In the latest adjustments, the maximum retail price for gasoline (Premium Motor Spirit) has increased by Frw 59 to retail at Frw 1,633 per litre, up from Frw 1,574. Diesel (Automotive Gas Oil) has risen by Frw 71 to a maximum retail price of Frw 1,647 per litre, up from Frw 1,576.
The new maximum retail prices take effect from 6:00 AM on February 9, 2025, and will remain in place for the next two months.
“These adjustments are primarily based on recent fluctuations in international petroleum product prices,” Evariste Rugigana, the Director General of RURA, explained in a statement released on Saturday night.
The revision comes at a time when many economies worldwide are grappling with volatile fuel prices, influenced by global supply and demand dynamics. The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has particularly affected energy supplies from Russia, a major exporter, since the war broke out in February 2022.
The summit, held on February 8, 2025, focused on the deteriorating security situation in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where clashes between a coalition fighting alongside the Congolese army and the M23 rebel group continue.
Footage from the Tanzanian President’s office showed Faki attending the summit’s official opening alongside heads of state and representatives from various organizations.
He had been invited by Kenya’s President and EAC Chairperson, Dr. William Samoei Ruto, representing a key bloc in the discussions.
However, before the summit moved into a closed session, the Master of Ceremonies (M.C.) requested Faki to leave.
A diplomat attending the summit told Kenyan Foreign Policy that Faki complied but raised concerns about who had instructed the M.C. to make the request.
Jevin Pillay Ponisamy, SADC’s Ambassador to the AU, said it is customary for invited guests to leave once the closed-door discussions begin.
Although this protocol was cited, Faki’s exclusion created unease among some participants, leading organizers to invite him back.
According to the diplomat, Faki initially refused to return.
The DRC government recently expressed disagreement with Faki regarding his views on security in the country’s eastern region, after he suggested engaging in dialogue with a “political group with a military wing.”
Speaking at the EAC-SADC joint summit held in Tanzania on Feb 8, 2025, Kagame stressed the need for a lasting solution, pointing out that Rwanda’s concerns have been dismissed.
“We can’t go on forever massaging problems. What is happening there is an ethnic war that has been brewing for a long time, denying people’s rights and then attacking Rwanda,” Kagame stated.
He made it clear that Rwanda cannot be expected to remain silent while facing security threats emanating from DRC.
Kagame criticized the approach taken by DRC’s leadership, stating that despite numerous engagements, Kigali’s concerns have not been addressed.
“We have been begging DRC and its leaders for a long time, we have shared our issues and asked DRC to address them, and they have refused,” he said.
Kagame argued that the crisis is not of Rwanda’s making but has instead been imposed on the country, with DRC shifting responsibility.
The joint EAC-SADC summit, that was preceded by a ministerial meeting, sought to assess the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC.
“This war was started by DRC and not anything from Rwanda. It was just brought and put on our shoulders and we were told to own it. We can’t own it. There is no question about it,” he said.
Kagame urged the participants to take the matter seriously and ensure that the meeting leads to actionable solutions rather than becoming another in a series of unproductive discussions.
The summit follows recent escalations, including the capture of Goma by the M23 rebel group. M23 resumed fighting in 2021, citing the protection of Rwandophones and Congolese Tutsi communities.
President Tshisekedi, despite earlier confirmations, did not travel to Tanzania and instead attended the summit virtually.
Tshisekedi has repeatedly been urged to engage in dialogue through various processes but has remained reluctant to negotiate with M23, despite his army suffering continuous setbacks.
The Congolese government has also accused Rwanda of backing the rebels, an allegation Kigali strongly denies.
Instead, Rwanda has accused the DRC of working with the FDLR, a militia composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Reports suggest indicate that Burundian and SADC forces have joined the coalition supporting the Congolese army, even as Kinshasa has issued threats to invade Rwanda.
The summit also comes at a time when SADC countries, particularly South Africa, are facing scrutiny over their controversial involvement in the DRC conflict, with their troops suffering casualties during offensives against M23.
The EAC-SADC Joint Summit, called for a peaceful resolution to the DRC conflict and directed the merger of the Luanda and Nairobi processes.
To strengthen the merged process, the summit emphasized appointing additional facilitators from across Africa. It also urged the resumption of direct negotiations with all state and non-state actors, including M23, under this framework.
Additionally, the summit called for the implementation of the Concept of Operations (CONOPS) of the harmonized plan for neutralization of FDLR as agreed in the Luanda process.
Museveni is among the heads of state who attended the joint East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit on the eastern Congo crisis in Tanzania.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame and other EAC and SADC leaders were also present. However, President Tshisekedi, despite earlier confirmations, did not travel to Tanzania and instead attended the summit virtually.
Upon his arrival in Tanzania, Museveni reiterated his stance on resolving the conflict.
“My earlier proposal for this summit was that H.E. Tshisekedi should speak directly to those who are in conflict with him, as this impacts all of us,” he shared on X, adding that no other forum is better suited to address the issue than the summit itself.
Speaking at the opening of Saturday’s session for heads of state, Kenyan President William Ruto, who also serves as the Chairperson of the East African Community (EAC), emphasized that the conflict in the DRC is complex, sensitive, protracted, and involves multiple actors with differing interests.
“The issues at stake are wide-ranging, touching on historical, economic, and political factors that span many decades and cross national and regional borders.
“There is also a hidden international dimension, whose persistent, cynical, and destructive effects must no longer be underestimated or ignored,” he stated.
Ruto further made it clear that the conflict can only be resolved through dialogue.
“For this reason, such a conflict cannot be solved through military means. We must resist the temptation to believe that we can shoot or bomb our way to a solution in the face of such a complex situation,” he added.
The summit follows recent escalations, including the capture of Goma by the M23 rebel group. M23 resumed fighting in 2021, citing the protection of Rwandophones and Congolese Tutsi communities.
Tshisekedi has repeatedly been urged to engage in dialogue through various processes but has remained reluctant to negotiate with M23, despite his army suffering continuous setbacks.
The Congolese government has also accused Rwanda of backing the rebels—an allegation Kigali strongly denies.
Instead, Rwanda has accused the DRC of working with the FDLR, a militia composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Burundian and SADC forces have joined the coalition supporting the Congolese army, even as Kinshasa has issued threats to invade Rwanda.
The summit also comes at a time when SADC countries, particularly South Africa, are facing scrutiny over their controversial involvement in the DRC conflict, with their troops suffering casualties during offensives against M23.
The summit seeks solutions to the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between the country’s armed forces and the M23 rebel group.
Other heads of state in attendance include Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan, Kenyan President and EAC Chairperson Dr. William Ruto, Zimbabwean President and SADC Chairperson Emmerson Mnangagwa, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa is expected to arrive later, while Burundi’s President Evariste Ndayishimiye is represented by Prime Minister Gervais Ndirakobuca.
DRC President Félix Tshisekedi is participating virtually.
The decision to convene this summit follows M23’s recent capture of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, as a reminder to the DRC government of their call for negotiations to secure lasting peace.
Ahead of the summit, both EAC and SADC expressed support for inclusive political dialogue with M23 as key to a sustainable resolution to the conflict.
New testimonies from former FDLR fighters and Wazalendo militants indicate that SADC forces are actively supporting these armed groups, supplying them with equipment and reinforcing President Tshisekedi’s broader agenda of destabilizing Rwanda’s leadership.
These accounts come from ex-FDLR fighters who surrendered to Rwanda after suffering repeated defeats in eastern DRC. Realizing they had no future in the conflict, they chose to flee and share their experiences.
The FDLR’s specialized military unit, known as Commando de Recherche et d’Action en Profondeur (CRAP), has been particularly active in these battles, receiving significant backing from the Kinshasa government.
Recently, First Lady Denise Nyakeru Tshisekedi was seen visiting wounded CRAP fighters in the hospital, further confirming the government’s ties to the group terrorist group formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Those who surrendered revealed that SADC forces provided them with weapons and played a crucial role in launching heavy artillery attacks against M23.
Manirahari Sebuyange, one of the former fighters, recounted participating in over fifteen major battles alongside Nyatura, Wazalendo, FARDC, Burundian forces, and SADC. He described how SADC airstrikes directly supported ground offensives against M23.
“In the battle at Kalenga, we fought alongside Burundian forces, FARDC, and Wazalendo. During another engagement in Gicwa, we were supported by FARDC’s unit called Hiboux, and SADC, which launched artillery strikes. The FARDC was present, but it was the SADC forces that supplied us with weapons, ammunition, and food,” he revealed.
SADC officially joined the conflict in December 2023 after President Tshisekedi expelled the East African Community (EAC) forces, accusing them of failing to defeat M23.
He then invited SADC troops, with South African forces leading combat operations.However, these troops are now facing mounting challenges and increasing scrutiny. Burundian forces, which share Tshisekedi’s political objectives, also form part of this alliance.
Jean Paul Bizimana, another former fighter, explained how SADC’s role was primarily to fire artillery at M23 positions while ground forces advanced. He recalled the battle in Sake, where over 2,000 fighters, including FARDC and Wazalendo militants, launched a coordinated attack.
Beyond battlefield operations, former fighters also detailed the internal workings of FDLR, particularly its elite CRAP unit.
This unit comprises five companies: Bombardier, led by Noheli; MIG 35, under Tuyizere Aimable; a third company commanded by Mfitumukiza Benjamin; Boeing, led by Remy; and Apache and Drone, responsible for military operations.
Each company plays a distinct role, with Boeing specifically tasked with protecting senior commanders.
One ex-fighter described the recruitment process, stating that FDLR consists of a mix of young boys, strong men, and elderly individuals.
Recruits undergo military training and are indoctrinated with anti-Rwandan propaganda.
“We were taught to hate Rwanda and its leaders, especially the Tutsis. Anyone who tried to escape was executed,” he admitted.
This threat was not an empty one. Many who attempted to flee were killed, and those suspected of disloyalty were swiftly punished.
One former fighter even admitted to receiving orders to execute comrades suspected of being Rwandan spies.
These former combatants also recounted their encounters with senior FDLR leaders, including Colonel Ruhinda Gaby, the former commander of its special forces, whose real name was Protogène Ruvugayimikore.
Ruhinda was killed in December 2023 during a battle against M23. Manirahari, who once served as his escort, described his duties, which ranged from washing the commander’s clothes to carrying his bags and cooking for him.
After Ruhinda’s death, the group experienced significant changes. “We were told to store our weapons and taken to a camp. Soon after, an explosion occurred, and a vehicle sped away. Hours later, they informed us that Ruhinda had been killed by grenade explosions,” Manirahari recounted.
His death led to the appointment of a new commander, Guillaume, under whom Manirahari was reassigned to the MIG 35 company.
Realizing the futility of their fight, many FDLR members eventually decided to surrender. They were particularly influenced by radio broadcasts and testimonies from former combatants who had safely returned to Rwanda.
Turatsinze Eric, one of the returnees, admitted that escaping was incredibly dangerous. “If they had discovered my plans, I would have been killed,” he said.
However, he managed to reach Goma, which was under M23 control at the time, making his surrender easier.
“Once in Goma, I contacted someone who helped me reach Rwandan authorities. The police received me well, and when I crossed into Rwanda, I had no further issues,” he explained.
All of these former fighters confirmed that the propaganda they had been fed about Rwanda, claims that they would be executed upon arrival, was entirely false.
Now, they urge their former comrades to lay down their arms, emphasizing that continuing to fight only serves the interests of leaders who exploit them.
“Rwanda is peaceful. I was afraid too, but I overcame my fear, and I have had no problems since arriving. We spent years running, but we achieved nothing. They should return home,” Manirahari emphasized.
These revelations about the collaboration between FDLR and SADC forces emerge at a time when pressure is mounting for the withdrawal of SADC troops from DRC, particularly the South African contingent.
Allegations have surfaced that their mission may be serving personal interests, particularly those of South African President Cyril Ramaphosa.
In response, Malawi has already announced plans to withdraw its troops, signaling a shift in regional dynamics and further casting doubt on the true objectives of the SADC deployment in eastern DRC.
The conference, scheduled to take place from February 19 to 28, is organized by the Rwanda Ministry of Health, Operation Smile, the University of Rwanda, and the Rwanda Surgical Society.
Pre-conference workshops will be held from February 19 to 23, with the main conference slated for February 24 to 28 at the Kigali Serena Hotel.
Speaking at a pre-conference event in Kigali on Friday, February 7, Professor Faustin Ntirenganya, Chair of Surgery at the University of Rwanda and President of the Rwanda Surgical Society, said the conference provides stakeholders with a unique platform to address critical gaps in surgical care.
“This conference is a pivotal opportunity to bring together academicians, policymakers, and practitioners to analyze surgical gaps in Africa and establish a unified agenda for addressing them,” Prof. Ntirenganya told the media.
“We aim to learn from each other, share best practices, and exchange experiences. Rwanda can showcase its progress, while also learning from other countries to accelerate improvements,” he added.
Africa faces a dire shortage of surgical professionals. The continent currently has only 0.5 surgeons and 0.1 anaesthetists per 100,000 people—far below global recommendations.
According to Prof. Ntirenganya, Rwanda is also affected, with only three surgical, obstetric, and anaesthesia providers per 100,000 people, while the recommended standard is 20.
Due to this shortage, the available surgeons can perform only a third of the required surgical volume, leaving many patients waiting longer for essential procedures.
Despite the challenges, Prof. Ntirenganya emphasized that Rwanda has made progress, including launching the first National Surgical, Obstetric, and Anesthesia Plan (NSOAP) in 2018. However, more investment in training and infrastructure is needed.
The upcoming conference’s goal is to expand Africa’s surgical workforce, ensuring that every district hospital has a qualified surgeon.
Rwanda currently has only 162 surgeons across all specialities, with just five plastic surgeons specializing in cleft surgery.
Organizations like Operation Smile are actively working to address this shortage by enhancing surgical training and infrastructure.
Andrew Karima, Country Manager for Operation Smile Rwanda, described their contributions, noting, “Every surgery we conduct is also a teaching opportunity. Through our hub-and-spoke model, we are expanding access to care while simultaneously strengthening the healthcare system. We have completed surgical projects in hospitals across Rwanda and are committed to ensuring that every patient, no matter where they are, can receive the care they need.”
Operation Smile provides approximately 180 free cleft surgeries annually in Rwanda and has played a critical role in repairing cleft lip, cleft palate, and other facial differences in the country and around the world.
The global charity organization, founded in 1982, is also collaborating with the Ministry of Health to integrate critical care services into surgical programs, ensuring better post-operative care for patients.
“We have strengthened our partnership with the Ministry of Health. We are now incorporating critical care, aligning our services with High Dependency Units (HDU) and Intensive Care Units (ICU). This ensures that if surgery doesn’t go as expected, the patient receives appropriate post-operative care,” he disclosed.
Karima emphasized that their work extends beyond Rwanda, stating, “If our model has worked here, it can work in Uganda, Burundi, Tanzania, Malawi, and beyond.”
The inaugural Pan-African Surgical Conference, themed “Building Resilient and Sustainable Surgical Services in Africa”, will feature policy discussions, research presentations, and networking opportunities.
Experts from across the continent will share best practices and innovations aimed at closing the surgical care gap in resource-limited settings. Key objectives include reinforcing surgical training programs, expanding policy support for surgical workforce development, and strengthening regional surgical networks.
With participation from global surgery policy experts, medical professionals, government officials, and advocacy groups, the conference is expected to yield actionable recommendations that will shape the future of surgical care in Africa, with Rwanda playing a central role.
In a statement delivered on February 6, 2025, Amb. Ngango countered accusations from the DRC government that Rwanda supports the armed group M23.
He described these claims as a diversion tactic aimed at concealing Kinshasa’s true intentions.
“We categorically oppose the DRC’s attempts to portray Rwanda as responsible for the insecurity in eastern DRC. This is a well-known deflection tactic used by Kinshasa to avoid accountability for the atrocities it and allied armed groups are inflicting on its own citizens,” he stated.
M23 fighters seized the city of Goma in the early hours of January 27, 2025, just four days after capturing Sake, a town in Masisi territory.
They now control key infrastructure in Goma, including the airport, and have established a new administration for North Kivu province.
Amb. Ngango revealed that as M23 advanced into Goma, the DRC’s military coalition had been preparing large-scale attacks against Rwanda, amassing weapons in and around the city.
“What is clear, however, is the imminent threat the current situation poses to Rwanda. Following the fall of Goma, new evidence has emerged of large-scale attacks planned against Rwanda. The Kinshasa-backed coalition has stockpiled a significant number of weapons and military equipment near Rwanda’s border, mostly in and around Goma airport,” he explained.
He further disclosed that the arsenal included heavy artillery and attack drones, which were not directed at M23 but instead pointed at Rwanda.
“The weapons were not positioned in the theater of operations against M23; rather, they were aimed directly at Rwanda,” he added.
Amb. Ngango also reminded the Council that after M23 took control of Goma, the DRC army shelled Rwandan territory, killing 16 civilians, injuring over 150, and damaging approximately 280 homes and properties.
Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, recently warned that if the DRC government persists with its plans to attack Rwanda, Rwanda will maintain the defensive measures it has put in place along the border.
In a post on X, Makolo dismissed the claims published by the British newspaper, noting that the article’s content was unsurprising given the authors’ history.
The story was written by two journalists, including Michela Wrong, who is known for publishing narratives that discredit Rwanda.
Published on February 7, 2025, the article alleges that more than 600 Rwandan soldiers have died in eastern DRC while fighting alongside M23 against FARDC. However, the authors provided no evidence to support the claims.
Makolo pointed out that one of the major flaws in the article is the lack of credible sources, with all quoted individuals reportedly choosing to remain anonymous.
“All anonymous sources and conjecture. Ridiculous of the Guardian to build a story with no story. ‘We hear that….’ Not surprising given one of the authors wrote a whole book based on rumours. Pathetic,” Makolo wrote on Friday.
She added, “There is a real story to be told about the people of this region and our desire for peace and progress – but that’s too much to ask of the Guardian and these heartless armchair hacks.”
Although Makolo did not explicitly name the author of the book, many linked her remarks to Michela Wrong, who previously published a book targeting Rwanda and its leadership.
Rwanda has frequently been accused of supporting M23, with the Congolese government calling for sanctions against Kigali. However, Rwanda has consistently denied these allegations, instead accusing the DRC of collaborating with the FDLR, an armed group composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Rwanda has presented evidence to support its claims, asserting that FDLR fighters are actively engaged in the ongoing conflict alongside the Congolese army.
M23’s newly appointed Governor of North Kivu Province, Bahati ‘Erasto’ Musanga Joseph, made these remarks following his official inauguration on February 6, 2025.
North Kivu’s former governor, Maj. Gen. Peter Cirimwami, was shot by M23 fighters on the front lines during a recent battle with government forces.
Videos circulated on social media on January 27, 2025—the day M23 seized control of Goma—showed large numbers of inmates running out of the prison.
Bahati stated that the escaped prisoners who remain at large are among the “problems” facing the new administration.
“This city is facing three major problems. The first is that the prison was holding criminals. All of those criminals have been released; they are now out. They escaped—the government freed them before we arrived here [in Goma],” he told the media.
He added that the new leadership of North Kivu is working with local authorities to apprehend “all criminals” seeking to disrupt security, including the escaped inmates from Munzenze Prison.
