On an annual basis, the prices of food and non-alcoholic beverages increased by 41.3 percent, while alcoholic beverages, tobacco, and narcotics increased by 23.6 percent.
Transport increased by 12 percent annually but remained stable on a monthly basis.
According to National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR), The prices of local products increased by 20.8 percent year on year and 2.2 percent month on month. Meanwhile, the prices of imported products increased by 14.8 percent year on year and 0.6 percent month on month.
The prices of fresh products increased by 53 percent year on year and 5.3 percent month on month. The prices of energy increased by 7.3 percent annually and 0.8 percent monthly.
Meanwhile, rural CPI increased by 39.5 percent on annual basis and increased by 4.3 percent on monthly basis.
The general index, excluding fresh products and energy, increased by 12.2 percent annually and 0.8 percent monthly.
The media was used as a tool by bad leadership that prepared for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, with many media houses affiliated with political parties or founded by businesspeople with close links to the then-leadership.
The involvement of media houses, particularly RTLM, during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda is depicted in the theatre play “Hate Radio,” which was first played in Rwanda at Kigali Convention Centre on April 8th, 2023, and attended by First Lady Jeannette Kagame and other leaders.
The Minister of National Unity and Civic Engagement, Dr. Bizimana Jean Damascène said that RTLM played a big role in fueling killings of Tutsis.
“Using the media to spread incite hatred did not begin with RTLM. It had been planned for long. Political parties founded in Rwanda in 1959 initiated media houses spreading hatred. RTLM has traceable roots, other media houses where it drew inspiration.”
He pointed out an example of APOROSOMA, a political party that established a media house dubbed “Ijwi rya Rubanda Rugufi” translated as ‘The Voice for Ordinary Citizens’ in 1959. At the time, Parmehutu party also founded a media house called ‘Jyambere’.
“These media houses worked together to teach people that the country is for Hutus, running publications that Tutsis would be killed. It was put that way since 1959.”
The third edition of Jyambere newspaper published on 27th November 1959, featured a statement that read: “Tutsis will be exterminated if they continue to live in the neighbourhood of Hutus.”
Dr. Bizimana said that “Jyambere” made the publication two weeks after killings of Tutsis from 1st November 1959.
Another edition of “Ijwi rya Rubanda Rugufi” that belonged to APROSOMA was issued on 27th September 1959 where the Chief Editor, Gitera Joseph published what he termed as ‘Ten commandments of Hutus’.
At the time, APROSOMA urged citizens to stand united, vote for Hutu leaders instead of Tutsis or Hutus with friendship with Tutsis as they would be enemies.
Minister Bizimana said that Jyambere newspaper was re-launched in 1991 by MDR political party after approving the pluralism of political parties.
Jyambere continued its manipulation agenda along with other newspapers including “Kangura” founded in July 1991 and Power founded by Karamira in November 1993 among others.
Minister Bizimana said that all these newspapers had a shared agenda to mobilize the killings of Tutsis.
On 9th February 1991, Kangura run a publication that read: ‘Let us know Inkotanyi and supporters of RPF and exterminate them’.
The 54th edition of Kangura issued in February 1994, also run an article stating that ‘spies for the enemy are well known’.
Other newspapers including Kinyamateka and Isibo said to be against the regime of Habyarimana later changed their editorial line and run content fueling hatred and ethnic discrimination.
The sixth edition of Isibo newspaper issued on 10th January 1991, also featured an article with a title ‘A Tutsi in this era of Inkotanyi’. It published what was termed as guidelines to be respected every day.
Of the five commandments of Hutus, one encouraged Hutus to ‘Inspect a Tutsi that refuse to change attitudes lest she/he taints others’.
“It is clear that Isibo was mobilizing for killings of Tutsis as requested by the then government,” noted Minister Bizimana.
The fifth commandment for Tutsis read that ‘A patriotic Tutsi has to help the leadership to detect stubborn relatives, who conceal cruelty and cunning’.
As Dr. Bizimana said, Isibo concluded saying that ‘the machette of 1959 awakened many Tutsis where anyone against the advice wants the country to be stuck in a war’.
“The statement written in 1991 mobilized for more killings of Tutsis as it had happened in 1959,” he noted.
Kinyamateka newspaper also offered space for publication inciting hatred even though it was not among hate media.
The 1338th edition in 1991, indicated that the country was blessed ‘because the war brought the unity of Hutus’.
Kinyamateka also referred to Tutsis and Inkotanyi as enemies of Rwanda.
{{The intervention of Habyarimana and Kabuga in establishment of RTLM}}
Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) was established on 8th July 1993 but was mainly involved in the mobilization of killings of Tutsis between April and July 1994.
It was initially nicknamed ‘Radiyo Rutwitsi’ and had studios at the current Kigali CarFree Zone. The radio used its popularity to incite hatred.
It was founded by a group led by Dr. Ferdinand Nahimana, one of experts in the country at the time.
Nahimana drafted the first piece determining the establishment of RTLM.
The committee that initiated the idea was led by businessman, Kabuga Félicien.
Other members of the committee included Serugendo Joseph, Ephrem Ntezabera, Jean Bosco Barayagwiza while Juvénal Habyarimana was the first honorary shareholder of RTLM.
Minister Bizimana disclosed that Habyarimana booked shares worth Rwf1 million at the time.
Other shareholders include Kabuga, Basabose Philippe and other top government officials.
“This proves that RTLM was state-owned,” said Minister Bizimana.
It is said that RTLM worked closely with The Rwanda Information Office (ORINFOR) where many journalists were recruited from ORINFOR.
These include Habimana Kantano, Noheli Hitimana, Joël Hakizimana and Gaspard Gahigi among others.
“It shows us that Genocide was possible because it was supported by the government. The media was one of used tools,” noted Minister Bizimana.
Calling Tutsis cockroaches that would be killed was among words inciting hatred and fueling ethnic divisionism that were aired on RTLM.
Such words triggered mixed reactions during Arusha peace accords where politicians against the regime of Habyarimana demanded the shutdown of the radio.
At the time, Dr. Nahimana who headed the radio explained that it was established to be on the defensive of Radiyo Muhabura of RPF –Inkotanyi, but was a contradiction of the radio’s editorial line.
Following the shooting down of Habyarimana’s airplane on 6th April 1994, RTLM encouraged Hutus to kill Tutsis accusing them of being behind the incident.
Other journalists popular at RTLM include Valérie Bemeriki. She was handed life sentence for her role in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
He was speaking at the ceremony marking the beginning of the 29th Commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi at Kigali Genocide Memorial.
During the ceremony, the Minister of National Unity and Civic Engagement, Dr. Bizimana Jean Damascene talked about Genocide ideology propagated by the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) on support of Congolese government.
“FDLR is comprised of remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda and others harbouring genocide ideology. The terrorist group has not been decimated because the Congolese government works with it and fuels hatred and killings targeting Congolese from Tutsi ethnicity,” he said.
President Kagame has said that it is impossible to ignore what is happening nearby Rwandan borders, noting that the silence of international community over the situation is alarming.
“We cannot, however, ignore the fact that things like violence and hate speech persist, not so far away from here. Much as it does so, you can also see the same indifference today, as we saw in 1994,” he said.
Kagame further stated that Genocide denial is a dangerous and deliberate attempt to block the truth.
“We must fight revisionist ideologies because they are easily passed on from generation to generation. We must fight denial because that is how history repeats itself,” he noted.
The Head of State also urged Rwandan youth to learn about the country’s past, so that they can lead not only ‘with historical clarity, but also with a sense of responsibility and accountability’.
“That is the essence of Kwibuka Twiyubaka.”
He said that Rwandans will never accept to be divided.
“Rwandans will not accept any attempt to divide us. We had enough of it. More than enough. That will not succeed again, here, ever,” he said.
“This underscores the need to find solutions within ourselves, no matter how unconventional that may be, and remain in charge of our destiny. Do you remember, at the time of need, when we needed every help we could get, and everybody in the world turned their back on us,” added Kagame.
He told Rwandans that they need to develop self-reliance and expressed optimism that it is possible with acquired lessons.
“The message is: you are on your own. So we should learn to be on our own. And I think we have learnt enough. If people help we appreciate. If they don’t, we don’t have to all of us perish just because somebody didn’t show up to help,” noted Kagame.
“Therefore, the most important lesson our country has learnt is to transform challenges into opportunities, and also use so little to do a lot. There is nothing Rwandans cannot overcome, through unity, hard work, and perseverance,” added Kagame.
In his annual commemorative message on the International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi, Guterres mourned the lives lost and paid tribute to the resilience of the survivors.
He recognized the journey of the Rwandan people towards healing, restoration, and reconciliation, while also acknowledging the failure of the international community to prevent such atrocities.
“A generation since the Genocide, we must never forget what happened – and ensure future generations always remember,” said Guterres. He also highlighted how easily hate speech – a key indicator of the risk of genocide – turns to hate crime and how “complacency in the face of atrocity is complicity.”
The prevention of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and other serious violations of international law is a shared responsibility and a “core duty” of every member of the United Nations, according to Guterres. He stressed the need for all nations to stand firm against rising intolerance, be ever vigilant, and always ready to act.
As we remember the victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, Guterres called on the world to truly honor their memory by building a future of dignity, security, justice, and human rights for all.
“No place and no time are immune to danger, including our own.”
On Friday, April 14, the Memorial Ceremony to mark the 29th anniversary of the Genocide against the Tutsi will be held at UN Headquarters in NY. The event will feature addresses by the Secretary-General, the President of the UN General Assembly, and other officials, as well as remarks from a survivor of the Genocide.
He made the call as he interacted with members of Kenyan diaspora in Rwanda on the second-day of his visit to the Country of Thousand Hills.
President Ruto told Kenyans that the development of the country depends not only on taxes and loans but also on investments that create jobs for the population.
The Head of State said his administration will in the next two weeks launch the ‘Boma Yangu’ initiative to benefit Kenyans living abroad.
He said the programme, which is part of the low-cost houses will benefit Kenyans living abroad just like their colleagues at home.
He noted that the government would provide free land to solve the problem of high land costs, which would significantly reduce the cost of homes. The government is also exploring ways to help people obtain loans to buy these homes.
Among others, Ruto also disclosed that companies such as Amazon, Google, and MasterCard have expressed interest in investing in Kenya.
He emphasized that this private investment would create jobs for Kenyans in various sectors.
Kenya’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Alfred Mutua, also called on Kenyans living abroad to invest in their home country, noting that changes were underway to make life easier for them, including through closer and more efficient embassies.
President Ruto revealed that Kenya has signed agreements with various companies, including vaccine producer Moderna, which will invest US$500 million in the country and create about 100,000 jobs.
He also lauded the role played by Kenyans in the diaspora in national development and urged them to be good ambassadors of Kenya.
William Ruto concluded his state visit to Rwanda on Wednesday 5th April 2022.
During his visit, he signed ten agreements with Rwanda aimed at strengthening economic ties between the two countries.
They were signed in the areas of correctional services, diplomatic training, ICT, health, youth, education and cooperative development among others.
At the end of this piece, you will realise that not only did the authors fail at presenting and convincing the readers that these alleged crimes have really been committed by the M23 together with the RDF, but they have also created more doubts in their readers’ minds regarding their accusations.
{{Structure and content}}
The book is divided into seven (7) chapters, which cover different sections from MONUSCO’s acts that, the authors say, sabotaged the peace processes to, requesting the United Nations (UN) to lift sanctions on weapons purchase, and of course, to M23 and RDF’s alleged crimes.
First off, what do these three chapters have in common? Why do they appear in the same book whose aim is supposedly to document M23 and RDF crimes? Or better yet why are the M23 and the RDF being thrown in the same basket when M23 is an armed group based in the DRC while RDF is Rwanda’s military, and of course, based in Rwanda?
As insinuated above while reading this book, you start getting confused as to what exactly the book is supposed to cover because the authors did a good job at straying away from the main purpose of the book. They could argue that it was necessary to fit all those areas in one book as they are all connected but I beg to differ. They could have talked about the alleged M23/RDF crimes without bringing in the MONUSCO or discussing the weapons purchase issues. My theory is that they realised that if they only focused on this “Rwanda’s aggression”, the book would have worked against them.
Focusing on this “aggression” would have made their accusations seem ridiculous and unfounded to every reader who would have opened this livre blanc because, first, the proof they provide to these alleged crimes is utterly underwhelming.
{{Lack of irrefutable proof }}
For instance, they present satellite pictures with what resemble to be humanoids on a line walking in one direction and the caption reads that those are the RDF soldiers. Surprisingly, they expect their readers to believe them without doing their due diligence. How can anyone make this rookie mistake in this day and age?
The pictures could have been made up, these pictures could have been taken somewhere else, or these pictures could have been older than these alleged crimes. Literally, there are so many possibilities that no reader should believe these satellite pictures as proof of anything. Pictures look like the main proof that was used in this book.
That said, in the supporting role were the speech excerpts from Rwandan leaders such as President Paul Kagame himself.
Now, these speech excerpts are even worse than pictures because, in some cases, the words they shared were never said. Particularly, they refer to the Rwandan President’s speech on 23 June 2022 during CHOGM. The words the book quotes on page 17 were never said, a fact that can be verified using President Paul Kagame’s official website as well as his youtube channel, where the records of all his speeches are kept for everyone who might need to use them.
This is the kind of proof that the livre presents to support their claims. In other words, this book used misinformation and manipulated information from start to finish to make their accusations believable. Imagine having leaders and experts who are supposed to be fighting misinformation using false information instead. If this is an official document that was written for the international and educated audience, imagine what kind of false information DRC leaders are feeding their people on the local channels.
{{Personal analysis}}
As it has been the DRC leaders’ slogan these last few months, the authors conclude by asking for sanctions for Rwanda because of this ‘recognised’ aggression. Will Rwanda be sanctioned because of this book? No. No international court would rely on the information in this book to even form an opinion, let alone sanction a country.
In fact, everything in this book is hearsay. That said, this book is still dangerous because of many reasons, first, it can corrupt an informed reader. That alone can lead to crimes. The whole world has realized the power of words, every word you hear changes something in you. The more you hear the same repetitive words, you can start believing them. Everyone can be manipulated or programmed regardless of how smart they are or are not. That is the first danger of books that spread misinformation.
The second danger of this book is that it was used to advance DRC leaders totally messed up agenda, that of allowing Congolese civilians and armed groups to acquire more weapons. How can a country like the DRC with more than 130 armed groups and a record high of small arms and light weapons (SALW) request the UN to lift sanctions regarding weapons purchase? Sanctions that do not even apply to the official DRC military as explained by Jean-Michel Dumont who is the MONUSCO Political Affairs Officer.
In his own words, “There is no embargo on the arms DRC would like to purchase. DRC can buy all the weapons it wants, as long as the weapons are intended for the regular Forces.” So then, why would DRC leaders need that ban lifted? That simply does not make sense. Congolese people who want a safe country keep talking about the Disarmament – Demobilisation – Reintegration (DDR) programs and at the same time, their leaders want more weapons in the country.
{{Takeaway}}
It has been established that this book, just like DRC leaders’ speeches, is full of false information and will be/has been misleading to an informed leader. In this digital age where the fight against misinformation gets more nuanced every day, leaders and experts should help in that fight, not work against it.
There is no doubt a lot of atrocities have been committed on the DRC soil, but their authorities need to be better at finding out who committed which crimes, and in case they do not know, have the humility to tell their citizens that they do not know.
This honesty will create trust between the government and the people, which will then allow them to come together and work towards filling the gaps they might have in their institutions.
This goes without saying, DRC is a big country, with a complex history, and no one will blame leaders for past failures. Instead of assigning crimes to imaginary authors, they can, for instance, start by holding accountable the criminals that walk free in the DRC, and in some instances, hold leadership positions.
As it has been said over and over again, Rwanda and DRC will always be neighbors, so instead of fighting, why can’t they work together? Of course, working together might not be ideal for many because of the shared history, but that would provide a durable solution to the insecurity in Eastern DRC.
Of the agreements inked on Tuesday 4th March 2023, six were signed by both countries’ Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Vincent Biruta and his counterpart Alfred Mutua. These include correctional services, diplomatic training, ICT, health, youth, and cooperative development. In addition, three agreements in education, agriculture, and gender were signed by each country’s respective ministers.
Rwanda and Kenya have enjoyed cordial bilateral ties across different sectors of development for a long time. Kagame said that the new areas of cooperation will bring people in both countries even closer, with regional integration and trade being a big part of the equation of private sector growth.
“We are happy that Rwanda is home to a large and vibrant Kenyan community, we are grateful for their contributions to our development. I hope that we can leverage this shared interest to equip our youth with the skills and knowledge to innovate and compete,” he added.
Kagame noted that the people of Rwanda and Kenya are also united by a common vision for a more stable region. Ruto said that the signed MoUs in different sectors will consolidate the relationship between the two countries, present a new momentum, and create new impetus for the expansion of engagements between both countries.
“Just like Rwanda is a gateway for us in the Great Lakes Region, we are also aware that Mombasa is an important port for the people of Rwanda and creates the synergy between our two economies, and we will continue building the network necessary for us to benefit from it,” he added.
Regarding the ongoing education system reform in Kenya, Ruto stated that the agreement in the education sector will assist in tackling the significant challenge of financing university education. The aim is to share experiences and identify ways to make education more relevant, easily delivered, and cost-effective.
Furthermore, Ruto highlighted that there will be an exchange of expertise and resources between the large referral hospitals in both countries in the health sector.
Ruto also affirmed the positive relationship between the two countries and their desire to strengthen and expand their friendship and unity.
It is worth noting that Rwanda and Kenya have ratified the One Area Network, which allows for reduced call rates between both countries, thus facilitating business growth.
To shed more light on the bank’s impact and future plans in Rwanda, IGIHE had a conversation with the Country Manager for Rwanda, Aissa Touré. Appointed to the role in December 2020,she provided insights into the Bank’s operations, including its activities and opportunities for the private sector.
{{Excerpts:}}
{{IGIHE: Which mega projects currently being implemented by the AfDB in collaboration with the Government of Rwanda?}}
{{Aissa Touré:}} The bank has been working with Rwanda since 1974, since then we have provided US$2.9 billion worth investments in many sectors. As we speak, we have a portfolio of 26 projects worth US$1.5 billion. These projects are mainly in the area of infrastructures including water, sanitation, transport and energy. This accounts for 87% of our entire portfolio.
The remaining projects are in skills development and human capital in general and interventions to support the private sector to thrive and be able to contribute to the socio-economic transformations of Rwanda.
Within infrastructures, 46% of our projects are for energy, 28% are in water and sanitation and 13% in transport.
These include Kivu Belt game changing project, Carnegie Mellon University – Africa, School of Architecture and Built Environment (SABE), Kagitumba-Kayonza- Rusumo and Base-Rukomo-Nyagatare roads, the Kivu Watt project and Kigali Bulk Water Project to name few.
The impacts of these investments are massive because we believe that providing services such as water and sanitation, roads and energy, education, access to schools and hospitals facilitate a lot in many aspects because when you have electricity , you can go for agro-processing , you can have start businesses. Our impact has been massive.
During COVID-19, the Bank provided US$100 million as direct financing public support as a contribution to the recovery fund the government put in place.
It is a long partnership, we are a trusted partner, and the second largest development partner of Rwanda after the World Bank.
We are currently preparing a new project in transport that will need public investment to get the infrastructure done. Once this investment is done next year, we will come with private sector investment because the government has requested the bank to support on electric buses.
This is something that we are very excited to do because this is a new avenue for development in Rwanda. We are happy to be part of it.
Lastly, as part of the new international airport in Bugesera and the expansion of the airplane fleet in the country require qualified human capital to manage, operationalize and sustain these investments the Bank will support to the government to set up a Centre of Excellence for Aviation Skills (CEAS).
It is a project of around US$24 million to set up an academy where all the skills that are needed in the aviation value chains, from pilots and other people working at the airport will be trained.
{{What are projections to help Rwanda achieve its goals?}}
In Rwanda, the bank has what we call a country strategy paper which defines what the bank could be doing in the country for a period of time.
In Rwanda, the country strategy runs from 2022 to 2026. It is designed around two mutually reinforcing pillars. The first one is strengthened physical infrastructure to enhance productive resources and reduce the cost of doing business; and the second one is around improve skills and financial capabilities to foster private sector and productivity-led growth. because these are critical for meeting NST1 and would even be more critical for the NST2 that is in the making.
We have that strategy, it has been formulated with the government and it is really a participatory process. Within that, we have what an indicative pipeline which runs from 2022 to 2024, we have discussed with the government what they will be doing and what they want us to focus on.
We provide resources to countries. We are very soon going to disclose to all country members including Rwanda what the allocation will be from 2023 to 2024.
{{ How do you promote private sector development in Rwanda?}}
In 2023, Rwanda got a very consistent private sector window under the AfDB Window of US$242. Usually, this window finances lines of credit to Band of Kigalu, BRD, Equity among others but we really want the private sector to come and have direct access.
The Bank needs to do more outreach and awareness raising on its Private sector financing opportunities. In May this year, we will have a private sector road show to engage with the private sector federation, RDB and big players on private findings opportunities.
We look forward to having this dialogue with the private sector for them to know the instruments that we have, the conditions and the sectors that they can use it for.
{{How are you working with countries to tame rising inflation?}}
Economic hardships started with COVID-19 which has been challenging for all countries especially African ones with borders closing and lockdowns etc… When countries like Rwanda were starting to slowly recover, we had the Ukraine and Russia war.
When COVID-19 hit, the Bank and the Government agreed the financing of the year 2020 would go to the budget support. We provided the entire envelope to the COVID 19 recovery fund.
When the Ukraine-Russia crisis hit last year, the bank quickly put in place the African Emergency Food Production Facility provide 20 million African smallholder farmers with certified seeds. Initially, Rwanda was not a beneficiary of this facility.
We had to make a case and that facility has been exhausted but Rwanda with US$1 million. Discussions are on-going with the Ministry of Agriculture on how that money could be used.
We had last December the Dakar Summit on agriculture and because you see that inflation is mainly in food items especially for Rwanda.
Rwanda presented a very good case in Dakar last year, and we are trying to unpack different investment schemes especially because the private sector is key to making those investments a reality.
We are working to see how we can better support countries, address and mitigate the impact of inflation.
Last year, we also gathered all Eastern African countries, made a study on the impact of inflation and the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Each country had an opportunity to present measures put in place. It was also a good moment to learn from each other.
Additionally, Rwanda has accused the DRC of collaborating with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a terrorist group responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
This coalition has led to several provocations, including shelling of Rwandan territory and Congolese soldiers storming Rwanda with rapid fire.
The DRC has also violated Rwanda’s airspace with fighter jets. Despite regional efforts to resolve the conflict, the DRC has repeatedly resorted to war.
During an exclusive interview with IGIHE, the Russian Ambassador to Rwanda, Karen Chalyan has shared his views on the situation, including alleged presence of Wagner Group in DRC and his country’s involvement in various activities across Africa.
Excerpts:
{{IGIHE:}} The resumption of fighting between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the M23 rebel group has left many civilians dead and others displaced. What do you think is the root cause of the clashes?
{{Amb.Karen Chalyan: }} As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia is deeply concerned by the situation in the east of the DRC.
Decades of instability in that area, which are a consequence of the colonial past, are exacerbated by the tragedy of many years of civil strife as well as the selfish and greedy behavior of transnational economic actors who for all practical purposes act as agents of neocolonial oppression.
The only remedy is the strengthening of the institutions of state in the DRC for the benefit of the population as a whole, irrespective of ethnicity or creed.
{{In your opinion, what would be a durable solution?}}
Force alone cannot ensure stability. There needs to be dialogue, as well as the introduction of effective confidence-building measures. We must all keep working to come up with political and non-violent solutions for eastern DRC.
Once found, these will allow for a comprehensive cessation of hostilities and create practical conditions for lasting stability. In the long run, everyone will benefit.
Constructive interaction at the regional level is key to resolving the existing security problems. We welcome the commitment of all states in the region to overcome tensions in the east and launch new settlement mechanisms.
We appreciate the mediation efforts of President Lourenco of Angola and former President Kenyatta of Kenya, as well as those of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region. We are closely monitoring the Nairobi process, and welcome the establishment of the EAC Regional Force. These decisions need to be implemented with the support of the global community.
This combination of efforts and initiatives is meant to be mutually complementary and serve the goal of bringing peace and socio-economic development to all those who live in the Great Lakes Region. Russia is ready to do its part to achieve quality results.
{{It has been reported that the DRC sought support from the Wagner Group. Is it true they are present in DRC?}}
I wish I had Rwf1,000 for every time I have had to answer this question. Then, instead of doing international relations, I would be a very rich man spending his days in the world’s fanciest casinos.
Let me once again say that there are no Wagner personnel in the DRC. And, to preempt a possible further question, no agents of the Russian Government are involved in any advisory capacity in eastern DRC, much less doing any fighting.
{{Do you have an idea on possible origins of these individuals?}}
I have been told that there have been sightings in the east of foreigners in uniform, and someone somewhere may have heard Russian coming from the general direction of some of them. I have no idea who these personnel are, how many they are, and where they came from. I have heard that some of them may be from Ukraine and Georgia.
Let me remind you that the Russian language is lingua–franca for hundreds of millions of people. To try to present all speakers of Russian in this world as some kind of extended arm of Moscow would be a variation of hate speech similar to insisting that all Kinyarwanda speakers are agents of Kigali.
{{What is your perception of the image of Wagner Group?}}
I see that the Wagner mystique has even reached IGIHE. Personally, I find it amusing that the myth created by the Western media of an ever-present, omnipotent and all-powerful Wagner has permeated popular imagination to such an extent.
This is a classic case study of the folly of believing self-generated propaganda. In fact, Wagner is simply a volunteer formation, albeit with strictly enforced military and personal discipline.
{{We frequently hear about Russians being involved in various activities across Africa? Is there a specific reason behind this?}}
Russians have been “involved” in Africa for a very long time, in my own case since 1975. In the days of the Soviet Union, many thousands of us assisted the nations of this continent in their national-liberation struggle and in strengthening the new counties’ defence and economic capabilities, that is their independence and sovereignty. We continue to do the same today.
Accusing Russia of having dark and nefarious designs on Africa has always been a fashion in the West. These days it is a growing trend in quarters that have in the past several years experienced political setbacks in the Central African Republic, Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso, countries that all possess a common characteristic, the wonderful French language.
The best French of all, of course, is spoken by those who having failed in their grand ambitions in Africa and politely been requested to cease and desist in the further pursuit of same, have for some strange reason decided that Africans’ disappointment with their policies and practical actions is somehow the Russians’ fault.
So once you establish where anti-Russian criticism comes from, a great many things become clear. What distinguishes our actions from what many others do in Africa is that we never go where we are not invited.
The President’s candidacy was seconded by Senator Marie-Rose Mureshyankwano, who praised him as a selfless leader who has delivered positive results to the party.
Kagame’s only challenger was Abdul Karim Harerimana, who announced his candidacy but was only able to secure three votes out of 2,102 voters.
In addition to the re-election of President Kagame, on 2nd April 2023, the congress also saw the election of the party’s first-ever female Vice President, Consolee Uwimana, who was endorsed by party elder Tito Rutaremara and received 1,945 votes.
Uwimana’s election is a significant milestone for the party, as it marks the first time a woman has been elected as the party’s number two.
The congress also elected a new Secretary General, Wellars Gasamagera, who received 1,899 votes. Gasamagera replaces François Ngarambe in the role. Uwimana, on the other hand, replaces Christophe Bazivamo.
