According to the study, 53.7% of first-year students and 46.7% of continuing students at Makerere University have remained committed to positive values, including abstinence or faithfulness to their marital partners.
The survey also found that 37.8% of the first-year students who participated in the survey identified as virgins, slightly higher than their continuing counterparts.
“Among the interviewed first-year students, 37.8% were virgins, while 36.6% of continuing students were virgins. An equally good number of students were secondary virgins,” said Barbara Kaija, Co-Chair of the Emerging Leaders Programme, when presenting the findings on Friday, September 27, 2024, at Makerere University during the launch of the ELP initiative.
On the other hand, the study revealed that 46.3% of first-year students and 53.3% of continuing students have been making negative sexual choices, driven by peer and financial pressure.
The survey included a sample of 473 first-year students and 1,041 continuing students from various key colleges and faculties at Makerere University.
The study also revealed that at least 101 students (13.5%) believed they might have been exposed to HIV at Makerere by having sex with a student who was HIV positive.
“Twenty-seven percent of first-year students had more than five sexual partners in one year, with 11% having ten or more partners in the same period,” the report reads.
Among continuing students, 32% had more than five sexual partners in one year, and 12% had ten or more in that timeframe.
Additionally, the survey showed that 57 first-year students, representing 6.8%, are currently using drugs, while another 17 (3.6%) had used drugs in the past but reported having quit. Among continuing students, 80 (7.7%) are using drugs, and 69 (6.6%) said they had used drugs in the past but had since stopped.
The ELP programme was launched to instil character development and leadership skills in university students. The launch was attended by Uganda’s First Lady and Minister of Education and Sports, Janet Museveni.
In a set of guidelines issued on Wednesday, October 2, 2024, the ministry said the decision is aimed at minimizing close contact and curbing the spread of the disease. Visits will resume after an assessment by MINEDUC and health authorities.
Parents have been asked to use alternative means to provide their children with supplies, where necessary.
“In case a student urgently needs supplies, the parent will work with the school administration to send them through other means, including digitally where possible,” the ministry announced.
Parents have also been urged to keep a student displaying any symptoms of Marburg virus at home.
“Take the student with symptoms to a health center immediately, and do not return them to school until cleared by a medical professional,” the ministry advised.
Additionally, MINEDUC directed school administrators and teachers to monitor students and help them access medical facilities if they report symptoms such as high fever, fatigue, severe headaches, nausea, muscle aches, vomiting, or diarrhea.
Other measures include encouraging students to practice good personal hygiene, such as frequent handwashing; preventing students from sharing clothes and personal items; and communicating to students not to panic but to follow all the preventive measures.
Students are required to comply with all preventive measures to help stop the spread of Marburg virus disease.
Rwanda confirmed its first-ever Marburg outbreak six days ago, with 29 cases and 10 deaths reported as of Tuesday, October 1, 2024.
To control the spread of the virus, the government has introduced several general measures, including the suspension of hospital visits, the banning of wakes and home vigils (locally known as Ikiriyo) in cases of Marburg-related deaths, and limiting burials related to Marburg deaths to a maximum of 50 people.
Additionally, all healthcare facilities have been directed to implement a protocol for receiving and providing services to clients exhibiting symptoms of Marburg virus disease, with strict adherence to infection prevention and control (IPC) measures.
According to Rwanda’s Presidency, Kagame arrived in this European nation on Tuesday. He began the visit with a tour to the country’s Occupation Museum, which houses exhibits related to Latvia’s history.
Kagame and his host, President Rinkēvičs, are expected to hold a closed-door meeting before addressing a joint press conference.
During Kagame’s visit, a memorial plaque dedicated to the victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda will be unveiled at the Latvian National Library on Wednesday, October 2, 2024.
Latvia, located in northeastern Europe, is one of the smaller countries on the continent, covering an area of 64,589 square kilometers. Founded in 1201, it shares borders with Lithuania to the south and Estonia to the north and has a population of approximately 1.88 million people.
The country gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 after decades of occupation. Latvia’s landscape features rolling hills, dense forests, and sandy beaches along the Baltic Sea coast.
Riga, the capital and largest city of Latvia, is renowned for its stunning architecture, which includes Art Nouveau buildings and medieval churches. The official language, Latvian, is a Baltic language with ancient roots.
Diplomatic relations between Rwanda and Latvia were officially established in 2007. Rwanda appointed its ambassador to the country in January 2022.
Salvos of missiles rained down on Israel at around 19:30 local time (1630 GMT), triggering sirens and sending residents running for shelter. Loud explosions were heard in Jerusalem as Israeli air defense systems successfully intercepted some Iranian missiles, as witnessed by Xinhua correspondents.
A Palestinian man was killed by shrapnel in the occupied West Bank, Israel’s state-owned Kan TV news reported. Israeli rescue service Magen David Adom said two people in Tel Aviv sustained minor injuries. There have been no immediate reports of fatalities within Israel.
Traffic on Jaffa Road, a major street in Jerusalem, returned to normal shortly after the attacks, though a heavier-than-usual police presence remained, according to Xinhua correspondents.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed that Israel would retaliate against Iran’s missile attack. “Whoever attacks us — we will attack him,” Netanyahu told a Security Cabinet meeting focused on potential counter-attacks and the ground military campaign in Lebanon.
Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) said that if Israel retaliates by attacking Iran, it will face “crushing and destructive” attacks.
In a statement posted on social media platform X after the attack, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres condemned the “broadening of the Middle East conflict, with escalation after escalation.”
“This must stop. We absolutely need a ceasefire,” he wrote.
{{LONG-ANTICIPATED ATTACKS}}
This marks the second round of Iranian missiles fired at Israel. The first round in April was the first-ever direct Iranian strike on Israel, launched in retaliation for an Israeli attack on Iran’s consulate in Damascus that killed seven IRGC officers.
The previous round of Iranian missiles was intercepted with assistance from the U.S. military and other regional countries. Israel responded with airstrikes in Iran, but a broader escalation was avoided.
The latest Iranian attacks followed high-profile assassinations of anti-Israel figures who have close ties to Iran.
Iran vowed to retaliate after Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated in Tehran in late July while attending the swearing-in ceremony of Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian.
On September 27, Iranian-backed Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was killed in Israeli airstrikes. In response, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei vowed to avenge Nasrallah’s death.
The two rounds of attacks have resulted in no heavy damage within Israeli territory, though both sides assess their impact differently.
In a statement published on its official news outlet Sepah News, the IRGC claimed that 90 percent of the missiles fired on Tuesday successfully hit their targets, including several air and radar bases and the “conspiracy centers” involved in planning the assassinations of leaders like Haniyeh and Nasrallah.
Israeli military spokesman Daniel Hagari said several missiles hit central and southern Israel, and “quite a few” were intercepted by air defense systems.
{{ISRAEL’S EXPANDED WARFRONT}}
After the missile attacks on Tuesday, Israel’s military vowed to “carry out attacks throughout the Middle East tonight” in retaliation.
Israel has been engaged in a yearlong war with Hamas in the Gaza Strip. In the waters off Yemen’s coast, the Houthi group is attacking ships that have links with Israel.
Following frequent exchange of fire with Hezbollah on the Lebanese border since the outbreak of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in October last year, Israel has escalated its intensive airstrikes on Hezbollah strongholds and other targets since September 23.
In addition to the explosions of communication devices that have injured many Hezbollah members — an act Israel has not openly claimed responsibility for — the country is considering a ground offensive following weeks of heavy bombardments in Lebanon.
The latest confrontation between Israel and Iran has raised fears of another expansion of Israel’s warfront and a broader regional war, while the United Nations and many world leaders are pushing for a ceasefire in both Gaza and Lebanon, as well as de-escalation in the Middle East.
However, both Israel and Iran have shown little willingness to back down.
“Iran made a big mistake tonight, and it will pay for it,” said Netanyahu during Tuesday’s Security Cabinet meeting.
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said after the attacks that his country is not a warmonger but “will stand decisively against any threat.”
Earlier this year, the consultations were halted but after rigorous efforts and interventions, the group was finally given the green light by the Uganda Police Force.
In a letter addressed to Hon Dr Fred Mukasa Mbidde, the Association’s National Legal Adviser, dated September 30, 2024, the Police agreed to UMUBANO’s notification seeking permission and security request for consultative meetings on an ongoing constitutional amendment.
“The consultative meetings scheduled to take place at various regions of Uganda are hereby cleared. Coordinate with the respective Regional Police Commanders to provide security during the consultations. You are further advised to follow all necessary procedures for such gatherings,” reads the letter, signed by Okoshi Simon Peter on behalf of the Inspector General of Police.
The association has since rolled out a plan to have concluded the general public countrywide consultations by December 01, 2024.
In an interview with IGIHE, Simon Kayitana, the Chairman, UMUBANO Task Force and also member of Buganda Lukikko explained that the consultations will culminate with a major public hearing at Kololo Independence Grounds.
“By then we shall have engaged all Banyarwanda in Central Uganda (Buganda), Western, Eastern and Northern Uganda’” he said.
“We have also engaged several Uganda government officials including the Attorney General, the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, the Minister of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, Parliament, security agencies and the Immigration authorities,” he added.
Kayitana disclosed that Local Government authorities, the Uganda Human Rights Commission, the diplomatic community, media and the entire Civil Society have also been approached.
On December 01, 2023, the consultative possess was launched to sponsor and solicit public views on the proposed law. The Banyarwanda and Other Roving Communities, Identification and Management Bill, 2004 to identify, certify, manage, protect and dignify the Banyarwanda.
The bill seeks to reinstate the law that grounds and assimilates Banyarwanda legally into the Ugandan society as an indigenous ethnic group with equal rights as other Ugandans.
It will align with the relevant articles of the Constitution including provisions to address the past injustices on violations suffered by the Banyarwanda.
The association argues that although the 1995 Constitution recognizes Banyarwanda as an official tribe, hundreds of thousands of Banyarwanda have been denied travel and citizenship documents hence incapacitating their livelihoods.
In addition, Banyarwanda are harassed and persecuted by different state agencies on several occasions.
The draft model of the proposed Bill for amendment of the Constitution will introduce an amendment of Art. (10) (a) to delete and replace 1926 with 1962.
It will Introduce “Jus soli” of citizenship by birth for all persons born in Uganda with management certification, identification, recognition and equal opportunities for both roving and borderline ethnic groups.
According to the plan, amendment of the immigration law “mutatis mutandis” is among the proposals and finally meeting the Head of State and for guidance and the proper procedure to take.
Banyarwanda is a group of Kinyarwanda Speaking people who were born and raised in Uganda, most of whom are descendants of people originating or migrated from neighboring communities across borders before Africa was fragmented and partitioned during the colonial times.
A 1948 National Census in Uganda placed Banyarwanda as the fifth largest tribe (5.9%) after Baganda (17%) Itesot (9.4%) Basoga (8.7) and Banyankole (7.9%).
Geopolitically, the mistreatment of such groups of people in cross border countries for being referred to as Rwandans has on several occasions raised tense political tension to the level of suspending cross border relations.
In February 2019 escalating tensions between Rwanda and Uganda led to a deterioration of diplomatic relations, culminating in the closure of the Gatuna/Katuna border post. The closure caused significant disruptions to trade and movement between the two countries until when it was reopened in January 2022.
The convicts were identified as Clinton Damas, a soldier with the Tanzania People’s Defence Force, and Praygod Mushi, a prison officer. The other two convicts are Nickson Jackson and Amin Lema.
In addition to the life sentences, the court ordered each of the convicts to pay 1 million Tanzanian shillings ($370) to the victim.
The four were charged with gang rape and sodomy of a girl under the age of 18.
The incident occurred in May, but the video began circulating on social media in August, prompting widespread condemnation from netizens and human rights groups.
The perpetrators were arrested a few days later and charged in Dodoma, where they pleaded not guilty.
Following Monday’s sentencing, defense attorney Godfrey Wasonga stated that he was prepared to appeal if the defendants requested.
“There are several legal deficiencies in the charge sheet that the court did not consider,” he said.
The fifth suspect in the horrific incident, a senior policewoman accused of ordering the attack, is set to face trial later this month.
The motion, sponsored by Kibwezi West MP Mwengi Mutuse, was endorsed by 291 signatures from members of Parliament.
The proponent of the motion has levelled 10 charges against Gachagua, who has been under heavy criticism from President Ruto’s allies in recent weeks for allegedly undermining and causing divisions within the ruling administration.
The first charge against Gachagua is making statements that divide Kenyans along ethnic lines. Mutuse cites several instances where he likened the government to a company in which certain regions hold more shares than others.
“The utterances are highly inflammatory and inciteful, significantly undermining national unity and the peaceful co-existence of Kenya’s diverse communities,” the motion reads in part.
In the second charge, Gachagua is accused of undermining President Ruto and the Cabinet by making remarks that contradict Cabinet resolutions in which he participated. This includes opposing the Nairobi River Riparian Evacuation orders, which the Cabinet had approved.
The deputy president is also accused of undermining the leadership of the Nairobi County government by opposing the relocation of traders from one of the city’s markets.
Other charges include gross misconduct, bullying, and intimidating state officers. In one incident, Gachagua allegedly intimidated a contractor to divert materials meant for the construction of a public road to tarmac a private road leading to his beach resort in Kenya’s coastal region.
The Speaker of the National Assembly is expected to give direction on how the impeachment motion will be processed before it is passed to the Senate for hearing and determination.
The motion must garner the support of 233 MPs, representing two-thirds of the total 349 MPs, before being transmitted to the Senate for consideration.
Gachagua, who brought in significant votes for Ruto from Kenya’s populous Mt Kenya region in the August 2022 election, insists that he is innocent.
He has been touring the region, cautioning President Ruto against allowing the impeachment plot, saying that doing so would betray the electorate.
“Let us not reintroduce the politics of betrayal,” Gachagua stated recently. “Ruto is a beneficiary of Mt. Kenya’s disdain for betrayal. Our people hate it and are unforgiving.”
President Ruto is yet to publicly comment on the matter, though his silence is being interpreted as an endorsement of the motion.
A lawsuit was filed by the Rwandan community in France following various interviews and books in which Onana claimed that there was no genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
Onana has also been influenced by the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to further deny the Genocide, instead portraying a so-called genocide against Congolese people that has never been internationally recognized.
Since the news of Onana’s trial broke, his supporters, many of whom have long opposed the Rwandan government, have launched what resembles a campaign to paint him as an innocent man being unjustly persecuted.
Among those rallying behind Onana are a large number of Rwanda’s critics, who intentionally refuse to say anything positive about the country as long as it is governed by the RPF Inkotanyi, which stopped the Genocide against the Tutsi.
Others include former Rwandan officials who committed crimes and fled to avoid prosecution. These individuals eagerly support anything that tarnishes Rwanda’s leadership, as a way to obscure the wrongs they committed.
{{Youth from Jambo asbl at the forefront}}
At the forefront of the campaign defending Onana is a group called Jambo asbl, which consists of children of individuals who planned and participated in the genocide against the Tutsi.
This group, based in Belgium, has historically provided support to the FDLR rebel group, with some of its leaders traveling to Congo for activities aimed at destabilizing Rwanda. The youth involved have embraced the extremist ideology of Parmehutu, which led to the genocide.
{{FDU Inkingi}}
FDU Inkingi and Jambo asbl share a connection, with the only difference being that one is a political party, and the other is an organization. FDU Inkingi was founded by Victoire Ingabire, who was convicted by Rwandan courts for denying the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The party’s agenda aligns with Parmehutu’s ideology, which advocates for Rwanda to be governed solely by Hutus.
Victoire Ingabire, who co-founded the FDLR, continues to promote Genocide denial, aligning herself with other groups that seek to overthrow Rwanda’s government. FDU Inkingi has also been involved in establishing the P5 rebel group, which launched attacks on Rwanda in 2018.
The current leader of FDU Inkingi, Kayumba Placide, is a member of Jambo asbl. In 2015, Kayumba led a delegation from Jambo asbl to meet with FDLR leaders in eastern DRC to discuss cooperation aimed at toppling the Rwandan government.
Kayumba’s father, Ntawukuriryayo Dominique, was the Southern Province Governor (formerly reffered to as Butare) during the genocide and was convicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for his role in the killings.
The FDU Inkingi party includes individuals responsible for the genocide, and they are among those most eager to see Onana’s case dismissed. They recognize that Onana’s punishment could set a precedent for their own accountability, as they share his views.
{{Marianne Baziruwiha}}
Marianne Baziruwiha, a former employee of Rwanda’s embassy in the United States, is another key figure backing Charles Onana. Baziruwiha has distanced herself from Rwanda ever since being dismissed from the embassy for allegedly embezzling government funds.
Since then, she has surrounded herself with Rwanda’s critics and joined the RNC, despite its leader, Theogene Rudasingwa, being responsible for her dismissal from the embassy.
{{Congolese youth in Europe}}
Due to the close relationship between Onana and Felix Tshisekedi’s government, some Congolese youth, acting like extremists, have been organizing protests across Europe in support of the Cameroonian.
These youths are reportedly funded by the Congolese government to present Onana as being silenced by Rwanda for telling the truth. Onana’s books, which have recently been treated as reference materials by the Congolese government, have raised concerns due to their content.
The situation escalated to the point where Congo’s national radio and television station (RTNC) broadcasted a program calling on Congolese people to support Charles Onana in his trial.
{{Journalists opposing Rwanda}}
Several journalists, many of whom are long-time critics of Rwanda, have joined the campaign to defend Charles Onana. Among them is Michaela Wrong, who has made it her mission to discredit Rwanda through her books, media appearances, and other outlets. Her animosity toward Rwanda intensified after the body of her friend, Patrick Karegeya, was found in a South African hotel in early 2014.
Patrick Mbeko, a journalist from the DRC with Canadian citizenship, is also among Onana’s supporters. Mbeko, who is often described as an expert on African issues, has consistently blamed Rwanda for the problems in the DRC, despite being repeatedly accused of denying the genocide against the Tutsi.
When Felicien Kabuga was arrested in 2020, Mbeko stated that Kabuga was innocent and that the media was exaggerating the situation.
On the morning of October 1, 1990, Major General Fred Gisa Rwigema led RPA soldiers across the Ugandan-Rwandan border, marking the beginning of a decisive military campaign.
Upon crossing, the RPA forces encountered and swiftly defeated a small group of government soldiers under President Juvénal Habyarimana, securing their entry into Rwanda.
By mid-afternoon, most of the RPA soldiers, numbering between 400 and 600, had reached Kagitumba.
Major General Rwigema stood between two trees—still standing today—and issued orders to his troops.
He divided them into battalions: Major Chris Bunyenyezi led the First Battalion, Colonel Ndugute Stephen commanded the Fourth, Lt Col Adam Waswa led the Sixth, and Sam Kaka headed the Ninth Battalion.
Before advancing, Rwigema reminded his soldiers of their mission to liberate Rwanda.
In a symbolic gesture, he removed his Ugandan military ranks and threw them into the Umuvumba River.
His fellow soldiers followed suit, emphasizing their commitment to the cause. Despite offering an opportunity for any soldiers who felt uncommitted to return to Uganda, none chose to leave.
On October 2, 1990, the First and Fourth Battalions were ordered to advance towards Kigali, while the Sixth and Ninth Battalions moved toward Nyagatare.
Maj Gen Rwigema, along with a few troops, went to oversee their deployments.
Unfortunately, while en route to Nyabwishongwezi Hill, a government army vehicle on patrol to inspect areas attacked on the previous day fired shots, one of which fatally struck Maj Gen Rwigema.
The news of his death did not reach many RPA soldiers until later, but despite this loss, they continued to press forward.
By October 3, RPA forces had taken control of Nyagatare, and two days later, they captured Gabiro.
The Rwandan government, claiming Uganda had invaded, sought international assistance, with Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire sending reinforcements to aid the Rwandan army.
As the battle raged on, the RPA forces began to learn of Rwigema’s death, causing morale to drop. The harsh conditions of the battleground also contributed to their difficulties, leading to setbacks in their initial progress.
{{Local residents’ experiences}}
Kagitumba and the surrounding areas were sparsely populated in 1990, as much of the region was part of Akagera National Park.
While some local residents quickly became aware of the fighting, others took longer to realize the significance of the events unfolding around them.
Donatha Mukarubayiza, a resident of Kagitumba at the time, was a farmer and served as a member of the cell’s committee.
She recalled the moment she first learned about the attack. “It was around 6 PM when we heard government’s radio broadcasts that the country had been attacked by Inyenzi [cockroaches- a degrading name used by the then regime to dehumanize attackers]. The name Inkotanyi hadn’t been mentioned yet. We were told not to leave our homes or gather in groups. That was the first time we had heard gunfire, and we were very scared,” she recounted.
Mukarubayiza first encountered RPA soldiers on October 4, 1990, when they arrived in distinct uniforms.
“We saw soldiers dressed differently, and people told us, ‘Look, those are the Inkotanyi.’ […] They reassured us, saying, ‘Stay calm, continue farming; we are Rwandans like you,’” she said.
Mukarubayiza also noted how respectful the RPA soldiers were towards the local population.
“They would take essential goods from shops, like soap and food, but they always paid.”
Pheneas Muzatsinda, another resident, was traveling to Kigali when the war broke out and could not return home.
He recalled, “When the war started, I was on a trip to Kigali, and I couldn’t return. The road to Nyagatare was closed, and vehicles were not allowed to pass. I had no other way to return, so I remained there.”
“I learned about the Inkotanyi invasion that same day, on October 1, because after 10 a.m., no more vehicles were going towards Nyagatare, and the road was closed. Around 1 or 2 p.m., we saw two people arriving on a motorcycle, saying that Ugandan soldiers had crossed the border at Kagitumba and attacked Rwanda,” he continued.
Muzatsinda recalled seeing RPA soldiers for the first time on October 18, 1990, when they had captured Kabarore and reassured civilians that it was safe to return to their homes.
He spent around one week and half with the RPA forces in Kabarore until they came under attack by government forces.
As the fighting intensified on October 26, Inkotanyi asked Muzatsinda to remain indoors as the then government’s soldiers had arrived in the area.
Muzatsinda along with his colleagues in the same house was captured by the government soldiers and imprisoned as a suspected RPA accomplice.
Three of them died in Byumba where the government’s forces had taken them but Muzatsinda escaped.
{{The aftermath of Rwigema’s death}}
The death of Maj Gen Rwigema initially caused a drop in morale among the RPA forces.
Samuel Rwabuhungu, another resident of Kagitumba at the time, recalled being a schoolboy in Primary Six when the RPA invaded.
His parents came to collect him from school as the country had been attacked.
“Like many children, we initially saw the situation as exciting, unaware of the gravity of the war,” he said.
Rwabuhungu recalled that the RPA soldiers were not violent and lived with residents in harmony.
Donatha Mukarubayiza said she doesn’t remember the exact day she learned about the death of Maj Gen Fred Gisa Rwigema.
However, she recalled, “We eventually heard that the person leading Inkotanyi was shot on the Nyabwishongwezi Hill. The soldiers repelled Inkotanyi and came to tell us, ‘We are fighting the battle, and we are winning.’ About a week later, we heard that Bayingana and Bunyenyezi had also fallen in Nyakayaga.”
She continued, “Later, the local leaders appeared carrying banana stems, saying they were going to reward Rwigema. Then they told us, ‘We defeated the Inkotanyi, and they retreated.’”
As for Pheneas Muzatsinda, he learned about Rwigema’s death when “they started singing about it because, where we were imprisoned, we had no other news throughout the entire month of November.”
After the death of Rwigema and other senior RPA officers, the battle lost momentum, and some began to feel that defeat was imminent.
However, the struggle was revived when Paul Kagame, who was studying in the United States, returned to take command.
He regrouped the forces who moved from Nyagatare to the Volcano National Park. The war eventually came to an end in July 1994, when the RPA forces stopped the Genocide against the Tutsi and secured victory.
At a fruit trading center in Youyi township, Pingxiang, south China’s Guangxi Zhuang autonomous region, there are always constant streams of trucks loaded with various types of fruits.
As the largest port city for fruit trade between China and ASEAN, Pingxiang saw a total of nearly 1.65 million tons of fruit imported and exported in the first half of this year, up 15.36 percent year on year.
The bustling fruit business in Pingxiang is a vivid example of the thriving fruit trade between China and ASEAN.
With the annual hosting of the China-ASEAN Expo, the full implementation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) among all 15 participating countries, and the deepening Belt and Road cooperation, the trade cooperation between China and ASEAN countries has been increasingly closer in recent years, with fruit trade becoming a highlight in the agricultural products trade between the two sides.
Currently, China is the largest export market for Vietnamese agricultural products, with Vietnamese fruits such as durian and dragon fruit being highly favored by Chinese consumers.
China is also a major destination for Thai fruits. Sixteen land ports have been permitted by the two sides to deal with the fruit trade.
Fresh food e-commerce platforms have set up vegetable and fruit procurement bases in Vietnam and Thailand, becoming new channels for local agricultural products to enter the Chinese market. In the first seven months of this year, Chinese e-commerce platforms reported a 48.6 percent increase in sales of Thai durian.
With the continuous addition of new fruit varieties from ASEAN countries approved to enter the Chinese market, more and more ASEAN fruits are being favored by Chinese consumers at more favorable prices.
Gao Lingyun, a researcher at the Institute of World Economics and Politics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, attributed the booming fruit trade between China and ASEAN countries to multiple factors.
First, he said, the full implementation of RCEP has continuously released policy dividends, significantly reducing trade costs; second, under the RCEP framework, policies such as rapid inspection and quarantine have promoted the circulation of fruits and other agricultural products.
He also attributed the booming fruit trade to the increasingly strengthened infrastructure connectivity, the upgraded cross-border logistics system, and the diverse choices provided by ASEAN fruits for Chinese consumers.
Since the implementation of the RCEP on Jan. 1, 2022, agricultural products trade cooperation among member countries has become closer. According to statistics, due to the customs facilitation brought by the RCEP, China imported a total of 46.61 billion yuan ($6.57 billion) of fresh durians from RCEP member countries such as Thailand and Vietnam in the first 11 months of 2023, 1.7 times higher than the amount in the same period of 2021, before the agreement took effect.
Furthermore, in recent years, with the implementation of major projects such as the New International Land-Sea Trade Corridor and the China-Laos Railway, cold chain and refrigeration facilities in the region has been continuously improved, providing important technical support for China’s import of fruits. Today, it has become more convenient for ASEAN countries’ fruits to enter the Chinese market.
As a “golden channel” of logistics between China and ASEAN countries, the China-Laos Railway has shown its increasing significance since its operation. As of Aug. 22, 2024, the China-Laos Railway has transported over 43 million tons of goods, including 13,000 tons of Thai durians, bananas, and other fruits carried by cold chain carriages.
An industry insider pointed out that China and ASEAN countries have shown significant seasonal and category complementarity in fruit production.
China excels in producing temperate fruits such as apples and pears, while ASEAN countries specialize in tropical fruits like mangoes and durians. The fruit trade between the two sides helps optimize the supply and distribution of fruits in the region.
A recent report by Vietnam’s Nhan Dan Newspaper stated that Vietnam is currently the largest supplier of durians and fresh bananas to the Chinese market. The Chinese market is driving strong export momentum for Vietnamese fruits and vegetables.
The governor of Thailand’s Chanthaburi Province Monsit Paisarnthanawat said that the development of the fruit industry has created a large number of job opportunities.
Currently, there are tens of thousands of people working in the fruit industry in the eastern region of Thailand, and the income of farmers has increased. “We look forward to more and closer cooperation with the Chinese market,” the governor added.
Currently, China is constantly working to widen market access, enhance customs clearance facilitation, and establish trading platforms such as the China Import and Export Fair, the China International Import Expo, and the China International Consumer Products Expo to further drive the continuous growth of fruit trade with ASEAN.
Gao said, under cooperation frameworks like the RCEP, China and ASEAN countries will further improve and optimize existing cooperation mechanisms and platforms to deepen cooperation, thus creating better development prospects for ASEAN fruits in the Chinese market.
