On Thursday, Agence France-Presse (AFP), a leading global news agency reported that it got the wind of a report of the United Nations (UN) experts on security problems in DRC confirming that Rwanda supported M23 rebel group in a fighting with Congolese Army (FARDC).
The report was questioned as to how it is leaked to the media before publication. Similar circumstances happened in July this year.
Rwanda has repeatedly denied the accusations of supporting the rebel group highlighting that the issue is a concern of DRC which failed to implement signed peace accords.
The Spokesperson of the Government of Rwanda, Yolande Makolo has via Twitter said that putting DRC’s problems to the shoulders of Rwanda won’t provide any solution.
“The policy of blaming Rwanda as a means to deflect blame and evade accountability for persistent governance failure in the DRC comes at a huge cost to citizens on both sides of our shared border,” she said.
The Deputy Spokesperson of the Government of Rwanda, Alain Mukuralinda on Thursday told TV5 Monde that Rwandan troops never cross the border but safeguard security of the country’s territory.
“Rwandan soldiers do not cross the border. They safeguard security of the country’s territory. Rwanda does not need to cross the border unless it is agreed with the Congolese government,” he said.
Mukuralinda said that Rwanda cannot comment on unpublished allegations.
Among other reforms, this financing will support the roll out of a new dynamic social registry which will ensure that critical social sector programs are targeted to those most in need and can be responsive to losses of livelihood or income when households face a range of crises. This foundational reform is also expected to improve efficiency in the spending of public resources and contribute to poverty reduction.
“This policy and institutional reform program has been the anchor of our support to the Government of Rwanda on human capital development, which has already yielded robust results on a large scale in health care, education, nutrition, and social protection,” said Rolande Pryce, World Bank Country Manager for Rwanda.
“Collaborating with the Government of Rwanda and working in step with other partners to bring about these reforms will lay a solid foundation for human capital being a key driver of Rwanda’s socioeconomic transformation and will help ensure no one is left behind,” she added.
The series has registered strong results despite the disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, coverage of critical gender, child, and nutrition sensitive safety net schemes benefiting poor and vulnerable households under the Vision 2020 Umurenge Program has increased from 19 percent in March 2020 to 46 percent in September 2022. The proportion of young children now receiving a minimum package of integrated early childhood development services in accordance with national standards has expanded from 17 percent in 2020 to 62 percent in 2022.
Health sector financing reforms have ensured that over 86 percent of the target population has been covered by community-based health insurance as of May 2022, up from 69 percent in 2020. Teachers are being recruited more efficiently because of an increase in transparency of teacher management and recruitment policies, leading to better quality of teaching and teacher wellbeing.
The series has also been responsive to the COVID-19 pandemic. As of September 2022, 135,081 households, largely reliant on informal work, received emergency cash support to help tide over losses of income during the pandemic. About 59 percent of these recipients are women. With reforms in education, the sector prepared itself for more resilient service delivery, and managed to return about 99 percent of students to school after prolonged COVID-19-related closure.
“We expect that this series of development policy operations will have lasting benefits in Rwanda, including through the new social registry, a financially sustainable community-based health insurance scheme, and strengthened workforce management in both health facilities and schools,” said Kavita Watsa, World Bank Senior Human Development Operations Officer and Task Team Leader for this operation. “Going forward, Rwanda can also respond more flexibly to crises that affect poor and vulnerable households.”
The financing approved on 22nd December 2022, is part of broader ongoing support by the World Bank for health, education, and social protection in Rwanda.
The World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA), established in 1960, helps the world’s poorest countries by providing grants and low to zero-interest loans for projects and programs that boost economic growth, reduce poverty, and improve poor people’s lives.
IDA is one of the largest sources of assistance for the world’s 76 poorest countries, 39 of which are in Africa. Resources from IDA bring positive change to the 1.6 billion people who live in IDA countries. Since 1960, IDA has supported development work in 113 countries. Annual commitments have averaged about $21 billion over the last three years, with about 61 percent going to Africa.
He made the disclosure during an interview with Jeune Afrique in which he talked about regional security problems and process to strengthen ties with other countries including Rwanda.
President Ndayishimiye who also serves as the current Chairperson of the East African Community (EAC), has responsibilities to oversee the implementation of regional agreements to restore peace through Luanda and Nairobi processes among others.
Negotiations to de-escalate tensions between Rwanda and DRC held recently in Luanda left participants of the meeting asking M23 to cease fire, and withdraw from occupied areas but was allowed to remain on the country’s territory.
It was also resolved that M23 had to respect the decision and return to its initial positions not beyond along the line Sabyinyo Volcano in the areas of Bigega, Bugusa, Nyabikona, Mbuzi, Rutsiro and Nkokwe on the side of DRC.
It was agreed that the areas previously captured by M23 will be controlled by joint EAC forces after withdrawal of M23.
It is a great milestone reached for the first time by DR Congo as a country that had ignored the reality sounding alarms that M23 rebels are Rwandans who must return to Rwanda.
President Ndayishimiye said that achieving lasting peace cannot come by accident noting that trust and patience needed for M23 to lay down arms as requested have not yet been developed.
“As we requested M23 to withdraw, we also asked regional forces to prepare for deployment in those areas to protect citizens. During a meeting held in Washington, we discussed the issue again, reviewed reasons behind failure to implement resolutions and agreed again that M23 has to withdraw,” he said.
Ndayishimiye expressed confidence that M23 will respect Luanda resolutions as they are where Kenyan troops will be deployed in previously captured areas.
If M23 lies, he said, the situation will be assessed because regional forces won’t be able to occupy designated areas of operations without withdrawal of the rebel group which might lead to confrontations.
Ndayishimiye disclosed that the region does not need conflicts noting that sources make him believe that M23 are willing to stop fighting and go through a peaceful process.
The head of state makes the utterance at a time when some countries from the United States and Europe are ceaselessly releasing statements accusing Rwanda of being behind M23 rebel group and demanding the country to stop backing it.
On the other hand, the EAC has not yet accused Rwanda of supporting the rebel group but Ndayishimiye said that DRC does not know who the members of M23 are.
“The Government of Congo does not really know who the members of M23 are. In case they are brought together, disarmed and reintegrated, the process to assess their nationality would begin,” he said.
“Today, no one knows who the members of M23 are. Confusion remains. Before the beginning of the process, it will be hard to know who they are and determine everyone’s strength,” added Ndayishimye.
{{What is the origin of M23?}}
The eastern part of DRC is among regions with a large number of Kinyarwanda speaking citizens or Rwandophones. They are part of M23 rebel group’s members who arrived in the country many years ago.
Rwandophones currently make up 5% of the entire Congolese population. They mainly reside in eastern Congo in South and North Kivu provinces.
History shows that these citizens found themselves in DRC following border delimitations set out in Berlin Conference held on 15th November 1884 to discuss the partitioning of Africa.
Before the date, the areas of Goma, Masisi, Rutshuru and Idjwi Island were on Rwandan side.
They were joined to Congo-Belge through agreements between Germany and Belgium on 14th May 1910.
The partitioning also saw other parts of Rwanda in Northern and Eastern Provinces added to Uganda
It is under these circumstances that Rwanda lost a large number of citizens through the partitioning who found themselves in other countries but upheld their culture and language.
Apart from the large number of Rwandans left in Congo under the border delimitations, there is another group of citizens relocated to Congo between1937 and 1954 under an arrangement called ‘Mission Immigration Banyarwanda’ (M.I.B).
The changes introduced by colonizers was a revenge to Rwanda as a country that was benefitting from having a large number of people at the time with a belief that they can be sent to other countries with a small number of people to explore and exploit them.
Under the M.I.B, Rwandans were settled in Northern Kivu Province mainly in Masisi (Gishari, Mokoto, Muvunyi, Bigiri and Bafuna) and Rutshuru (in Mushari and Bwito).
The government issues the statement following accusations by DRC that it supports the aforementioned rebel group, an accusation which Rwanda has repeatedly denied and asked DRC to stop collaboration with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).
FDLR is a terrorist group formed by individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
It has been reported in collaboration with the Congolese Army (FARDC) and other groups operating in the eastern part of the country, hunting Tutsi, abusing their rights and killing them.
The United Nations Special Advisor on Genocide Prevention recently condemned the escalation of violence in eastern DR Congo, saying that it was a “warning sign” in a region where genocide happened in the past.
The coalition has seen bombs shelled on Rwandan territory at different times leaving people injured and properties destroyed.
Instead of responding to Rwanda’s concerns to stop the collaboration, DRC continues to externalize its problems to make Rwanda ‘a scapegoat’.
DRC’s accusations have been digested by different countries including the United States and France urging Rwanda to stop supporting M23, despite provided clarifications.
According to Rwanda, absorbing the false allegations sidetracks the attention to find a lasting solution to insecurity in eastern Congo.
In a statement released today, Rwanda has brought to light all circumstances of the situation and maintained that putting a blame on it, reflects lack of willingness on the part of the international community to deal with the root causes of conflict in Eastern DRC, and to demand true accountability from the state and non-state actors who are responsible for the resulting legacy of failure.
{{Below is the full statement:}}
Accusing Rwanda of support to the Congolese armed group M23 is wrong and distracts from the real cause of continued conflict in Eastern DRC, and its impact on the security of neighbouring states, including Rwanda.
It is a mistake to conflate the measures that Rwanda has put in place to guard its borders with support for any particular armed group in DRC. This tired old blame game undermines ongoing efforts by regional leaders to find lasting peace, particularly the Nairobi and Luanda initiatives, to which Rwanda is fully committed.
Like all states, Rwanda has a right to territorial integrity and reserves the right to defend its borders and citizens against cross-border attacks. Rwanda’s territorial integrity has been consistently violated over the years by both the FARDC and FDLR, including a brutal attack in October 2019 in Kinigi, a tourist area in Northern Rwanda, that killed 14 innocent villagers; several cross-border rocket shelling incidents earlier this year; incursions into Rwanda by soldiers of the Congolese armed forces; and an airspace violation by a Congolese fighter jet in November. This is in addition to the targeting of Rwanda’s border areas by FDLR as they fight alongside the FARDC against other armed groups in Eastern DRC.
There has been no accountability for the failure of the DRC Government to deal with the over 130 armed groups on its territory, the serious abuses against civilians committed by the Congolese armed forces and its auxiliary armed groups, including the genocidal remnant militia FDLR, which has been preserved for decades in the DRC. Authorities in DRC have also given license to virulent anti-Rwandophone and anti-Tutsi hate speech, public incitement, mob killings, and targeted violence, as detailed in reports of the UN and other regional and international organizations.
Rwanda is host to over 80,000 Congolese refugees living in camps, many for over 20 years. The international community should have the decency to address the persecution of a group of Congolese citizens, as well as how refugees of the same group can exercise their right to return safely to their country instead of languishing in refugee camps permanently.
Attempting to manage complex situations by simply repeating and amplifying false allegations of the DRC government cannot lead to solutions. Notably, the sensationalized “Kishishe massacre”, a fabrication of the DRC government that it attributed to M23, has quickly spread without any investigation of the facts by any credible entity, despite indications that the incident was in fact an armed confrontation between M23 and illegal armed groups allied to FARDC. This is symbolic of how the mess in the DRC has been encouraged and sustained for decades.
It is worth recalling that a United Nations peacekeeping operation, currently under MONUSCO, has been present in Eastern DRC for more than 22 years, at the cost of over US$1 billion a year, with little tangible results. Blaming Rwanda reflects an unwillingness on the part of the international community to face up to the root causes of conflict in Eastern DRC, and to demand true accountability from the state and non-state actors who are responsible for the resulting legacy of failure.
President Felix Tshisekedi came to power in 2019, they hoped for the end of refugee life nightmare experienced for more than 20 years.
However, the hope has been lost after three years where the refugees are warning about the extermination of their relatives who stayed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
The fear for escalating genocide against Tutsi communities prompted over 19,000 refugees from Kiziba camp to stage protests on Wednesday, December 19, 2022, demanding the international community to put pressure on DRC to stop the killings.
The killings target Kinyarwanda speaking people from Tutsi communities, accused of being Rwandans or spies for M23, and all continue to be fueled by the hate speech of the country’s politicians.
Mariam, who has spent one year in the Kiziba camp told IGIHE that the root cause of insecurity in Eastern Congo is often ignored.
Despite fleeing because she was being hunted by Tutsi friends, this non-Tutsi woman says she does not blame the armed groups because insecurity began in Eastern Congo in 1994.
The woman who fled over being hunted for having Tutsi friends said that insecurity in eastern Congo is a complex problem as it involves the collaboration with those supposed to deal with the issue.
“Citizens, the international community and the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda [FDLR] have made a coalition that they cannot be separated. FDLR combatants had enough time to teach how to rape women, kill and hit children on walls among other evil things,” she said.
“I don’t know the pact Mobutu had with Habyarimana for the members of the FDLR to be more protected than the Congolese people. Today, President Tshisekedi, representing Congo, also decided to defend FDLR, confirming that it is no longer a problem. Until now, he has become the spokesperson of the FDLR,” added Mariam.
The FDLR is a terrorist group responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
It has been reported in collaboration with the Congolese Army (FARDC) and other groups operating in the eastern part of the country, hunting Tutsi, abusing their rights and killing them.
The United Nations Special Advisor on Genocide Prevention recently condemned the escalation of violence in eastern DR Congo, saying that it was a “warning sign” in a region where genocide happened in the past.
{{Destroyed country}}
Mariam believes there is an underlying reason behind the dealings between the FDLR and the Congolese government.
“Our enemy is the FDLR, why doesn’t Congo let them go? If they have a secret agreement signed without our knowledge, expel them to Rwanda from the eastern part of the country or take them to Ecuador where Habyarimana is buried,” she said.
Mpayukuri Kayira, who has spent 20 years in Kiziba camp, said that the massacre of Tutsis in the DRC recently reached his elder brother who was in the Congolese Army and killed because of his innate personality.
“Major Kaminzobe is my brother. He belonged to the Congolese Army and was killed by the government,” she revealed.
Mpayukuri said that the government watched over citizens as they killed and burned his brother.
The man who fled Rwanda at the age of 38, says that they lived well with other ethnic groups living in that country before the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
“They inherit the cruelty from Interahamwe and the FDLR. During Mobutu’s regime, we lived in harmony. Of course, they used to steal but they didn’t kill. Today, the country is destroyed,” he observed.
Alexis Ruhorimbere arrived in Rwanda in his childhood but has graduated from university while in a refugee camp.
Congolese politicians often make utterances that those claiming to be Kinyarwanda-speaking refugees are Rwandans with no rights to fight for Congolese nationality.
Although Ruhorimbere spent most of his life in Rwanda, he said that giving them temporary nationality will not stop them from striving to return to their homeland in case the international community continues to sit idly.
“It is neither the Congolese government that makes us Rwandans nor the language a person speaks that gives him citizenship. We are Congolese, our fathers and mothers were born there, and that is why the Congolese government is very wrong to call us Rwandans. If we were to be Rwandans today, we would not be in a refugee camp. We would be settled in villages and assume leadership positions like other citizens,” he noted.
The refugees have demanded the international community to denounce, stop the killing of their relatives in the country and return to their country.
“We ask the UN to take action and stop this massacre rather than folding arms as they did in Rwanda until a large number of people were brutally murdered,” said Ruhorimbere.
These Congolese refugees protested after their colleagues from the camps of Kigeme, Mugomba, and Mahama mounted demonstrations demanding the Congolese Government to stop killing their relatives and help them return to their homeland.
Rwanda hosts more than 70,000 Congolese refugees, including those who arrived for the first time in 1996.
The plant located in Bugesera Industrial Park was built by a mining investment company known as Power Resources International Ltd.
This British-based mining company operates mainly in the Ngororero District in the areas of Muriro and Rukaragata.
In 2018, Power Resources International Ltd signed an agreement with the Government of Rwanda to build a factory that will process Coltan to add value to it before being placed on the international market.
Sources indicate that the plant has been completed where it is under a pilot phase before official inauguration.
The plant completed at the tune of more than US$20 million, will have the capacity to process 120 tonnes of Coltan per month.
As he launched a week dedicated to mining recently on 5th December 2022, the CEO of Rwanda Mines, Petroleum and Gas Board (RMB), Amb Yamina Karitanyi, said that all expended efforts are meant to increase revenues the country generates from mining.
She went on to say that this Coltan processing plant joins other facilities including gold and cassiterite refineries.
“The value addition of precious stones has been strengthened to increase revenues from minerals’ exports. Rwanda has a gold refinery, cassiterite processing plant, and a coltan processing plant to be inaugurated in the near future,” disclosed Amb. Karitanyi.
Normally, plants based in Africa process Coltan into a powder known as Spiral Concentrate, which is then exported to Europe and Asia to extract the final powders of Tantalum and Niobium.
Tantalum is widely used in the manufacturing of motherboards for electronic devices such as computers, televisions, radios, and telephones. Niobium is used while making aircraft engines and medical equipment including Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI).
{{Benefits to the region}}
The Deputy CEO of RMB, Dr. Ivan Twagirashema, said that this factory also benefits the entire region which produces more than 70% of the Coltan needed globally.
He assured that Rwanda has a large amount of Coltan noting that there should be no worries of running short of supply as the plant can also process minerals brought from other countries.
“In the last two or three years, Rwanda was among the top five exporters of Coltan globally. When we look at the production here alone, I think it is enough for the plant but it is designed in a way that facilitates expansion,” he said.
This means, other African countries can send their Coltan to be processed in Rwanda instead of being overwhelmed with much expenses on transport to other continents.
The 2020 report from the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR) indicated that the country fetched over US$1.4 billion from minerals exported in five years from 2015 to 2019.
In 2015, Rwanda generated US$149 million from exported minerals including coltan, wolfram and others.
In the following years, Rwanda generated US$166, 5 million and US$373 million respectively.
As she attended the launch of Mining Week in Rwanda recently, Amb. Karitanyi said that Rwanda generated US$733 million in 2020 from minerals’ exports up from US$373 of 2017.
In 2021, revenues dropped to US$516 million owing to reduced prices on the international market.
Amb. Karitanyi said that the year 2022 is promising in consideration of the US$585 generated in the first nine months.
She attributed the increase in revenues to Rwanda’s initiative to establish plants adding value to minerals before exportation.
The mining sector in Rwanda currently employs 46,000 people with a target to increase the number to more than 100,000 by 2024.
The Burundian delegation is led by the Permanent Secretary in the Interior Ministry in charge of Public Security, Lt Gen of Police, André Ndayambaje who came with governors of provinces touching Rwanda’s borders. These include the Governor of Kirundo, Albert Hatungimana; his counterpart of Kayanza, Rémy Cishahayo and Léonidas Bandenzamaso of Bururi Province.
They were also accompanied by the General Director of refugee repatriation in Burundi, Nestor Bimenyimana who said that Burundian refugees continue to return to their homeland from Rwanda and other countries.
The delegation that was welcomed by the Minister of Emergency Management; the Governor of Eastern Province, Emmanuel Gasana; his counterpart of Southern Province, Alice Kayitesi and the Mayor of Bugesera District, Mutabazi Richard upon arrival at Nemba One Stop Border on Monday.
As they arrived in Kigali, they Burundian officials were also received by the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Clémentine Mukeka and Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Emergency Management, Philippe Habinshuti among others.
Discussions between both countries were also attended by Ndeye Aissatou Masseck Ndiaye, the Country Representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to Rwanda.
Mukeka assured Burundian delegation that Rwanda is ready to contribute to the successful repatriation campaign and help willing refugees to return home in collaboration with UNHCR.
“Rwanda understands well hardships associated with being a refugee. That is why we are concerned to see Burundian refugees in Rwanda returning to their home country voluntarily to join the rest of the population to build their nation,” she said.
“We commend the decision by the Government of Burundi to sensitize Burundians staying here on voluntary repatriation. It is a commendable step bespeaking political will to address refugee crisis,” added Mukeka.
The Permanent Secretary in the Interior Ministry in charge of Public Security, Lt Gen of Police, Ndayambaje said that his country sent the delegation to bring a message of hope to Burundians who fled to Rwanda.
“We want them to return to their home country. We opened gates and they should be reminded that there are others repatriated before 2020 who are leading a dignified life. Many of them resumed their jobs, are involved in income-generating activities and contribute to their nation’s development,” he noted.
The campaign is held for the first time since 2015, when over 80,000 Burundians fled to Rwanda amidst the insecurity that followed an attempted coup.
According to MINEMA, a total of 30,315 refugees have returned to Burundi since 2020.
Currently, 50, 329 Burundian refugees live in Rwanda, most of them in the Mahama refugee camp.
On Monday afternoon, the delegation from Burundi met with representatives of Burundian refugees living in Kigali City and other places. They are also expected to interact with Burundian refugees living in Mahama camp in Kirehe District.
Currently, Rwanda registers over 49,000 Burundian refugees.
The figures released on Monday 19th December 2022 show that the country’s GDP in the third quarter was estimated at Rwf3,583 billion up from Rwf2,758 of the same period last year.
In this quarter, services contributed 47 percent, Agriculture contributed 24 percent, Industry contributed 21 percent of GDP and 8 percent was attributed to adjustment for taxes and subsidies on products.
{{Sectors’ performance}}
{{Agriculture}}
In agriculture, the overall growth was 1 percent and contributed 0.3 percentage points to overall GDP growth. Within agriculture, the production of food crops decreased by 1 percent and the production of export crops decreased by 1 percent.
{{Industry}}
In industry, the overall production decreased by 1 percent and contributed negative 0.2 percentage points to overall GDP growth. The decrease of industrial activities is mainly due to a drop of 17% in construction activities.
Other activities in industry sector increased as follows: Manufacturing activities increased by 9 percent, Mining and Quarrying activities increased by 5 percent while electricity production increased by 13 percent and the production of water and waste management increased by 3 percent.
According to NISR, the growth in manufacturing activities is due to an increase of 11 percent in food processing, 9 percent increase in production of Beverages, 8 percent increase in production of Wood and paper; printing, 21 percent in production of Chemicals and plastic products and 24 percent in production of Textiles.
{{Services}}
The Service sector increased by 17 percent and contributed 7.9 percentage point to overall GDP growth. Within Services sector, Wholesale and retail trade increased by 20 percent while Transport activities increased by 26 percent.
Among other services, Hotel and restaurants increased by 90 percent, Financial services increased by 8 percent, while Telecommunication services increased by 34 percent. Public Administration increased by 21 percent; Health services increased by 13 percent while Education services increased by 26 percent.
On Monday 19th December 2022, the court delivered a verdict that the country’s policy to send asylum seekers to Rwanda is lawful despite setbacks that hindered the implementation of migration and economic development partnership signed between Rwanda and UK.
The agreement reached in April this year reads that the European country would send asylum seekers and migrants arriving in it illegally to Rwanda where they can start new life or be helped to return to their home countries.
The UK made the decision to discourage people crossing to the country illegally and reduce the budget spent on them every year.
The deal was criticized by various organizations overseeing migrants’ interests and some British politicians.
Their first flight to Rwanda was expected on 14th June 2022 but was cancelled at last minute after an intervention from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).
In Monday’s ruling, the court decided that the idea of having asylum claims processed in Rwanda does not break the law.
The policy, the court said, was consistent with the government’s legal obligations, including those imposed by Parliament with the Human Rights Act 1998.
The Spokesperson of the Government of Rwanda, Yolande Makolo has welcomed the verdict and reiterated the country’s commitment to help them start a new life.
“We welcome this decision and stand ready to offer asylum seekers and migrants safety and the opportunity to build a new life in Rwanda. This is a positive step in our quest to contribute to innovative, long-term solutions to the global migration crisis,” she said.
UK High Court’s ruling reads that the home secretary must decide if there is anything about each person’s particular circumstances where ‘his asylum claim should be determined in the United Kingdom or whether there are other reasons why he should not be relocated to Rwanda’.
In April 2022, Rwanda and the United Kingdom (UK) signed Migration and Economic Development partnership. The deal paves the way for deportation to Rwanda of migrants and asylum seekers staying in the UK illegally.
Under this program, migrants are set to benefit from secondary qualifications, vocational and skills training, language lessons and higher education.
After signing the agreement, it was reported that those willing to return to their mother lands will be helped to do so.
The UK made the decision to discourage people crossing to the country illegally and reduce the budget spent on them every year.
The deal was criticized by various organizations overseeing migrants’ interests and some British politicians.
Their first flight to Rwanda was expected on 14th June 2022 but was cancelled at last minute after an intervention from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).
In Monday’s ruling, The New York Times has reported, the court decided that the idea of having asylum claims processed in Rwanda does not break the law.
The policy, the court said, was consistent with the government’s legal obligations, including those imposed by Parliament with the Human Rights Act 1998.
The court, however, also ruled that the cases of eight people who were initially scheduled for deportation to Rwanda had not been properly considered, and it ordered a new review of them by the home secretary.
Although that was a victory in principle for government, the ruling from the court also suggested that there were limits on the way the policy could be deployed.
Though not the top judicial authority in the country, the court deals with the most important noncriminal cases.
“The home secretary must decide if there is anything about each person’s particular circumstances which means that his asylum claim should be determined in the United Kingdom or whether there are other reasons why he should not be relocated to Rwanda,” read an official summary of the ruling.
Architects of the policy described the ruling as an important moment, and the government said that it welcomed the judgment and was committed to defending the policy against any future legal challenges.
“We have always maintained that this policy is lawful and today the court has upheld this,” Suella Braverman, the home secretary, said in a statement. “I am committed to making this partnership work — my focus remains on moving ahead with the policy as soon as possible.”
The UK is one of the European countries that have for long struggled with an increase in illegal migrants, mainly through the English Channel.
The BBC recently reported that at least 40,000 people crossed the English Channel in 2022, a higher number compared to 28,526 registered last year.
These illegal migrants come from various countries in Africa, Asia, and Europe.
The UK spends at least 5.5 million pounds a year on migrants where they stay in hotels while their claims are being processed.
