiro Combat Training Center on August 25, 2025, President Kagame revisited the plans these two leaders had for Rwanda.
“When you hear people on radio, shamelessly and fearlessly, claiming they will destroy Rwanda, remove its government, impose their own, kill and save people they wish. Imagine heads of state making such utterances!”
President Kagame emphasized that statements like these serve as a reminder that there are people harboring intentions to harm Rwanda.
“We must always be prepared because the enemy comes unpredictably; we never know from where or when, but we must always be ready,” he noted.
Kagame noted that these leaders eventually realized that harming Rwanda would not be easy.
“Those who shouted loudly, claiming they must harm Rwanda. I could not overlook this, but I will not disclose everything. This is where I began by thanking you [ Rwandan security forces] because they saw that harming Rwanda is not simple.
“Perhaps after resting, they may try again in five years, but it will be in vain
or even worse for those who wage war against Rwanda. This is precisely the responsibility of the RDF, the national army, and all national security forces collectively,” he stated.
President Kagame added that for Rwanda’s security forces to execute this responsibility effectively, they must clearly understand their duties.
“Whether you are working in challenging circumstances like I described, you must act as if you own the task. No one should hold back; you treat it as your responsibility, and collaborate with others who do the same. That is where the national army unites with the Rwandan society they belong to.”
He further emphasized the importance of discipline, reminding the security personnel that it allows them to focus on duties and fulfill them diligently.
The Ramba Hills project, led by Investment Africa Holdings Ltd. through its subsidiary Ramba Real Estate, is under construction in Gasabo District, near King Faisal Hospital, extending toward Vision City and the Kigali Golf Course.
According to the master plan, Ramba Hills will feature two high-rise towers—one 26 floors and the other 24—alongside four additional towers ranging from 10 to 16 floors. One of the tallest towers will serve as an office block, while the other will be dedicated to residential apartments.
Complementing the skyline will be ten single-storey residential buildings facing the golf course, landscaped gardens, a large swimming pool, and extensive internal road networks. The development will also include a hotel, modern retail outlets, and parking space for more than 1,400 vehicles.
The design allows professionals to live and work within the same development, with convenient access to on-site retail outlets and other essential as well as recreational amenities.
Ramba Real Estate has confirmed that the entire project will cost approximately Frw 115.7 billion ($80 million). Construction is expected to run for four years, with residential houses to be completed within the first 18 months, apartments in two and a half to three years, and the office tower by the fourth year.
Kigali City Mayor Samuel Dusengiyumva, speaking in June 2025, hailed Ramba Hills as one of the flagship projects set to transform the city’s urban landscape.
“Compared to Vision City and the existing apartments, Kacyiru is about to change significantly,” said Dusengiyumva. “Relocating residents sparked much debate, but this project reflects the President’s vision and the city’s clear development plan.”
With its blend of luxury apartments, business facilities, leisure spaces, and green design, Ramba Hills is being positioned as a defining symbol of Kigali’s next phase of urban development.
The closure, which followed customer complaints about poor service and negligence during a wedding ceremony in early July, surprised many, who questioned how a hotel that had been in operation for years could continue without proper authorisation.
At the time of the announcement, RDB warned that if the hotel continued operating beyond July 22, 2025, it would be in violation of national laws, a breach that could attract heavy penalties. The agency further explained that reopening would only be considered once the hotel had fulfilled all requirements to obtain an operating license in the tourism sector and complied fully with the relevant laws.
The revelation that such a prominent establishment lacked a valid operating license shocked the public, given that the hotel was well-known and had been welcoming guests for some time.
Speaking to IGIHE, Irène Murerwa, Chief Tourism Officer at RDB, explained that the situation was not unusual, pointing out that Rwanda’s 2014 Tourism Law allows investors to begin their projects while still working toward fulfilling conditions for an operating license, depending on the type of investment.
She clarified that beginning operations does not automatically mean an establishment is licensed in the tourism sector.
“In this case, the issue is not complicated. Registering an investment is simple and can be done online within six hours. But the key question is: what type of investment is it? A hotel, a restaurant, a nightclub, or apartments? The license granted depends on the category, and in their case, they were operating without ever applying for the proper license,” Murerwa said.
She added that although RDB was aware of the hotel’s investment activities, the owners had not completed all requirements needed to secure a tourism license.
“Anyone could see their doors open and assume they were licensed. Of course, RDB knew about them, just as we know many investors. We don’t close businesses the moment they open. We first conduct visits, hold discussions, and agree on timelines. Some investors fulfil requirements quickly, while others encounter delays. That was the case here,” she explained.
According to Murerwa, after an establishment begins operations, RDB reviews whether it meets the standards required for its specific category of tourism business.
“When challenges are communicated, we listen and allow time to address them, because our role is both regulatory and developmental. But once the grace period expires and compliance is still lacking, then closure becomes necessary,” she said.
Murerwa confirmed that Château le Marara had been inspected several times and was repeatedly reminded of what it needed to comply with. However, despite discussions, the hotel continued to report difficulties in meeting the legal requirements.
“We visited them and held discussions. But at some point, it became clear they were not treating the requirements with the seriousness of legal obligations. People wondered how such a well-known hotel, recognised by the community and local authorities, could lack RDB approval. The truth is that while they had the right to invest, they did not have the license to operate in the tourism sector,” she said.
Currently, investors registering in the tourism industry are required to fulfil up to 22 conditions, in addition to specific requirements depending on the category of business. These include registering the investment, employing qualified staff, and adhering to hygiene, safety, and environmental standards, among others.
While she did not disclose which specific requirements Château le Marara had failed to meet, Murerwa emphasised that any failure to comply constitutes a violation of the law.
“In tourism, there are many conditions to meet. If out of more than 20, you have fulfilled only five, you are still violating the law. While much attention is on Château le Marara, many other establishments have not met all conditions, and these cases must equally be reported to the authorities,” she concluded.
According to RDB officials, an establishment may be suspended for several reasons, such as employing workers without contracts—which is prohibited by law—or when clients suffer health complications due to non-compliance with required standards.
By law, RDB may grant an establishment a grace period during which it continues to operate while working to meet the required conditions. However, if follow-up inspections reveal ongoing non-compliance and no valid justification is provided, the institution risks suspension.
Murerwa explained: “There are instances where, for example, an employee mistreats a guest. That alone does not immediately warrant closure. In such cases, we conduct visits, issue warnings, and give time for correction. But if a client suffers health complications because the establishment failed to meet hygiene or safety requirements, then it becomes a serious matter, and closure is enforced immediately.”
She emphasised that closure is not necessarily permanent. Once the owner fixes the violations and meets all required conditions, they may request reopening. The application is reviewed through an inspection by a joint team from RDB, the Police, and other relevant agencies. If the team confirms compliance, the establishment is granted a license to resume operations.
Currently, a tourism operating license issued by RDB costs 80,000 Rwandan francs, although the fee may change in the future as part of an ongoing legal review process.
Château le Marara is located in Karongi District, on the shores of Lake Kivu.
RDB clarifies the reasons behind the closure of Château le Marara.
A month has now passed since Château le Marara was ordered to close its doors
What began as a cautiously hopeful initiative to end years of conflict has instead become a chronicle of setbacks, highlighting the complex dynamics that continue to frustrate efforts for peace in eastern Congo.
The Doha talks were deemed urgent following renewed hostilities between the rebels and government forces earlier this year, which dramatically reshaped the region’s fragile security landscape.
The M23 rebel group, which accuses the Kinshasa administration of marginalisation and persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in the east, launched a rapid offensive, seizing several key cities in North and South Kivu, including strategic hubs such as Goma and Bukavu.
The resurgence had a significant impact, even prompting the withdrawal of Southern African Development Community (SADC) troops, who had been deployed in December 2023 to help neutralise the group.
Rising fatalities in clashes between M23 and Kinshasa-allied forces —Burundi, and local militias such as the FDLR and Wazalendo—heightened calls for a ceasefire in a region long plagued by conflict. Previous interventions, whether led by the United Nations or through the Nairobi and Luanda peace processes, had repeatedly faltered, failing to bring an end to the war.
Amid this turmoil, diplomatic efforts intensified. In April 2025, a high-level meeting between DRC President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame in Qatar provided the catalyst for renewed dialogue.
While the details of their discussions remained largely confidential, a key outcome was the commitment of both leaders to prevent further escalation and to pursue a negotiated political settlement with M23.
Following the summit, Qatar offered to mediate talks between Kinshasa and M23 in Doha, bringing together international observers to support a roadmap toward lasting peace.
The stakes were high. M23’s territorial gains, the humanitarian crisis from mass displacement, and the fragile credibility of regional peacekeeping efforts made the need for effective dialogue more urgent than ever.
From the outset, however, the talks were challenged by a complex web of mistrust, preconditions, and differing interpretations of agreements, a combination that would soon set the stage for repeated setbacks.
From this tense backdrop, the Doha negotiations officially began, carrying the weight of both hope and scepticism.
{{June 5, 2025: M23’s initial withdrawal
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The first major disruption came early in the Doha talks. On June 5, 2025, M23 officially withdrew its delegation before any agreements were signed. The rebels cited a “lack of progress” and accused the DRC government of insufficient political will, pointing to ongoing ceasefire violations by the Congolese army (FARDC) and the failure to address their demand for a definitive political solution.
Analysts suggest that this withdrawal was not merely a protest but a calculated move to apply pressure on Kinshasa, signalling that M23 could halt dialogue if its core concerns were ignored.
This early rupture highlighted a longstanding challenge in the negotiations. The M23 group has consistently insisted on recognition and guarantees that go beyond a mere cessation of hostilities. For the Congolese government, which has historically been reluctant to grant political legitimacy to armed groups, this created an immediate tension that would shape subsequent talks.
{{July 19, 2025: Signing the “Declaration of Principles”
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Despite the rocky start, both sides returned to Doha and, in a surprising development, signed a preliminary “Declaration of Principles” on July 19, 2025. The agreement was hailed by Qatar, the United Nations, and other international observers as a milestone. It outlined a roadmap towards a final peace agreement and included several key provisions.
The declaration called for a permanent ceasefire, mandating an immediate and binding cessation of all military actions and provocations.
It also established a framework for the restoration of state authority, envisioning a phased return of M23-held territories to Congolese civilian control.
Confidence-building measures were also included, committing both sides to exchange prisoners and refrain from making inflammatory statements in public.
Finally, the declaration set an ambitious negotiation timeline. Talks for a final peace deal were scheduled to begin no later than August 8, 2025, with the goal of signing a comprehensive agreement by August 18, 2025.
Even as the declaration was signed, fundamental disagreements lingered. Kinshasa interpreted the document as necessitating an “unconditional withdrawal” of M23 forces, while the rebels insisted that the agreement focused on mechanisms to strengthen state authority, not on withdrawal. This divergence in interpretation would soon resurface as a key source of tension.
{{July 25, 2025: M23 sets conditions and threatens to pull out
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Barely a week after signing the declaration, M23 escalated the standoff. Benjamin Mbonimpa, representing the group, held a press conference in Goma, issuing an ultimatum that if Kinshasa did not release their 700 prisoners by July 27, M23 would see “no reason to return to Doha.”
This move underscored the fragility of the declaration and revealed that the rebels viewed key preconditions as non-negotiable. For M23, the release of prisoners was a core component of trust-building and a symbolic assertion of their leverage.
{{August 8 & August 17, 2025: Missed deadlines
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The ambitious timeline set in July unravelled quickly. By August 8, the scheduled start of the next round of negotiations had passed without a single meeting. The stalemate was caused by persistent disagreements over prisoner releases, ongoing accusations of ceasefire violations, and logistical issues, including the absence of delegations in the same city. Kinshasa insists the prisoners will only be freed after a final peace deal is signed.
The situation worsened on August 17, the day before the planned signing of a final peace deal. M23 confirmed that its representatives would not attend the ceremony in Doha, sending a clear message that, despite the high-profile declarations and international attention, the rebels were not willing to compromise on their core demands.
{{August 19, 2025: AFC/M23 agrees to send delegation to Doha
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The rebel coalition confirmed it would send delegations to Qatar to assess progress on the principles agreement they signed on July 19, 2025.
AFC/M23’s deputy coordinator, Bertrand Bisimwa, confirmed that his group’s delegation would focus on key issues, including a permanent ceasefire and the release of prisoners.
The Congolese government also announced that it would send its own representatives, stressing that their mandate is to protect national interests during the discussions.
Qatar, acting as mediator, has acknowledged the setbacks but says it remains in close contact with both parties to encourage consensus.
The case gained public attention after several journalists, including Ndayishimiye Reagan (Rugaju), Ishimwe Ricard, and former journalist Mucyo Antha Biganiro, were implicated in the investigation. Authorities allege that both military personnel and civilians colluded to misuse public resources for personal benefit.
On 5 August 2025, the Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF) issued a statement identifying suspects as two RDF officers and 20 civilians. They are alleged to have committed offenses such as complicity in issuing and receiving unauthorized documents and misusing public resources for unintended purposes.
In the following days, the number of defendants rose from 20, reaching 28 individuals brought before the court on 5 August 2025. Among them were three military officers: Capt Peninah Mutoni, Capt Peninah Umurungi, and Maj Vicent Muligande.
Also charged were the spokesperson of the Rwanda Revenue Authority, CSP Hillary Sengabo, and his colleague CSP Olive Mukantabana.
The case further involves 23 civilians, including sports journalists, as well as Kalisa Georgine, a former treasurer of APR FC, and Mugisha Frank (known as Jangwani), the former spokesperson for the club.
The Military Court ruled that all defendants should be tried in-camera for national security reasons, given that the allegations are closely connected to the Ministry of Defence.
{{Charges against key defendants}}
Capt Peninah Mutoni faces accusations including granting unauthorized documents to individuals, misusing public funds, and collusion in producing and using falsified documents, harges shared with Maj Vicent Muligande and Kalisa Georgine.
Capt Peninah Umurungi, CSP Hillary Sengabo, CSP Olive Mukantabana, and journalists Ndayishimiye Reagan and Ishimwe Ricard are accused of being accomplices in fraudulently obtaining documents issued by authorized institutions and misusing public resources for personal gain.
{{Case background}}
Reliable sources indicate that most allegations focus on Capt Peninah Mutoni, who worked in a department responsible for requesting airline tickets for Ministry of Defence staff and other designated individuals. She held the responsibilities from 2017 until late 2024.
It is alleged that Capt Peninah Mutoni exploited this position to fraudulently purchase tickets for individuals who were not eligible for Ministry-funded travel, including fans and journalists attending APR FC matches against Pyramid in Egypt and AZAM in Tanzania.
Capt Peninah Mutoni reportedly collaborated closely with Kalisa Georgine to solicit payments from individuals seeking these tickets. However, the funds provided were not used for their intended purpose but were instead added to the Ministry of Defence’s accounts. The two allegedly shared the proceeds for personal gain.
During the investigation, journalist Ndayishimiye Reagan reportedly admitted that in September 2024 he paid Kalisa Georgine $540 for a ticket and an additional $100 for a visa, after which Kalisa delivered the ticket at the airport. Similarly, Ishimwe Ricard reportedly paid Kalisa $700 for a ticket, which Kalisa then forwarded to Capt Peninah Mutoni.
For the APR FC versus Pyramid match, Ndayishimiye Reagan and Biganiro Mucyo Antha had tickets paid for by the Ministry of Defence. RwandAir invoiced the Ministry $1,013 for Mucyo Antha’s travel to Tanzania, billed as official duty.
Prior to being taken into custody, Ishimwe Ricard admitted the wrongdoing during a radio interview on SK FM on 31 July 2025, stating:
“What troubled me in this matter is that I traveled to Egypt, spending Frw 1.4 million for my ticket, and additional travel expenses […] How can a journalist be questioned about payment and even face imprisonment?”
{{CSP Sengabo designated as APR BBW employee}}
Beyond the funds reportedly used for APR FC matches, information indicates that military and correctional service officers returning from peacekeeping missions in South Sudan were provided with airline tickets by Capt Peninah Mutoni without proper authorization. Among them was CSP Hillary Sengabo.
According to sources, at the end of 2024, as CSP Sengabo prepared to return to Rwanda for leave, he coordinated with Capt Peninah Mutoni to purchase a RwandAir ticket. She reportedly provided her bank account details and transferred $534, after which Capt Mutoni arranged the ticket.
A similar situation reportedly occurred with CSP Olive Mukantabana, who is said to have received a ticket purchased by Capt Peninah Mutoni when she intended to travel from South Sudan. CSP Mukantabana stated that she received Capt Mutoni’s contact number through Capt Peninah Umurungi, with whom they were together in South Sudan.
Both were given tickets, but the funds they provided were not used to pay for the tickets; instead, they were registered as employees of APR BBW. Capt Peninah Umurungi also received a ticket purchased by Capt Mutoni. This arrangement is where the alleged forgery charges against Capt Mutoni originate.
It is reported that once Capt Mutoni realized the illegal transactions to secure the ticket for Capt Umurungi drew attention, she collaborated with a RwandAir employee to produce a false document indicating that Capt Umurungi had paid for it.
Another military officer involved in the case is Maj Vincent Murigande, who, according to Capt Mutoni, instructed her to purchase tickets for Sengabo and Mukantabana. He is also said to have received all emails requesting tickets, which were recorded under the Ministry of Defence, even though the recipients were not affiliated with it.
Brigadier General Déo Rusanganwa, Chairman of APR FC, recently stated that anyone who misuses Ministry of Defence resources must be held accountable.
“MINADEF provides us with budgets to uplift Rwandans, and if we misuse them, we will be held accountable. If someone among you is contacted to clarify matters and has no involvement, they will be cleared. Justice may take time, but it will prevail. I ask for patience from those affected, because our country cannot function like other places we know,” he said.
He added: “We must carefully manage the resources entrusted to us to nurture talent and ensure they are used for their intended purpose. Let us trust that justice will take its course. It may take a little time, but I am confident it will be resolved appropriately. We must also cooperate to safeguard the resources APR entrusts to us.”
