The event, themed “Breakthroughs amid Crisis: the Future of HIV Innovation,” has convened about 4,000 participants, including global leaders, researchers, scientists, and civil society members.
Speaking at the conference, Rwandan Minister of Health Sabin Nsanzimana said that Rwanda’s experience in the HIV response over the past few decades demonstrates what is possible when countries prioritize people-centered approaches and invest in strategic partnerships.
“We have better tools for prevention and treatment. We have better ways to engage our communities to fight stigma and discrimination, and better integration within our systems. This means we can not only achieve HIV control, but we also need to strengthen our health systems,” he added.
IAS President Beatriz Grinsztein underlined new World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines, groundbreaking licensing agreements, and promising research as signs that long-acting HIV prevention and treatment options are becoming more feasible for widespread use.
“Our next challenge is clear: leaders must commit the funding and resources needed to integrate these scientific advances into health systems quickly and equitably so that people everywhere can benefit from these life-changing options,” Grinsztejn emphasized.
At the event, the WHO issued a statement announcing new guidelines that recommend using injectable lenacapavir twice a year as an additional pre-exposure prophylaxis option for HIV prevention — a landmark policy action that could help reshape the global HIV response.
“While an HIV vaccine remains elusive, lenacapavir is the next best thing: a long-acting antiretroviral shown in trials to prevent almost all HIV infections among those at risk,” WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus is quoted as saying in the statement.
The IAS Conference on HIV Science is recognized as the world’s most influential meeting on HIV research and its applications.
Its 2025 edition, which runs until Thursday, features hundreds of sessions and presentations focused on translating scientific breakthroughs into real-world impact, with a particular emphasis on solutions for regions and populations most affected by HIV.
Ababu Namwamba, Kenya’s permanent representative to the United Nations (UN) Office at Nairobi and the UN Environment Program, said that eradicating all forms of environmental crimes is urgent to place Africa on a path of renewal, resilient growth and stability.
“We want to see action against environmental crimes in Africa to be at the center of our conversation around sustainability, climate action and biodiversity protection,” Namwamba said.
Giovanni Broussard, acting head and Africa coordinator for the UN Office on Drugs and Crime Global Program on Crimes that Affect the Environment, said that Africa has borne the brunt of illegal actions against nature, amid threats to tourism, heritage pride and ecosystems’ resilience.
In the last two decades, the continent has grappled with poaching of iconic species such as elephants, rhinos and pangolins, with illegal logging being rampant as well, Broussard observed.
“We also see a lot of smuggling of waste that generally comes from the Western world and then dumped illegally on landfills in parts of Africa,” Broussard noted, adding that unregulated fishing and extraction of critical minerals threaten environmental sustainability on the continent.
Fred Boltz, head of the Programming Division at the Global Environment Facility, said that partnerships, innovative financing and community engagement are key to revitalizing action on environmental crimes in Africa, enhancing the resilience of nature and societies.
Hospital officials highlighted these figures on July 14, 2025, during an explanation of discrepancies noted in the report by the Auditor General of State Finances for the year ending in June 2024. The report raised issues such as the purchase of various items at inflated prices, sometimes doubling the expected cost.
Brother Charles Nkubiri, the Director-General of CARAES Ndera, told members of the The Public Accounts Committee (PAC) that the hospital’s primary procurement, such as for medication, was based on projections.
However, the fluctuating number of patients made it difficult to predict the exact needs, as the number of patients could either increase or decrease unexpectedly.
“When patient numbers rise, you need more beds, more medication, and in some cases, even more staff.” The number of hospital staff increased by 18% in 2024 due to the rise in patients.
Brother Nkubiri also shared that the hospital received 94,000 patients in 2023, while in 2024, the number surpassed 101,000.
“As you can see, patient numbers are steadily increasing. Essentially, CARAES Ndera needs to expand and develop further. We were once at the level of a district hospital, but now we are a teaching hospital that also provides medical care, and this requires growth to meet the demand and align with available resources,” he explained.
Currently, CARAES Ndera is operating at 116% capacity, with patients often facing delays in payments for services rendered.
Brother Nkubiri shared the difficulties, stating, “A person brings a patient, calling it an act of kindness, and you thank them for bringing the patient. But then, you ask, ‘Who will pay for the services provided?’ They often reply, ‘The district will cover it,’ but the payment ends up delayed.”
He emphasized the need for detailed planning and modernization of the hospital’s infrastructure to bring it up to the desired level. “A thorough study is needed to build modern facilities. Just like Kigali University Teaching Hospital [CHUK] is relocating to a larger space in Masaka, Ndera should not be left behind. Built in 1968, it needs to expand in line with the growth of Kigali,” he added.
Nkubiri also noted that nearly 45% of the hospital’s patients come from Kigali. “As Kigali grows, so does the number of patients treated at the hospital, and nearly half of them are from this city. Just look at how much Kigali has expanded since 1968,” he stated.
He also pointed out that the hospital has seen a significant increase in mental health patients following the COVID-19 pandemic, although the rise did not reach the global average of 30%.
“Globally, COVID-19 increased mental health issues by 30%, and we saw a similar but slightly lower rise. Cases of severe depression, anxiety, and PTSD increased significantly,” he explained.
The proposal will extend both measures to Nov. 5 after their scheduled expiration date on Aug. 7, according to the parliament’s press service.
The martial law and general mobilization have been extended 15 times since they were first introduced in February 2022 in response to the ongoing conflict with Russia.
In the past two weeks alone, Turkish gendarmerie forces have detained 50 more suspects in coordinated raids in Ankara and 19 other provinces, 33 of whom were formally arrested, five placed under judicial control, and the rest going through proceedings, Yerlikaya said on the social media platform X.
The individuals are accused of conducting activities within the current structure of the movement, maintaining contact with senior operatives via payphones, financing organizations affiliated with the movement, and spreading its propaganda on social media, he said.
The Turkish government classifies the Gulen movement as a terrorist organization and holds it responsible for the July 15, 2016, coup attempt, in which more than 250 people were killed. The movement was led by Turkish cleric Fethullah Gulen, who lived in the United States from 1999 until he died in 2024.
In the years since the failed coup, Turkish authorities have arrested thousands of suspects accused of links to the movement.
Since the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda ended, the defeated Ex-FAR and Interahamwe forces fled to what is now the DRC (formerly Zaire), where they were supported by local authorities aiming to use them to launch attacks on Rwanda.
Successive governments in the DRC have collaborated with the forces, and many former combatants have been integrated into the national army.
The FDLR militia, established in the early 2000s, has been involved in documented instances of collaboration with the Congolese army in military operations against the M23 rebel group.
In recent peace agreements between Rwanda and the DRC, signed in Washington, the two countries committed to eradicating the FDLR, with Rwanda expected to lift its defensive measures thereafter.
Speaking in a recent interview, Senator Evode Uwizeyimana said the DRC cannot dismantle the FDLR because the militia effectively forms part of the country’s national army.
“Even though the Congolese government has agreed to dismantle the FDLR, it knows that it will not be able to carry this out. I even wondered if they truly believe they can do it. Asking the DRC government to dismantle the FDLR is the same as asking it to dismantle the FARDC [the national army],” the senator said.
The FARDC is the principal security force in the DRC. Uwizeyimana asserted that many of its key leaders come from the FDLR.
“Telling the DRC government to dismantle the FARDC is like telling the President to remove the unit that protects him and replace it with DASSO [a paramilitary group]. The powerful branches of the FARDC are largely made up of former FDLR members, many of whom were trained in prestigious military schools in Belgium and at the Rwanda Military Academy (ESM),” he added.
“Many who started as lieutenants and second lieutenants are now generals. The Omega [Pacifique Ntawunguka] you hear about is a well-trained soldier; he is even a pilot.
Uwizeyimana confirmed that many FDLR members received advanced military training, and that President Felix Tshisekedi has incorporated them into his army.
“Therefore, when you ask Tshisekedi to dismantle the FDLR, it is like asking him to cut off his own hands, to destroy himself. In other words, it is impossible.”
On July 4, 2025, during a media engagement, President Kagame affirmed that as long as the FDLR remains near Rwanda’s borders, problems will persist, and Rwanda is prepared to take necessary action.
“Rwanda will always do what it has to do when FDLR is along our border. There is no magic word here to be used by anybody,” President Kagame said in response to a journalist’s question about what would happen if the DRC fails to honour its commitment to dismantle the militia group.
President Kagame further emphasised that Rwanda is committed to fulfilling its obligations.
“You will never find Rwanda at fault with implementing what we have agreed to do. You will never,” he added.
Amb. Dushimimana highlighted this message on July 12, 2025, during the 31st anniversary celebration of Rwanda’s Liberation Day, attended by Rwandans in the Netherlands and their friends.
On July 4, 2025, he had also hosted diplomats, representatives from international organizations, and Rwandans from various associations to join in the celebration of Rwanda’s liberation.
The event took place after Amb. Dushimimana officially presented copies of his credentials to King Willem-Alexander on June 18, 2025, formalizing his role as Rwanda’s representative in the Netherlands.
In his speech, he underscored the profound significance of the country’s liberation, emphasizing the progress Rwanda has made and the importance of remembering the experiences of those who lived through both periods of Rwanda’s history.
He reflected on the clear distinctions between the two eras and honored the sacrifice of brave women nd men who stopped the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The Ambassador further acknowledged that the progress Rwanda has achieved was built upon the foundation of its liberation. He called on every Rwandan to contribute to the ongoing journey of the nation’s growth.
Addressing the youth, Amb. Dushimimana urged parents to take an active role in instilling a love and understanding of Rwanda in their children.
He emphasized the importance of ensuring that the younger generation carries the nation’s vision forward and contributes to its development.
Amb. Dushimimana posed a reflective question to parents, wondering if, when they are no longer able to champion the cause of Rwanda, their children would inherit the same passion for the nation.
He also pointed out that a child might be born in the Netherlands and hold Dutch citizenship, but that their roots are deeply Rwandan, thus reinforcing the importance of connection to their heritage.
The Ambassador also urged those present to stand up for the truth of Rwanda’s history, particularly in the face of distortion. He encouraged them to fight not with weapons, but with the power of truth, stating that when people speak negatively about Rwanda, it is essential to highlight the country’s positive aspects.
Amb. Dushimimana emphasized that it is the responsibility of all Rwandans to ensure the true history of the nation is known, as many who speak ill of the country often spread falsehoods.
The event concluded with a social gathering, where the attendees celebrated Rwanda’s progress and unity.
His tenure from 2015 to 2023 was defined by bold initiatives, regional diplomacy, and domestic challenges with continental implications. While he earned praise for his leadership in regional security and anti-corruption efforts, Buhari also faced criticism over economic protectionism, suppression of dissent, and a perceived reluctance to engage in wider African affairs fully.
Here are 11 key achievements and controversies that shaped Buhari’s African legacy:
{{Achievements
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{{1. Leadership in Regional Security (ECOWAS Interventions)
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Buhari’s legacy in West African diplomacy is perhaps best illustrated by his active role in preserving constitutional order within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). His government was instrumental in resolving The Gambia’s 2016–2017 political crisis, in which long-time ruler Yahya Jammeh refused to step down after losing elections.
Nigeria, under Buhari’s leadership, mobilised diplomatic and military pressure alongside other ECOWAS states to ensure a peaceful transfer of power to Adama Barrow. Buhari’s insistence on a peaceful resolution, without plunging the region into violence, was widely hailed.
This leadership was replicated in Mali, where Buhari and Nigeria took a stand following the 2020 military coup. Though not leading ECOWAS at the time, Buhari used Nigeria’s influence to push for the restoration of civilian governance, even as the regional body tried to mediate with the coup leaders. His position reflected an understanding that instability in Mali could spill across borders and threaten regional peace.
More broadly, Buhari consistently advocated for regional cooperation in responding to political instability and security threats. While some critics felt his approach lacked aggressive follow-through, Buhari’s willingness to position Nigeria as a stabilising force reflected Nigeria’s traditional role as a regional hegemon. His tenure reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to peacekeeping, democracy, and ECOWAS protocols.
{{2. Counterterrorism collaboration through the MNJTF
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One of Buhari’s top priorities after assuming office was counterterrorism, especially the containment and rollback of Boko Haram and Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP).
Recognising that terrorism respects no borders, Buhari revived and strengthened the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) with Cameroon, Chad, Niger, and Benin. The task force conducted joint operations that weakened Boko Haram’s territorial control in Nigeria’s northeast and bordering countries.
This regional collaboration marked a turning point. Whereas earlier efforts under previous administrations were more nationally focused, Buhari’s security strategy acknowledged that Nigeria could not succeed alone. He personally engaged regional leaders to share intelligence, coordinate border patrols, and mobilise funding and logistics for counterinsurgency.
Despite ongoing attacks, particularly in Borno State and Lake Chad regions, the MNJTF under Buhari’s tenure successfully reclaimed territory and disrupted major insurgent operations. The Buhari government’s leadership in the MNJTF model is now seen as a framework for regional responses to insurgencies elsewhere in Africa, such as the Sahel.
{{3. The P&ID legal victory
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In a landmark moment for Nigeria’s sovereignty and anti-corruption drive, Buhari’s government successfully challenged a $10 billion arbitration award in a UK court.
The P&ID legal victory culminated in October 2023 when a UK High Court ruled in favour of Nigeria, overturning the massive arbitration award against Process & Industrial Developments Ltd. (P&ID). The dispute stemmed from a failed 2010 gas processing contract, which led to the hefty claim due to alleged non-compliance.
Under President Buhari, Nigeria aggressively challenged the arbitration, presenting evidence that P&ID engaged in corrupt practices, including bribery and manipulation of the contract and arbitration process. The UK court found these allegations credible and ruled that enforcing the award would violate public policy, effectively nullifying the payout.
This legal victory significantly boosted Buhari’s anti-corruption agenda and Nigeria’s national sovereignty, preventing a potentially crippling financial loss. Beyond Nigeria, the case resonated across Africa as a precedent highlighting vulnerabilities in international arbitration, encouraging greater vigilance and reform in contract negotiations and enforcement.
{{4. Promotion of African self-sufficiency through agriculture
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Buhari’s agricultural reforms, including the Anchor Borrowers’ Programme (ABP) and the Presidential Fertiliser Initiative, sought to boost Nigeria’s food production and reduce dependence on imports.
Though domestically focused, these initiatives aligned with broader African Union goals for self-reliance and food security. His government empowered smallholder farmers with access to credit and inputs, helping revive key staples like rice and maize.
Buhari’s push for agricultural transformation sparked interest among other African nations, particularly in West Africa. Countries such as Ghana and Senegal examined Nigeria’s policy tools as templates for improving their own rural economies. Nigeria’s food import bill dropped significantly between 2016 and 2020, and Buhari regularly promoted these achievements in regional and AU fora as evidence that Africa could feed itself.
However, challenges such as poor post-harvest infrastructure, inflation, and insecurity limited long-term gains. Still, Buhari’s push for agriculture laid an ideological marker: that Africa’s prosperity depends less on aid and more on domestic productivity. That message resonated with many African leaders confronting similar food security challenges.
{{5. Combating corruption on a continental scale
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Buhari’s reputation as a corruption fighter extended beyond Nigeria’s borders. In 2018, he was named African Union Anti-Corruption Champion, a symbolic nod to his high-profile campaigns against graft. He promoted measures such as Nigeria’s Treasury Single Account (TSA) and pursued asset recovery from overseas, including the repatriation of over $300 million in “Abacha loot” from Switzerland and Jersey.
These actions resonated continentally. Buhari used regional and international platforms, including the African Union summits, to call for cooperation in asset recovery, transparency in public service, and international banking reforms to block illicit flows. His rhetoric found favour among African youth disillusioned by kleptocratic elites and governance decay.
Yet, Buhari’s anti-corruption stance was not just rhetorical. His administration worked with other African governments to tighten financial regulations and encourage whistleblower policies. Though critics at home questioned the consistency of his enforcement, his image as a corruption fighter elevated Nigeria’s soft power among reform-minded leaders and civil society actors across the continent.
6. Support for AfCFTA and pan-African economic integration
Initially hesitant, Buhari signed the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement in 2019 after extensive domestic consultations. Though Nigeria was the last major economy to join, its signature was crucial: without Nigeria’s participation, AfCFTA would have lacked continental weight. Buhari’s eventual support was seen as a commitment to Africa’s collective economic future.
Before signing, Buhari expressed concern about potential job losses and trade imbalances, fears shared by many African countries. His caution sparked useful debate on how to design AfCFTA to protect weaker economies. After joining, Nigeria took part in technical discussions and policy frameworks that sought to balance trade liberalisation with economic fairness.
Buhari’s endorsement of AfCFTA added momentum to the idea of “African solutions to African problems”, not just politically but economically. By the time he left office, Nigeria was positioning itself as a future trade hub, with a growing emphasis on infrastructure, border digitisation, and export-led growth aligned with the AfCFTA vision.
{{Controversies}}
1. Persistent insecurity and expansion of non-state actors
Despite gains against Boko Haram, Nigeria remained plagued by widespread insecurity during Buhari’s presidency. Kidnappings, banditry, and violent clashes between farmers and herders spread from the northeast to the north-central and southern regions. The rise of non-state actors created a climate of fear and lawlessness, undermining national and regional stability.
Buhari’s critics argued that his administration was reactive rather than proactive in dealing with security threats. While the military launched offensives, they were often under-resourced or hampered by poor coordination. In many rural areas, local populations felt abandoned, leading to the emergence of vigilante groups and further erosion of state authority.
Regionally, Nigeria’s instability had cross-border consequences. Armed groups and displaced persons moved into Niger and Cameroon, straining diplomatic and humanitarian capacities. Observers feared that Buhari’s failure to resolve Nigeria’s internal security crisis weakened his credibility as a regional security anchor.
{{2. Human rights concerns and police brutality (EndSARS)
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The October 2020 #EndSARS protests, sparked by police brutality, especially by the notorious Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), marked a turning point in Buhari’s international image. Though initially praised for allowing youth protests, the violent crackdown at the Lekki Toll Gate, where security forces allegedly opened fire on peaceful demonstrators, triggered global outrage.
Buhari’s delayed response and refusal to acknowledge the alleged shootings intensified tensions. International bodies, including the United Nations and African Union, expressed concern over human rights abuses and shrinking civic space in Nigeria. The government’s dismissal of some reports and reliance on state media narratives further deepened public mistrust.
Across Africa, the EndSARS movement resonated with youth confronting similar police abuses. Buhari’s perceived mishandling of the crisis stained his reputation as a democratic leader and empowered regional autocrats to justify harsh crackdowns on dissent by citing security concerns.
{{3. Protectionist border closure and trade fallout
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In 2019, Buhari controversially closed Nigeria’s land borders to curb smuggling and protect local producers. The move, lasting over a year, was meant to enforce customs regulations and encourage self-reliance. However, it had negative consequences for neighbouring countries like Benin, Togo, and Ghana, who relied on Nigeria’s market.
ECOWAS protocols promoting free movement and regional integration were effectively suspended by Nigeria’s unilateral action. Small traders and transporters across West Africa bore the brunt, as border communities plunged into economic distress. Critics argued that the closure contradicted Buhari’s commitment to AfCFTA and regional cooperation.
Though Buhari eventually reopened the borders in late 2020, the policy left a bitter aftertaste. It showcased how Nigeria’s domestic economic decisions could upend regional stability. Buhari’s border closure is now frequently cited in discussions on the need for continental trade rules that balance national interests with regional obligations.
{{4. Twitter ban and digital repression
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In June 2021, Buhari’s government banned Twitter after the platform deleted a tweet deemed inciting violence. The ban lasted for seven months and was condemned globally as an attack on freedom of expression and digital rights. Nigeria’s youth, entrepreneurs, and activists—many of whom relied on Twitter for work, advocacy, and mobilisation—were most affected.
The government justified the ban by accusing Twitter of undermining Nigeria’s sovereignty and threatening national unity. It demanded that the platform register locally and comply with Nigerian laws. Though eventually lifted in January 2022 after negotiations, the ban raised fears of increasing digital authoritarianism.
Other African governments took note. Zimbabwe, Uganda, and Ethiopia, among others, would later invoke “national security” to justify internet shutdowns and censorship. Buhari’s digital crackdown thus unintentionally set a precedent for state-led internet repression in Africa’s fledgling democracies.
{{5. Selective anti-corruption enforcement
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While Buhari’s anti-corruption rhetoric won praise, critics frequently pointed to selective enforcement. High-profile opposition figures were often investigated, arrested, or prosecuted, while alleged corruption within the ruling party appeared overlooked. This dual standard raised questions about the true impartiality of his campaign.
Several corruption scandals involving Buhari’s appointees, such as the mismanagement of funds in the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), drew public ire. Yet, accountability for those within the president’s political camp was inconsistent.
This perceived bias undermined Buhari’s message of reform. Regionally, while some countries admired his stance, others pointed to the flaws as justification for inaction. His legacy, therefore, remains one of aspirational anti-corruption leadership—inspiring, but not entirely credible in execution.
The death, confirmed by Buhari’s former aides Garba Shehu and Bashir Ahmed, has prompted an outpouring of grief across the country and among African leaders.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced a seven-day national mourning period on Sunday, as a mark of respect for Buhari’s service and legacy. As part of the observance, all national flags will fly at half-staff throughout the mourning period.
An emergency session of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) has also been convened for Tuesday to honour the former leader’s memory and contributions.
Buhari, a military ruler from 1984 to 1985 before returning as a democratically elected president from 2015 to 2023, was known for his austere lifestyle, his strong stance against corruption, and his reputation for discipline and integrity.
Leaders and citizens alike have hailed him as a patriot who dedicated his life to national unity, economic reforms, and the fight against graft.
In a statement, President Tinubu described Buhari as a “dedicated servant of the nation” whose leadership left a significant imprint on Nigeria’s political landscape.
Tinubu emphasised the former president’s legacy of reforms and the difficult battles he waged against corruption, insecurity, and economic instability.
Vice President Kashim Shettima has been dispatched to London to coordinate the repatriation of Buhari’s remains. Plans are in motion for a state funeral, with the late president expected to be buried in his hometown of Daura, in Katsina State, on Monday, July 14, with full military honours.
Buhari’s passing marks the end of an era for many Nigerians who lived through both his military rule and his democratic presidency.
Tributes have been pouring in from political figures, foreign governments, and ordinary citizens, all highlighting his firm commitment to discipline, his modest personal life, and his efforts to steer Nigeria through turbulent times.
The strike, carried out on June 16, allegedly involved six precision-guided bombs aimed at entrances to a secret underground facility in western Tehran, where the president and other top officials were attending a session of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council.
Iranian outlet Fars reported that the blasts cut off power and blocked exits, forcing the president to evacuate through an emergency shaft, during which he sustained minor leg injuries.
A senior Iranian official, speaking to Al Jazeera, described the attack as a failed assassination attempt targeting the heads of Iran’s executive, legislative, and judicial branches.
“This attempt will not pass without Israel paying a price,” the official warned.
The incident occurred during a 12-day war between Israel and Iran, which ended with a U.S.-brokered ceasefire on June 24. During the conflict, Israeli air raids reportedly killed several senior Iranian commanders and nuclear scientists.
The Israeli operation was said to be modelled after the 2024 strike in Beirut that killed Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah.
Last week, President Pezeshkian publicly confirmed the assassination attempt in an interview with U.S. journalist Tucker Carlson.
“They did try, yes… but they failed,” he said. “It was not the United States that was behind the attempt on my life. It was Israel.”
Israel has not officially commented on the claims. However, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu defended the broader military operation, saying it was necessary to halt Iran’s alleged nuclear weapons programme.
While Tehran insists its nuclear activities are purely civilian, the Israeli strikes came just days before scheduled talks between the U.S. and Iran aimed at reviving diplomatic negotiations.
The June conflict resulted in heavy casualties. According to Iran’s Foundation of Martyrs and Veterans Affairs, at least 1,060 people were killed in Iran. Israel also suffered losses, with 28 fatalities reported due to retaliatory Iranian drone and missile attacks.
Fars has called for an investigation into possible espionage, citing the “accuracy” of Israel’s intelligence in targeting the meeting location. As tensions continue to simmer, observers warn the episode may further complicate prospects for renewed diplomacy in the region.
