In yet another political divorce in Kenya, Gachagua has gone bare-knuckles on his boss, President William Ruto, accusing him of orchestrating his impeachment. Gachagua has also claimed that the impeachment motion against him was a culmination of persistent persecution and two failed assassination attempts.
In this week’s edition of Perspective, we explore the factors fueling the seemingly irreparably broken relationship between Ruto and Gachagua, and examine the potential options available to Gachagua moving forward.
Gachagua, on Sunday, October 20, 2024, alleged that undercover security agents attempted to poison his food in two separate incidents in Kisumu and Nyeri counties in August and September of this year.
In a summons to Gachagua dated October 21, the DCI termed the allegations serious and directed him to appear before the detectives on Tuesday, October 22, 2024, to record a formal statement to enable investigations into the matter.
“These are serious allegations emanating from a person of your stature and cannot be taken lightly. In light of the seriousness of this matter, we kindly request your presence on October 22, 2024, at the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) Headquarters, Mazingira Complex-Kiambu Road, to formally record your statement to enable prompt and thorough investigations into the matter,” the summons read in part.
“We understand the sensitivity of the allegations and assure you that this matter will be handled with the seriousness it deserves. Your statement is a crucial component of our investigation.”
Gachagua had claimed that it was after the two failed assassination attempts that an impeachment plot was hatched against him.
“On August 30, undercover security agents entered my room in Kisumu, bugged it, and one of them tried to poison my food, but we were able to detect the scheme. I was supposed to be killed through food poisoning. On September 3 in Nyeri, another team from the National Intelligence Service came and tried to poison food that was meant for me and the Kikuyu Council of Elders,” Gachagua said.
The impeached Deputy President spoke after being discharged from Karen Hospital in Nairobi, where he had been hospitalized with chest pains as the Senate debated his impeachment motion last Thursday.
In yet another political divorce in Kenya, Gachagua accused President William Ruto of being vicious and orchestrating the impeachment against him.
He told the press that the Head of State had illegally ordered the withdrawal of his security and staff despite the High Court suspending the Senate’s resolutions to uphold his impeachment by the National Assembly.
“I don’t understand this level of viciousness toward a man who has been your deputy, a man who helped you become president. Irrespective of what he has done, at his lowest moment in life, when he is literally struggling to stay alive, you unleash such viciousness against him. I bear no grudges against anybody, but I had not seen this in President William Ruto. The man I am seeing now is not the one I thought I knew,” he said, citing constant persecution over the past year and a surprisingly rushed effort to remove him from office.
Gachagua said he doesn’t feel safe, and if anything happens to him, President Ruto should be held accountable.
“Do whatever you want, but please, Mr. President, I beg you, don’t kill us. Don’t kill my children. You have caused me enough pain over the past year. Please, leave me alone,” he added.
“I want the people of Kenya to know that as I go home today, I have no security. It is good that they know that if anything happens to me or my family, President Ruto must be held accountable.”
Gachagua was impeached over allegations of violating the constitution by undermining national unity through ethnic utterances and gross misconduct.
The bitter fallout between Gachagua and Ruto mirrors the current Head of State’s fallout with former President Uhuru Kenyatta in 2018, when he served as Deputy President in the former Jubilee Party administration.
Addressing journalists in Nairobi on Sunday, October 20, 2024, Gachagua alleged that undercover security agents attempted to poison his food in two separate incidents in August and September of this year.
“On August 30, undercover security agents entered my room in Kisumu, bugged it, and one of them tried to poison my food, but we were able to detect the scheme. I was supposed to be killed through food poisoning. On September 3 in Nyeri, another team from the National Intelligence Service came and tried to poison food that was meant for me and the Kikuyu Council of Elders,” Gachagua said.
He claimed that it was after the two failed assassination attempts that an impeachment motion was tabled against him on October 1, 2024.
Gachagua spoke after being discharged from Karen Hospital in Nairobi, where he had been hospitalized with chest pains as the Senate debated his impeachment motion on Thursday.
He accused President William Ruto of illegally ordering the withdrawal of his security and staff despite the High Court suspending the Senate’s resolutions to uphold his impeachment by the National Assembly.
Without mincing his words, Gachagua accused the Head of State of being vicious and treating him like an animal while he was still hospitalized and at risk of suffering a stroke due to stress related to the plot to remove him from office.
“I don’t understand this level of viciousness toward a man who has been your deputy, a man who helped you become president. Irrespective of what he has done, at his lowest moment in life, when he is literally struggling to stay alive, you unleash such viciousness against him. I bear no grudges against anybody, but I had not seen this in President William Ruto. The man I am seeing now is not the one I thought I knew,” he said, citing constant persecution over the past year and a surprisingly rushed effort to remove him from office.
Gachagua said he doesn’t feel safe, and if anything happens to him, President Ruto should be held accountable.
“Do whatever you want, but please, Mr. President, I beg you, don’t kill us. Don’t kill my children. You have caused me enough pain over the past year. Please, leave me alone,” he added.
“I want the people of Kenya to know that as I go home today, I have no security. It is good that they know that if anything happens to me or my family, President Ruto must be held accountable.”
The besieged Deputy President noted that his troubles stemmed from challenging the punitive and unpopular tax measures and policies introduced by the Ruto regime.
“It’s the most unfortunate thing that has ever happened in this country. That you can be so vicious to a man who helped you become president, and his only crime is telling you the truth: don’t evict people without compensation; Mr. President, don’t overtax people—you are killing them, you are killing their businesses. Don’t force the housing program on people; if people don’t want these houses, don’t force them. My only problem with the president is being truthful, because nobody else can tell him,” he added.
He expressed confidence in the courts delivering justice for what he termed an unfair removal from office.
“The 11 counts are malicious and fictitious. It was a political game by the President to get rid of me,” Gachagua lamented.
Gachagua was impeached after Senators upheld five of the 11 charges brought against him.
Fifty-four senators voted to impeach Gachagua on the first count of gross violation of the Constitution, while 13 voted against his removal. The charges under this ground included accusations of dividing Kenyans along ethnic lines. The National Assembly cited several instances where Gachagua compared the government to a company, suggesting that certain regions held more “shares” than others.
In addition to engaging in divisive politics, Gachagua faced other accusations, including economic crimes, money laundering, insubordination, undermining the government and devolution, as well as bullying and intimidating state officers. However, the charges of economic crimes, money laundering, and bullying failed to gain sufficient support.
The Senate proceeded with the impeachment trial despite Gachagua’s lawyers arguing that the Deputy President could not appear in the House as he had been hospitalized.
Thereafter, President Ruto nominated Interior Cabinet Secretary Kithure Kindiki to replace Gachagua as Deputy President. However, Kindiki’s nomination and approval by the National Assembly faced a setback after the High Court granted conservatory orders barring the minister from being sworn in, pending the mention of the matter on October 24, 2024.
The coveted continental seat will become vacant in February 2025, as the current chairperson, Moussa Faki, completes his two terms in office.
The chairperson of the AU Commission serves as the Chief Executive Officer of the African Union and is crucial in driving the Union’s agenda while representing the continent on the global stage.
Candidates for the position are nominated by African Union member states, and a high-level panel of eminent Africans assesses and shortlists them based on qualifications, experience, and leadership capabilities. The final election is conducted by the Assembly of the African Union, comprising representatives from all member states. A two-thirds majority by secret ballot is required to elect the new chairperson.
The next AUC chairperson will be elected in February 2025 during the African Union Summit at its headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and will serve a four-year term, renewable once.
The role is rotated among the AU’s five geographical regions: Northern, Southern, Eastern, Western, and Central Africa. This rotation policy ensures inclusivity and representation within the African Union, with each region having an opportunity to lead.
In March 2024, the African Union Executive Council unanimously resolved that the Eastern Africa region would nominate candidates to succeed Faki, who hails from Chad in the Central African region.
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Initially, at least six candidates from Eastern African states expressed interest in the role, but the race has narrowed to four candidates and two main contenders following the withdrawal of former Somali Foreign Affairs Minister Fawzia Yusuf in August.
Former Kenyan Prime Minister and longstanding opposition leader Raila Odinga and Djibouti’s former Foreign Minister Mahmoud Ali Youssouf are touted as the frontrunners. Other candidates include Anil Gayan, a former foreign minister of Mauritius; and Richard Randriamandrato, a former foreign minister of Madagascar.
Former Seychelles Vice President Vincent Meriton, who had expressed interest in the position, did not have his candidacy submitted by his country before the August 6, 2024, deadline.
Odinga has already secured backing from East African Community (EAC) member states and Yusuf of Somalia, a significant boost to his bid for the AUC chairmanship.
In fact, Odinga’s official bid launch in Nairobi in August was attended by four sitting heads of state: Kenyan President William Ruto, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, South Sudanese President Salva Kiir, and Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu. Also in attendance were former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria and Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania.
Rwanda’s Minister of State for Regional Cooperation, James Kabarebe, represented President Paul Kagame at the event.
While endorsing Odinga, President Ruto expressed confidence in his ability to lead the continent toward prosperity.
“I present to you a visionary Pan-African leader, a statesman, and a veteran mobilizer for positive change. I am confident that he will make Africa proud and powerful,” said Ruto.
Odinga, who has pledged to push for the scrapping of visas for intra-Africa travel and the removal of trade barriers, has also gained support from heads of state in Ghana, Malawi, Mozambique, and Algeria.
However, despite this substantial backing, Odinga faces stiff competition from his Djiboutian counterpart, particularly following the revelation that the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has decided to support Mahmoud Ali Youssouf for the AUC chairmanship.
Djibouti’s ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Dya-eddine Bamakhrama, announced that the 50th session of the OIC Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, held in Yaoundé, Cameroon, in August, unanimously resolved to back Youssouf.
With at least 27 OIC members from Africa, some pundits believe this could give Odinga a run for his money.
Despite Bamakhrama’s announcement on X, the extent of support from Islamic countries remains to be seen.
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Analysts point out that linguistic divisions between Anglophone and Francophone countries will likely play a significant role in determining the winner.
Kenyan diplomatic affairs analyst Ahmed Hashi predicts Odinga may lose to the Djiboutian candidate, citing the influence of Francophone countries.
“I would be shocked if he even gets a slim majority. The Djiboutian candidate will win with a landslide,” Hashi said during an interview with Kenya’s Citizen TV.
Hashi believes that language blocs—French, English, and Portuguese-speaking nations—will be pivotal in the voting process.
“The AU is divided along these fundamental lines, and the French influence is the biggest,” he explained.
Recalling Kenya’s 2017 defeat in a similar race, when Amina Mohamed lost after seven rounds of voting, Hashi suggested that French-speaking countries had a significant impact on that outcome and might do the same in this election.
“I was the spokesperson at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during that election. We were confident of winning, but the French government intervened heavily, and we lost. Djibouti, which had supported us, eventually stabbed us in the back,” he said, drawing a parallel to the current situation.
Odinga, however, is relying on his experience and influence from serving as the AU High Representative for Infrastructure Development in Africa between 2018 and 2023 to tilt the odds in his favour.
Mauritius’s Anil Gayan is also considered a key contender for the position. A lawyer and former foreign minister, this marks his second attempt at the role, having previously contested for the seat in 2017.
He possesses extensive knowledge of the African Union’s architecture and its commission’s operations, having been deployed by the AU for various assignments.
Notably, in July 2013, he led an AU-appointed investigation team to examine the circumstances surrounding the killing of Abyei’s paramount chief. Additionally, he was involved in United Nations mediation efforts in Guinea-Bissau in 2008.
Gachagua was elected to office on a joint ticket with President William Ruto in August 2022, but differences with the Head of State and Members of Parliament allied to the ruling party are threatening his premature exit from government.
The Deputy President faces accusations of undermining Ruto’s leadership and causing divisions within the ruling administration. Some of the President’s allies accuse Gachagua of being behind the youth-led [anti-tax protests witnessed in the country in June->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/protesters-storm-kenyan-parliament-as-controversial-finance-bill-is-passed]. Already, three members of his staff and two MPs close to him are facing prosecution following the conclusion of a probe by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI).
Ruto’s allies in the National Assembly confirmed to local media that more than 300 MPs had signed a motion to impeach Kenya’s second in command as of Saturday, September 28, 2024.
The signatures, which had largely remained secret over the past few weeks, were reportedly collected by regional caucus whips, who have been holding night meetings to reach a common position.
“There is a stampede; members are moving to sign the motion…It is a matter of when, not if, the motion will be tabled,” Majority Whip Sylvanus Osoro told Kenya’s Citizen TV.
The motion is expected to be tabled in the House on Tuesday, October 1, 2024, for consideration.
To impeach a Deputy President in Kenya, an impeachment motion must be signed by at least 117 MPs before being introduced in the National Assembly. Once tabled in the House, the motion must garner the support of 233 MPs, representing two-thirds of the total 349 MPs, before being transmitted to the Senate for consideration.
The Constitution of Kenya (2010) stipulates that to impeach a Deputy President, the proponents must present watertight grounds, including gross violations of the Constitution or any other law, crimes under national or international law, and gross misconduct.
Gachagua, who brought in significant votes for Ruto from Kenya’s central region, also known as Mt. Kenya—which has produced three of Kenya’s five Presidents—insists that he is clean. He has been traversing the region, cautioning President Ruto against allowing the impeachment plot, saying that doing so would betray the electorate.
“Let us not reintroduce the politics of betrayal,” Gachagua stated recently. “Ruto is a beneficiary of Mt. Kenya’s disdain for betrayal. Our people hate it and are unforgiving.”
President Ruto is yet to publicly comment on the matter. He is currently attending the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in New York.
“Our education level has increased generally but we are not yet at the level we want to be judging from what we see elsewhere,” he said.
Kagame’s comments underscored the collective nature of the effort required to elevate the education system.
“By swearing in, it means you have accepted and are ready to work for your country in this new capacity but this commitment is not solely your responsibility. This oath doesn’t mean that improving the education sector is yours alone. It is a collective responsibility and we are here to work with you and support you all through,” he emphasized.
The President highlighted the role of every Rwandan in this shared endeavor. “It is all our responsibility, the youth, the old; The task of enhancing education involves contributions from all segments of society.”
“Education is one of the most important things that help our country’s development and the Rwandan population in general. The outcomes of a strong education system also positively impact Rwanda’s interactions on the global stage,” he emphasized.
Kagame elaborated on the concept of holistic education, which blends local and international perspectives. “Holistic education involves aspects picked from Rwanda as a country and aspects picked from other countries. This approach aims to enrich students’ understanding by incorporating diverse global viewpoints, thus better preparing them to handle various challenges,” he explained.
The Head of State concluded by emphasizing that good education lays a critical foundation for personal and national advancement, noting that good education prepares people to be ready to face all the problems and challenges that they encounter.
Nsengimana was appointed Minister of Education on September 11, 2024, replacing Gaspard Twagirayezu, who became the Director General of the National Space Agency.
He was previously the Director of the Mastercard Foundation, focusing on promoting education for all through technology. Before working with Mastercard, Nsengimana was employed at Intel Corporation, an American technology company.
Security sources and eyewitnesses confirmed to the media house that these individuals held several meetings with members of the Burundi National Defense Force (FDNB) in the provinces of Cibitoke and Kayanza, regions known to have sheltered FLN elements for several years.
Participants in these meetings included Lieutenant General Hamada Habimana, commander-in-chief of the FLN rebels, as well as Major General Pacifique Ntawunguka, military leader of the FDLR.
The presence of Brigadier General Antoine Hakizimana, better known as Jeva, and Colonel Honoré Hategekimana, alias Théophile, who claims to lead the armed branch of the FLN, was also reported.
According to SOS Media, these meetings took place in places such as the Green Village Iwacu Hotel in Bukinanyana, which belongs to Prime Minister Gervais Ndirakobuca, as well as the Mwarangabo Hotel in Cibitoke, owned by police colonel Jérôme Ntibibogora, frequently implicated in cases of abuse and assassinations of opponents.
According to SOS Media, these meetings were conducted on August 29 and 30, and on September 3. They illustrate close and potentially alarming coordination between the Burundian authorities and these armed groups hostile to the Rwandan government.
Responding to concerns about the risk of division within the continent, Kagame emphasized that the seats should not be held by any single nation permanently
His response was clear: “One permanent seat would have to be held by AU Commission and 2nd seat by African Country on rotational basis!!! Not held by any single country permanently.”
His remarks came after Kenyan Ambassador Martin Kimani, who leads the Center on International Cooperation (CIC), expressed reservations about the current proposal to grant Africa two permanent seats.
Kimani said, “Africa must be strategic in considering these P5 invitations for permanent Security Council seats. Without proper reforms in the AU, the U.S. offer — though welcome — would turn the Union into a club of 2 giants and 53 minnows, deepening division and fragmenting our collective intent.”
“Such changes at the UN must align with, and be secondary to, Africa’s historic journey of integration, or they will become mere feel-good measures that uphold current power structures without better safeguarding international peace, security, and African independence,” he warned.
If Africa were to be granted these two seats, it would help the continent have a stronger voice in decisions affecting its member states on security matters. A permanent seat gives its holder the power to veto decisions supported by other countries.
Kagame’s comments reflect his long-standing advocacy for a more inclusive and united Africa on the global stage. His proposal ensures that all African nations would have a chance to be represented, promoting equity and collective responsibility across the continent.
Juliana Kangeli Muganza previously worked as an analyst in the Strategy and Policy Council at the Office of the President.
She holds a Master’s degree in Public Policy from Oxford University and a Bachelor’s degree from Drexel University in the United States.
Her previous international experience includes working as the Programme Coordinator at the West Philadelphia Financial Services Institution from May 2013 to May 2014.
RDB was established by Law No. 46/2013 of June 16, 2013. It is tasked with accelerating economic development in Rwanda by supporting the growth of the private sector.
It also has the mandate to participate in the preparation and implementation of policies and strategies aimed at expediting all economic development activities and assisting both the government and the private sector in actively participating in them.
It is responsible for implementing policies and strategies to promote domestic and foreign investment in Rwanda to accelerate economic development.
Additionally, RDB is tasked with implementing policies and strategies to promote the export of value-added goods and services to regional and international markets, except for those under the responsibility of other entities.
RDB also promotes the tourism sector, participates in the design and implementation of policies and strategies related to tourism, and oversees the conservation of national parks and other key tourism sites.”
Under the theme, “Joining Hands to Advance Modernization and Build a High-Level China-Africa Community with a Shared Future,” the summit brings together several African and Chinese leaders to evaluate the existing cooperation environment and draw a blueprint for common development and prosperity.
On Tuesday, Kagame arrived in Beijing to attend the two-day summit slated for September 4 to 6.
Rwanda, Seychelles, and Kenya enjoy strong and productive bilateral relations, which have grown through collaboration in various sectors such as trade, tourism, environmental conservation, and regional security.
The recent meetings between the three heads of state highlights a common commitment to strengthening these ties.
Rwanda and Seychelles have focused on sustainable development and tourism, with both countries being recognized for their efforts in environmental conservation.
They have also collaborated in education, health, and the blue economy, with a shared interest in eco-tourism has further deepened the relationship between the two nations.
In 2018, the governments of these countries also signed agreements related to air transport, and during President Kagame’s visit to Seychelles in last year, additional agreements were signed to promote health, the military and security, tourism, agriculture, and the removal of visa requirements.
Rwanda and Kenya have a longstanding partnership, especially through their membership in the East African Community (EAC). The two countries work closely on infrastructure projects like the Northern Corridor Integration Projects (NCIP), which aim to improve trade and transportation in East Africa.
The partnership has been reinforced by agreements signed at various times, including 10 agreements signed in April 2023 to promote agriculture, education, correctional services, diplomatic training, technology, health, youth, and cooperative development.
These nations’ shared goals, aimed at fostering sustainable development and strengthening regional cooperation, ensure that the partnerships between Rwanda, Seychelles, and Kenya will continue to thrive, benefiting both their economies and the broader region.
Presidents Ramkalawan and Ruto are among the more than 20 heads of state who came to Rwanda to support President Kagame’s inauguration ceremony, which took place at Amahoro Stadium on August 11, 2024.
At this year’s summit, leaders are expected to adopt two outcome documents, the Declaration and the Action Plan, to build major consensus between the two sides and chart a path for implementing China-Africa cooperation in the next three years.
