The Bank Group’s contribution includes $24.64 million from the African Development Fund, its concessional lending arm, and an additional $5.21 million from the AfDB. The remaining funds will come from the Government of Rwanda.
The project will expand and upgrade the Centre of Excellence, located in Kigali Innovation City, a growing tech hub in the Rwandan capital. Plans include enhanced academic programs and student training, new laboratories and facilities, advanced equipment procurement, and stronger linkages with the private sector.
Phase II will train 470 students in biomedical engineering, rehabilitation and mobility sciences, and digital health at bachelor’s and master’s levels, with most beneficiaries coming from Rwanda and other East African Community countries. The project will also provide PhD and post-doctoral training for University of Rwanda staff to ensure high-quality teaching and research.
In addition, the project will support curriculum reform, accreditation, and collaborative research with leading international institutions. Regional integration will be promoted through student and faculty exchanges, joint research initiatives, knowledge-sharing events, and entrepreneurship support programs.
A notable innovation under Phase II is the establishment of a Biomedical Innovation Park, which will allow students, researchers, and private companies to design, test, and produce health technologies tailored to local and regional needs.
The project is expected to benefit the wider community by providing hospitals and clinics with locally trained specialists capable of installing, maintaining, and repairing medical equipment. Expanded access to digital health tools and telemedicine will also make healthcare more accessible, particularly in rural areas.
During its construction phase, the project will create hundreds of temporary jobs, mainly for young people. In the long term, it is expected to stimulate the development of health technology businesses, attract research funding, and create skilled employment opportunities.
“This project will equip our young people with world-class skills while bringing better health services closer to families. It is an investment in talent, innovation, and the wellbeing of our communities,” said Hendrina Doroba, AfDB Manager for Education and Skills Development.
Following approval on January 9, the project will be implemented by the Government of Rwanda through the University of Rwanda and is scheduled to run through 2030. It supports Rwanda’s long-term vision of building a knowledge-driven economy and a resilient, inclusive health system.
These accomplishments were spotlighted during a formal handover ceremony on January 28, 2026, as the outgoing board transitioned responsibilities to the newly appointed members.
Goshen Finance PLC’s Board consists of nine directors, each serving a three-year term that can be renewed up to twice.
Five new members were elected late last year to replace those whose terms had concluded, while the remaining four carried over and will continue until their individual terms expire. These continuing directors will also guide and mentor the newcomers during the transition.
Among the departing members were several who had served the full nine years since joining in 2016, including former Board Chairperson Peter Nkubara. In his remarks, Nkubara highlighted key milestones from their tenure.
He noted that client numbers had surged from 27,270 in 2016 to 73,072 today. Over the same timeframe, total assets grew from Rwf 5.5 billion to more than Rwf 25 billion.
The loan portfolio also saw substantial expansion, rising from Rwf 2.7 billion in 2016 to Rwf 19 billion by the close of 2025, while serving nearly 6,000 individual clients.
Nkubara emphasized the institution’s strong asset quality, with a non-performing loan ratio of only 0.9%, well under the 5% threshold mandated by the National Bank of Rwanda.
Gross profit has shown consistent improvement since 2017, climbing from Rwf 82 million to over Rwf 900 million.
He pointed to other notable advances, such as the introduction of profit-sharing with shareholders beginning in 2023. Nkubara encouraged the incoming board to capitalize on this foundation by forging new partnerships and maintaining the company’s upward trajectory.
“Achieving these results required close collaboration with many partners and stakeholders,” Nkubara remarked. Key allies include the Development Bank of Rwanda, which extended a Rwf 2 billion loan specifically to support farmers, and the U.S.-based nonprofit EDIFY.
Through that partnership, Goshen now manages over Rwf 1.5 billion in low-interest loans for educational institutions, primarily primary and nursery schools.
He urged the new leadership to preserve and build on the trust established, deepen existing collaborations, and further refine loan management across various segments.
Incoming Board Chairperson Jonathan Gatera commended Goshen Finance PLC for remaining true to its Christian values while delivering services and achieving sustained progress since its founding.
Gatera affirmed that he and the new board are dedicated to elevating the institution further, with an ambitious vision of eventually transforming it into a full commercial bank.
“If we set our minds to it, we could make that transition within the next three years,” he said. “We have everything it takes, nothing others possess that we lack, and we also have faith in God’s guidance. Looking at our strengths across operations, I am convinced we can reach this goal by working together and seeking divine direction.”
He added that the board will prioritize extending credit to previously underserved sectors and activities.
Goshen Finance PLC is a microfinance institution affiliated with the Seventh-day Adventist Church. Established in 2005, it now operates nine branches throughout Kigali and various provinces across Rwanda.
In a press release issued on the same day, the Council of the EU said that it decided to impose restrictive measures on 15 Iranian officials and six entities.
With the latest decision, the EU’s restrictive measures now apply to 247 individuals and 50 entities, the Council said.
The measures include asset freezes, travel bans to the EU, and a prohibition on making funds or economic resources available to those listed.
Recently, the EU has further stepped up pressure on Iran, aligning with the United States.
Speaking to reporters during the visit, Trump expressed serious concern about the growing economic engagement between London and Beijing but did not provide detailed specifics on potential consequences for the U.K.
“Well, it’s very dangerous for them to do that,” Trump said when asked about the United Kingdom deepening ties with China. His remarks reflected Washington’s broader scepticism toward closer Western commercial and strategic engagement with Beijing, even as Starmer was in China pursuing expanded cooperation.
Starmer, the first British prime minister to visit China in eight years, had been working to reset relations with President Xi Jinping. The leaders announced several landmark agreements, including 30‑day visa‑free travel for British citizens in China and reduced tariffs on Scotch whisky, moves designed to boost trade and mutual investment.
Starmer described the tone of his talks with Xi as “very warm and constructive” and stressed that the United Kingdom had “a huge amount to offer” China in terms of business opportunities.
Despite Starmer’s efforts to balance economic goals with concerns about human rights and security, Trump’s comments underscored ongoing tensions between the United States and its allies over China’s role in global supply chains and economic systems.
U.S. officials have long cautioned that deepening commercial ties with Beijing could expose Western economies to undue influence and create strategic vulnerabilities, a view Trump reiterated with his warning.
Analysts say Trump’s remarks reflect a broader trend in Washington to view China not only as a competitor but as a geopolitical rival whose growing influence could challenge U.S. leadership and that of its traditional allies. The warning to the U.K. was echoed in Trump’s criticism of Canada for similarly expanding economic engagement with China.
British officials, for their part, emphasized that the agreements reached with China are not part of a formal free‑trade pact but are intended to expand practical cooperation while safeguarding national interests.
Starmer has sought to reassure both domestic critics and international partners that the U.K. is capable of fostering a “sophisticated” relationship with China that includes frank discussions on security issues such as espionage and human rights, including concerns over the treatment of Uyghurs in Xinjiang.
Gnassingbé was received on arrival by Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, according to a statement shared by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on X.
In April 2025, President Paul Kagame hosted Gnassingbé shortly after the African Union (AU) appointed Gnassingbé as mediator in efforts to address the crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
That visit aimed to reaffirm Gnassingbé’s commitment to working with regional and international partners to find a lasting solution to tensions between Rwanda and the DRC. Discussions focused on progress made in regional peace talks intended to achieve sustainable stability.
On March 24, 2025, the Office of the President of Angola announced that President João Lourenço would step down from his role as mediator in the Rwanda–DRC talks, choosing instead to focus on broader continental initiatives.
President Lourenço subsequently submitted Gnassingbé’s candidacy to the African Union. In early April 2025, the AU endorsed the proposal, and on April 12, 2025, the AU General Assembly formally appointed Gnassingbé as mediator between Rwanda and the DRC.
Over the years, Gnassingbé has made several visits to Rwanda, with discussions covering issues including security cooperation and broader African partnerships. In January 2025, he paid a two-day working visit to Kigali, during which he and President Kagame agreed to further strengthen bilateral cooperation between Rwanda and Togo.
Relations between Rwanda and the DRC have strained in recent years due to ongoing conflict in eastern DRC. Kinshasa accuses Rwanda of supporting the AFC/M23 coalition, claims Rwanda strongly denies, instead accusing the DRC of failing to protect its civilians and of collaborating with armed groups responsible for abuses.
Rwanda, in turn, accuses the DRC of supporting and working with the FDLR, a terrorist group composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which Rwanda says continues to threaten its security.
The appointments were announced through a statement released by the Office of Prime Minister on January 29, 2026.
President Kagame also appointed James Wizeye as Deputy Secretary General of the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS), a position previously held by Brig Gen Nyirubutama.
In his new role, Brig Gen Nyirubutama will deputize Gen (Rtd) James Kabarebe, who was appointed Senior Security Advisor at the Presidency in December, 2025.
Gen (Rtd) Kabarebe assumed the role after serving as Minister of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.
For many former colonies, however, this approach falls short – above all because such formulas are rarely accompanied by a clear acknowledgement of responsibility for the actions of the colonial state.
The colonial period left behind not only an administrative and institutional legacy, but also large-scale episodes of violence, the consequences of which have yet to receive a clear legal assessment. In many countries, this experience continues to be discussed in political, academic and public spheres, but rarely translated into institutional or legal frameworks.
Although Rwanda’s colonial history is not linked exclusively to France, the French role during the late colonial and post-colonial periods remains the subject of intense debate. Questions of political responsibility, access to archives and the interpretation of events at the end of the 20th century regularly return to the public and diplomatic agenda. At the same time, the earlier colonial experience and its long-term consequences are still rarely examined in legal terms, remaining part of a fragmented historical narrative.
In recent decades, the prevailing approach in France has been to treat the colonial past as a historical chapter open to symbolic reflection, but not to legal reassessment. Acknowledgements of individual episodes, commemorative initiatives and joint ceremonies have not been accompanied by a systematic discussion of state responsibility as such.
Against this backdrop, particular attention in Africa has been drawn to a step taken by Algeria at the end of 2025, when the country’s parliament unanimously [adopted->https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/24/algeria-passes-law-declaring-french-colonisation-crime] legislation placing French colonisation between 1830 and 1962 within a criminal legal framework.
“France wants to persuade others that any crimes were isolated incidents, but what happened in Algeria and in other African countries under French occupation were war crimes and crimes of the state,” Mohamed Meshkak, a member of Algeria’s National People’s Assembly, told El Bilad.
This was not a political declaration, but a carefully drafted legislative act setting out a list of specific crimes and mechanisms of accountability.
During parliamentary debates in Algeria, it was emphasised that colonialism could not be regarded as a collection of isolated excesses or the result of decisions taken by individual officials.
According to the authors of the law, it constituted a systematic policy involving mass killings, the forcible seizure of land, the destruction of institutions, the suppression of resistance, and the use of prohibited practices.
A separate section of the document addresses the consequences of French nuclear tests conducted in the Algerian desert between 1960 and 1966. Algeria is demanding the decontamination of affected areas, the transfer of maps identifying test sites, and compensation for victims.
Speaking on AL24 News, Ali Rabidj, a member of Algeria’s parliament, said the crimes of French colonialism were not confined to the past, pointing to the lasting effects of nuclear tests and minefields whose locations have never been fully disclosed.
Significant attention in the text of the law is also devoted to the issue of archives. Algeria has formally asserted its right to full access to materials from the colonial period, stating that such archives are not subject to statutes of limitation and cannot be the object of political bargaining.
Parliamentary speakers stressed that without access to documents, neither an objective study of the past nor a substantive discussion of responsibility is possible.
“The Algerian archive is a legal right of Algeria; it is not subject to any statute of limitations and cannot be the subject of division,” Zakaria Belkheir, a member of parliament and coordinator of the committee that drafted the bill, said in remarks broadcast on Elwatania TV.
At the same time, Algerian authorities insist that this is not about severing relations with France. On the contrary, official statements emphasise that stable and equal relations are only possible on the basis of a clear and honest understanding of history. In Algerian discourse, the idea has repeatedly been voiced that memory without responsibility turns into an empty rhetoric incapable of resolving the painful questions of the past.
President Abdelmadjid Tebboune has repeatedly stressed that recognition of colonial crimes is a fundamental condition for building balanced relations with France.
This approach stands in marked contrast to the familiar logic of Franco-African relations, where the past is left to historians and politics is confined to current cooperation. Algeria has effectively taken the opposite course, transferring the historical question into the legal domain and enshrining it in law.
It is precisely this factor that is now drawing attention across Africa and beyond. Algeria’s move is seen not as an act of confrontation, but as an attempt to give the colonial past a clear legal qualification, rather than relying on vague formulas about memory and reconciliation.
In many African states, colonial archives, interpretations and even educational materials are still shaped outside the continent. This directly affects how the past is understood within societies themselves and how it is presented internationally. In this sense, control over the historical narrative becomes not an abstract category, but an element of real sovereignty.
“Algeria’s parliament unanimously approved a law criminalising French colonisation from 1830 to 1962 and calling for an official apology from France,” said Daniel Marques, a journalist with Angola’s state broadcaster RNA, reporting on the vote.
Algeria has become the first African country to enshrine such a position in legislative form. This step does not close the discussion, but it reshapes its framework, proposing that colonial legacy be addressed not only as a matter of memory, but also as a matter of law.
According to new data, Volkswagen has seen a remarkable rise in its electric vehicle (EV) deliveries, while Tesla has experienced a noticeable drop in its European sales, losing its leading position.
In 2025, Volkswagen delivered around 274,417 battery-electric vehicles (BEVs) in Europe, showing an impressive growth of about 50-56% compared to the previous year. On the other hand, Tesla’s sales in Europe fell by roughly 27%, with around 238,765 units sold during the same period.
This shift in sales trends highlights a broader transformation in the European EV market. Although Tesla’s Model Y remained the top-selling electric vehicle in the region, with 151,331 units delivered in 2025, it saw a nearly 30% decline in sales compared to 2024. Tesla’s Model 3 also experienced reduced deliveries, with just over 86,000 units sold.
Volkswagen’s success, however, isn’t tied to just one model. The brand’s stronger performance is due to its diverse lineup of electric vehicles. The ID.4 led the pack with over 80,000 units sold, followed by the popular ID.3 and the rapidly growing ID.7. The ID.7, in particular, saw impressive triple-digit growth, showing that Volkswagen’s strategy of offering a variety of models in different sizes and price ranges is paying off, attracting a broader range of buyers.
The European EV market as a whole also continued to grow in 2025, with total sales of battery-electric vehicles rising by about 30%, reaching 2.6 million units.
However, Tesla’s decline in the region shows how increased competition is reshaping consumer preferences. Volkswagen’s strategy of providing a wider selection of models has clearly resonated with European buyers, allowing the brand to capitalize on the rising demand for electric cars.
In addition to its success in the pure electric vehicle segment, Volkswagen has also dominated the plug-in hybrid (PHEV) market, maintaining its long-standing position as Europe’s best-selling automaker across all vehicle types, including petrol and diesel. This reinforces the brand’s dominance in the region, where it has been the top seller for over two decades.
However, Volkswagen’s impressive performance in Europe doesn’t fully reflect its global EV results. While its deliveries in Europe surged, its overall global EV sales remained flat in 2025. This is due to a drop in deliveries in key markets like North America and China, which balanced out the growth in Europe.
Meanwhile, Tesla is facing mounting competition not only in Europe but also on a global scale. Recently, the company lost its title as the world’s top EV maker to China’s BYD, further highlighting the intensifying competition and changing dynamics in the global electric vehicle market.
“I wish to remind the European Parliament that it may have jurisdiction over Greenland, Aruba or New Caledonia but it has NO (and will NEVER have) jurisdiction over the Republic of Rwanda, which is a country that recovered its independence from European colonisation more than sixty years ago,” he said in a message posted on X January 29, 2026.
Amb. Nduhungirehe said Rwanda will not accept what he termed arrogance and interference by some European lawmakers, accusing them of acting as if they possess superior moral authority.
“Rwanda will never accept this continued arrogance and interference by European MPs, who think that they are endowed with higher moral values, to the extent that they can even disrespect the Judiciary of an African country,” he added.
The minister’s remarks followed a statement published on the European Parliament’s platform on January 28, after its members received Rémy Amahirwa, the son of Victoire Ingabire, who is currently detained at Nyarugenge Prison on charges including attempting to overthrow the Rwandan government.
Amahirwa was received as European lawmakers discussed the human rights situation in Rwanda, a country that is not a member of the European Union.
Earlier, on January 21, Rwanda’s Minister of Justice, Dr. Emmanuel Ugirashebuja, addressed the United Nations Human Rights Council in Switzerland, where he outlined progress made by Rwanda in promoting and protecting human rights.
During his visit, Dr. Ugirashebuja also met Amahirwa and assured him that Rwanda’s justice system operates independently and that his mother’s case would be handled transparently and in accordance with the law.
Victoire Ingabire was arrested in June 2025 following investigations in which her name was repeatedly cited during the trial of former members of the unregistered political party DALFA Umurinzi and journalist Nsengimana Théoneste.
She had previously been released in September 2018 after receiving a presidential pardon from President Paul Kagame, despite having seven years remaining on a 15-year sentence for crimes including endangering the existing government.
Following her re-arrest, members of the European Parliament, on September 11, called for the unconditional release of Ingabire, Nsengimana, and former DALFA Umurinzi members, claiming their cases were politically motivated.
On September 15, Rwanda’s Parliament strongly condemned the European Parliament’s resolution, warning against actions that undermine Rwanda’s sovereignty under the pretext of the Victoire Ingabire case.
Ethiopian Airlines has suspended flights scheduled for Thursday to airports in the Tigray region, including Mekelle, the regional capital, as well as other major cities such as Axum, Shire, and Humera, according to local media.
The region was at the epicenter of a two-year conflict between Ethiopian federal government-allied troops and forces loyal to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front since November 2020, which had left millions in urgent need of humanitarian assistance.
The two parties in the conflict signed a peace accord in November 2022, bringing an end to hostilities and prompting Ethiopian Airlines to resume flights to destinations in the Tigray region after suspending them for more than a year.
