Transport Minister Anthony Loke confirmed on Wednesday, March 19, 2025, that the government had finalised an agreement with U.S.-based marine robotics firm Ocean Infinity to resume the search in the southern Indian Ocean.
The deal operates under a “no find, no fee” basis, meaning the company will only receive its $70 million payout if it successfully locates the aircraft wreckage.
“The government is committed to continuing the search operation and providing closure for the families of the MH370 passengers,” Loke stated.
The new search, expected to last 18 months, will focus on a 15,000-square-kilometre section of the ocean floor.
This follows previous search efforts by Malaysia, Australia, and China, which covered a 120,000-square-kilometre area but yielded no definitive answers. Ocean Infinity had also conducted an independent search in 2018 but found nothing.
Investigators have long believed the Boeing 777, carrying 227 passengers and 12 crew members, diverted from its planned route from Kuala Lumpur to Beijing before ultimately crashing into the southern Indian Ocean.
While debris linked to the aircraft has washed up along Africa’s coast and on islands in the Indian Ocean, the exact crash site remains unknown.
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Following MH370’s disappearance on March 8, 2014, a multinational search involving 26 countries failed to locate the wreckage. Investigators determined the aircraft’s communication systems were deliberately switched off less than an hour into its flight, after which it changed course and flew for hours until its fuel was exhausted.
Three months ago, Malaysia signalled its willingness to resume the search, and with the latest approval, Ocean Infinity is expected to deploy advanced deep-sea scanning technology to explore the new target area.
Ocean Infinity’s CEO, Oliver Plunkett, has previously indicated that the company’s technology has significantly improved since its last attempt in 2018. The firm has been working with aviation experts to refine its search strategy, with a vessel already deployed to the site earlier this year.
The search is set to resume between January and April, considered the most favourable window for deep-sea exploration.
For the families of MH370 passengers, the renewed search brings a glimmer of hope after years of frustration and unanswered questions. Many have continued to press for accountability, demanding compensation from Malaysia Airlines, Boeing, and other entities linked to the doomed flight.
M23 entered the city after seizing surrounding areas, including Ngora, Kisima, and Mubanda, on March 19, 2025. The DRC forces guarding the city retreated toward Kisangani, located in Tshopo province.
The fighting followed an offensive launched by the DRC army coalition on M23 positions in areas recently captured by the group in Walikale, including Mpofu and Kibua, which forced the coalition to retreat.
Clashes in Walikale began in early March after days of fierce battles between M23 fighters and the DRC military coalition in the western part of Masisi territory.
After M23 captured Nyabiondo and Kashebere on March 13, the American and Canadian-owned Alphamin company suspended tin mining operations at the Bisie mines.
Bisie produces 4% of the world’s tin supply. In the first quarter of 2023, Alphamin extracted 3,187 tons of the valuable mineral from the site.
M23 has, in recent months, captured large swathes of territory in the North and South Kivu provinces, including the cities of Goma and Bukavu, in an escalating conflict with the Congolese government.
The rebels accuse President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration of poor governance and decades of marginalization of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in the region, which has led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of refugees.
The phone call came one day after Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed on Tuesday in their phone talks that the peace in Ukraine “will begin with an energy and infrastructure ceasefire” in Ukraine.
U.S. and Ukraine’s “technical teams will meet in Saudi Arabia in the coming days to discuss broadening the ceasefire to the Black Sea on the way to a full ceasefire” in Ukraine, said a statement signed by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and National Security Advisor Mike Waltz.
Trump and Zelensky discussed the situation in Kursk and “agreed to share information closely between their defense staffs as the battlefield situation evolved,” said the statement.
During the phone conversation, Zelensky asked for additional air defense systems, particularly Patriot missile systems, and “President Trump agreed to work with him to find what was available particularly in Europe,” said the statement.
Trump also discussed Ukraine’s electrical supply and nuclear power plants with Zelensky and told the latter: “The United States could be very helpful in running those plants. American ownership of those plants would be the best protection for that infrastructure and support for Ukrainian energy infrastructure.”
Zelensky wrote on X after speaking to Trump, “One of the first steps toward fully ending the war could be ending strikes on energy and other civilian infrastructure. I supported this step, and Ukraine confirmed that we are ready to implement it.”
However, the White House statement on Wednesday did not mention that the partial ceasefire would apply to civilian infrastructure as Zelensky suggested.
White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt confirmed at a press briefing later on Wednesday that all intelligence sharing between the United States and Ukraine will continue.
In a statement, RCSP chairperson Theoneste Murangira expressed deep concern over the worsening security and humanitarian situation in South and North Kivu, warning that tensions between the DRC, Rwanda, and Burundi risk further destabilizing the Great Lakes region.
The apex civil society body emphasized that punitive measures against Rwanda could exacerbate the crisis and hinder ongoing mediation efforts led by African regional blocs.
In recent weeks, the international community has imposed a series of sanctions targeting Rwanda. The United States sanctioned the Minister of State of Foreign Affairs in charge of Regional Cooperation General (Rtd) James Kabarebe.
The European Union (EU) suspended defense consultations and announced a review of its Memorandum of Understanding on Sustainable Raw Materials Value Chains with Rwanda. The United Kingdom halted direct financial aid, except for humanitarian assistance, while Germany and Canada imposed similar punitive measures.
RCSP argued that such actions undermine the principle of collective action, which is crucial for effective conflict resolution, and called on global leaders to adopt a humanitarian, peace, and development lens when addressing the crisis.
“Sanctions could complicate mediation by fostering exclusion, emboldening non-sanctioned parties, and undermining the impartiality of mediators,” the RCSP stated, citing research that suggests sanctions rarely incentivize cooperation or break negotiation deadlocks.
“Instead, they can exacerbate conflicts by strengthening hardliners and prolonging crises.”
The conflict in eastern DRC has intensified since late January 2025, when the M23 rebel group advanced into Goma and other strategic towns after overwhelming the Congolese army and its coalition forces.
The worsening situation prompted urgent interventions from regional bodies, including the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the East African Community (EAC), which have been calling for dialogue to resolve the conflict between M23 and Kinshasa through diplomatic means.
The RCSP highlighted that the humanitarian toll continues to mount, with essential infrastructure destroyed and communities facing acute humanitarian needs. It called for unfettered access to humanitarian aid and the restoration of critical services to alleviate the suffering of affected populations.
RCSP urged regional leaders to focus on a structured and inclusive peace process that addresses the root causes of the conflict. It warned that a ceasefire alone is insufficient without tackling the underlying grievances of all parties involved.
“Ignoring these issues risks future conflict outbreaks with even more devastating consequences,” RCSP cautioned, while encouraging the active involvement of civil society, grassroots communities, women, and youth in peace negotiations.
RCSP also urged all stakeholders to prioritize humanitarian assistance and civilian protection while calling on the UN Security Council to pressure the DRC and other actors to commit to long-term, inclusive peace solutions.
“The DRC crisis is not merely a national emergency but a regional crisis with spill-over effects that require bold, coordinated, and inclusive action,” the platform stressed.
The French National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor’s Office (PNAT) has sought her indictment for “conspiracy to commit genocide and crimes against humanity,” further expanding the scope of the investigation.
The request will be reviewed behind closed doors by the investigating chamber of the Paris Court of Appeal on Wednesday, March 19, 2025, at 4:00 PM, with a deliberation to follow.
Agathe Habyarimana, now 82, has been under investigation in France since 2008, following a complaint by the Collective of Civil Parties for Rwanda (CPCR). Despite multiple legal proceedings, she has so far evaded prosecution.
She is accused of being a key figure in the ‘akazu’, the inner circle of Hutu power which orchestrated the Genocide against the Tutsi which claimed over a million lives, but has denied all accusations.
Agathe was evacuated to France three days after President Habyarimana’s plane was shot down on April 6, 1994.
She was evacuated to France with the help of then-French President François Mitterrand who was close to her late husband.
Despite residing in France since 1998, she has been denied asylum due to suspicions about her involvement in the genocide. However, France has also refused to extradite her to Rwanda.
In 2016, she was designated as an “assisted witness,” an intermediate legal status, and in February 2022, the investigating judge signalled the potential closure of the case, citing excessive delays.
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The PNAT has since pushed for further inquiries, issuing a supplementary indictment in August 2022.
Former National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor Jean-François Ricard, speaking ahead of the 30th anniversary of the genocide, emphasised that the case remains one of the most complex on their docket. The charges include allegations that Agathe Habyarimana gave orders and incited violence during the genocide.
The prosecution argues that the investigating judge failed to take sufficient action and, in September 2024, formally requested her indictment. With no response from the judge, the matter has now been escalated to the Court of Appeal to advance the case.
The CPCR alleges that Agathe Habyarimana financed Radio Mille Collines, the infamous broadcaster of anti-Tutsi hate messages, and participated in the creation of a list of Tutsi figures targeted for execution.
She is also accused of endorsing terror campaigns by the presidential guard following her husband’s death and of ordering the massacre of seven employees at an orphanage she had founded.
Investigators questioned her again under assisted witness status on December 5, 2024.
If the Court of Appeal grants the PNAT’s request, Agathe Habyarimana could finally face charges for her alleged role in one of the 20th century’s worst atrocities. If convicted, she could spend the rest of her life in prison.
In a post shared on X, Destexhe expressed regret over the diplomatic rupture, which on Monday, March 17, 2025, saw Rwanda sever ties with Belgium in protest against the former colonial power’s acts of aggression, particularly regarding the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
He accused Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot of leading an “aggressive campaign” to influence the European Union and international organizations against Rwanda. According to Destexhe, Belgium has not adopted such an “offensive stance” on any issue since 1994.
“I regret the breakdown of diplomatic relations between Rwanda and Belgium, while fully understanding the Rwandan position,” Destexhe stated.
The former lawmaker argued that Belgium should have maintained neutrality in regional conflicts, warning that the current government’s actions risk reopening historical wounds in Rwanda.
The politician, who also doubles up as a researcher, highlighted Belgium’s extremist colonial history in Rwanda, including the introduction of ethnic classifications that fueled divisions and the 1959 ethnic violence that forced thousands of Tutsis into exile.
Furthermore, he criticized Belgium’s role during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, including the country’s push for the withdrawal of UN peacekeepers.
“That the current government ignores or pretends to ignore these facts is not only incomprehensible but profoundly irresponsible,” Destexhe added.
He also condemned the Belgian Parliament’s recent resolution calling for the suspension of economic agreements with Rwanda over alleged support for M23 rebel group in eastern Congo, describing it as “factually incorrect” and a reflection of a “glaring lack of understanding” of the regional situation.
In the conflict in eastern Congo, Rwanda has repeatedly denied supporting the M23 rebels. The Rwandan government insists that its main concern in the region is the FDLR militia group. According to Rwanda, the group—linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi—is collaborating with the Congolese government and poses a security threat to Rwanda.
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The diplomatic tension between Rwanda and Belgium escalated on Monday when Rwanda severed ties with Belgium and ordered all Belgian diplomats to leave the country within 48 hours.
Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Belgium of undermining its interests and taking a biased stance on the conflict in the DRC. The Rwandan government said that Belgium has been “mobilizing against Rwanda” and allowing its territory to be used by groups propagating genocide denial.
In response, Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot described Rwanda’s decision as “disproportionate” and announced that Belgium would take reciprocal measures.
A day before Rwanda took the new measures, President Paul Kagame had condemned Belgium’s actions, accusing the former colonial power of ongoing interference and attempts to destabilize Rwanda. He dismissed Belgium’s push for sanctions as futile, emphasizing Rwanda’s resilience.
Despite the escalating tensions, Destexhe expressed hope that the diplomatic crisis would not harm the longstanding bonds between the people of Rwanda and Belgium, particularly those with dual citizenship.
The 2025 edition of the Safari Rally will be the first on the African Rally Championship (ARC) calendar and is scheduled to take place from March 20-23.
Thanks to the strong diplomatic ties between Rwanda and Kenya, a special vehicle was made available to transport the 62 Rwandans to Kenya for the occasion. The group departed from Kigali on Monday, March 17.
Kenya’s High Commissioner to Rwanda, Janet Mwawasi Oben, stated that this initiative aims to foster connections among East Africans, expressing confidence that the rally will serve as a unifying platform.
“Last year, there was no bus for fans travelling from Rwanda, but this year, one has been made available to encourage participation, as there is much more to experience compared to the previous edition. We believe the Safari Rally will be a great opportunity for East Africans to connect,” she said.
She added, “For Kenya, there are economic benefits, as fans attending the rally will book hotels and other services. Many have also expressed interest in visiting destinations such as Mombasa, our national parks, and various reserves before or after the rally.”
Ambassador Mwawasi Oben emphasized that participation in the event benefits not only Kenya but the entire East African region.
“For the East African Community, this is significant because it brings the region together, allowing residents to interact and potentially engage in business. The journey from Rwanda to Kenya includes a stop in Uganda, where travellers can shop and experience the country. It’s a major opportunity for East Africa,” she noted.
In addition to the bus transport arrangement, Kenya Airways has introduced a 12% discount on flight tickets for those travelling to Kenya to attend the rally between March 19 and 23.
Among the competing cars this year is the Mitsubishi Lancer Evo X, driven by Prince Charles Nyerere, grandson of Tanzania’s founding president, Julius Kambarage Nyerere, alongside his Rwandan co-driver, Rutabingwa Fernand.
Also featured is the Hyundai i20 of Belgian racer Thierry Neuville, the 2024 World Rally Champion, who will compete alongside his co-driver, Martijn Wydaeghe.
This marks the fifth consecutive year, since 2021, that the Safari Rally has been included in the World Rally Championship calendar.
Speaking candidly on The Long Form podcast about the ethnic violence that shaped his youth and the resilience that propelled him forward, Dr. Biruta offered a rare glimpse into the experiences that forged his commitment to a unified and stable Rwanda.
Born in 1958 in Rulindo District, Dr. Biruta was just a year old when the 1959 violence against the Tutsi ethnic community erupted, setting the stage for decades of sectarian strife.
Reflecting on his childhood, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs recalled, “As a young child, I heard my parents and visitors talk about violent events: destroyed properties, relatives in exile. It made me aware that I was growing up in an unstable, unsafe environment. You understood you were a target for violence.”
This early awareness planted the seeds of a political consciousness that would later define his career.
The turning point came in 1973 when, at age 15, Dr. Biruta was expelled from Kabgayi Seminary, where he was attending secondary school, during the ethnic purges.
“We were expelled on April 15, I believe,” he recounted. “I went home, planning to go into exile in Zaire on July 6. But on July 5, the borders closed due to a curfew, so I couldn’t leave.”
The thwarted escape—narrowly averted by chance—kept him in Rwanda, where he later returned to school despite the odds.
“I was fortunate to be accepted back, though I had to repeat a year. Not everyone was so lucky,” he added, underscoring the precariousness of those times.
His pursuit of education faced steep hurdles due to Rwanda’s discriminatory policies against Tutsis. “Discrimination limited Tutsi access to public schools,” he explained.
At Kabgayi Seminary, the Catholic Church provided an alternative.
“I didn’t necessarily want to be a priest—it was my only chance at secondary education. I took exams for both public schools and seminaries to maximize my chances.”
The Church sought bright students, and Dr. Biruta qualified: “If you met academic and Christian criteria, you could get in. I was fortunate to be accepted.”
After surviving the 1973 expulsion, he graduated from secondary school in 1978 and applied to the National University of Rwanda’s Faculty of Medicine.
“Medical school wasn’t the most popular choice—it was tough, six years with four terms annually, unlike law or economics, which were shorter and led to better-paying jobs,” he said.
“But they selected the best science students from secondary schools. I was lucky to be accepted.”
His motivation was both practical and idealistic: “I’d wanted to be a doctor since I was young… by a desire to serve the community and work independently, not reliant on government goodwill. The 1973 events also lingered; I thought medicine would help me integrate if I went into exile.”
Dr. Biruta graduated in September 1984, but even then, discrimination persisted. “The best graduates were typically selected as assistants at the university hospital, with opportunities for specialization. Despite qualifying, I and other Tutsi colleagues were sidelined and sent elsewhere,” he recounted.
Assigned to Byumba Hospital, he began his career as a doctor, later rising to director of Ruhengeri District Hospital in 1988.
The 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi once again put his survival instincts to the test. Living in Kigali’s Kimihurura neighbourhood near the parliament, Dr. Biruta narrowly escaped death and was ultimately rescued by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which ended the genocide and liberated the country from the genocidal government.
“I was rescued on April 8 by RPF soldiers,” he said. “They came to our houses—I recognized them and opened the gate.” The rescue came amid chaos, just days after the genocide began.
“They weren’t looking only for me; they were saving people in that area,” he clarified.
“We stayed at parliament, later moving to Byumba at the war’s end.”
Reflecting on his survival, he remarked, “I was not arrested in 1990, I managed to relocate from Ruhengeri on February 6, 1993, two days before an RPF attack, and I was at home when the plane of President Habyarimana went down. It’s just fortune.”
His family, too, was spared, though he kept his fears private: “You don’t show your children you’re anxious… but I’d tell my wife, ‘X, Y, Z have been arrested. If I’m taken, know where the money and food are, and move.’”
After the liberation of the country, he played a pivotal role in rebuilding Rwanda’s health system and the PSD, eventually rising to its presidency in 2001.
“We identified surviving members uninvolved in the genocide, formed a political bureau, and rebuilt,” he noted, highlighting the painstaking effort to restore both party and nation.
Today, as a cabinet minister and party leader, Dr. Biruta balances immense responsibilities with a quiet pragmatism.
“You have to find time for all these aspects, prioritizing what the country has entrusted you with,” he said of his dual roles.
Defending Rwanda’s consensus-driven governance model against critics who call it a one-party state, he argued, “Our constitution… reflects our history and culture—not the U.S. or Norway. Results—like development—prove it works.”
Looking ahead, Dr. Biruta remains optimistic yet vigilant. “I’m excited by Rwanda’s development path—achieving more, faster,” he said, though he cautioned, “I worry about our region—conflicts and leadership challenges could slow us.”
His story, from a child marked by violence to a leader shaping Rwanda’s future, embodies resilience and purpose—a narrative he hopes will inspire the nation’s youth.
Watch the full interview on The Long Form Podcast below:
In a statement, the group’s spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, confirmed their participation, stating that the delegation would depart for the Angolan capital on Monday, March 17, ahead of talks scheduled for the following day.
“The Congo River Alliance (AFC/M23) informs the public that it is sending, this Monday, March 17, 2025, a delegation of five people to Luanda, capital of Angola, to take part in direct dialogue at the request of the Angolan authorities,” the statement read.
Kanyuka also expressed gratitude to Angolan President João Lourenço for his “tireless efforts” to mediate a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
The Congolese government has also confirmed that its delegation will participate in the talks on Tuesday.
The meeting marks a turning point in the ongoing crisis, as President Félix Tshisekedi, who has previously refused to engage directly with M23, appears to be shifting his stance. The decision to enter negotiations comes after a series of military setbacks and increasing pressure from regional leaders and international bodies.
Angola has played a central role in facilitating dialogue, urging both parties to observe a ceasefire ahead of the talks.
Earlier, President Lourenço emphasized that “the ceasefire must include all possible hostile actions against the civilian population and the occupation of new positions.”
Despite previous ceasefire agreements frequently being violated, the Angolan government affirms that it’s committed to brokering a lasting peace.
The conflict in eastern DRC has escalated significantly in recent months, with M23 capturing key cities, including Goma and Bukavu.
The conflict stems from what the rebels term as long-standing ethnic persecution against Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese.
The group has long criticized previous peace processes in Nairobi and Luanda, arguing that they were excluded from key decisions.
The upcoming dialogue presents the first formal opportunity for the rebel group to engage directly with the Kinshasa government and address their demands.
This follows the Southern African Development Community (SADC) decision to terminate its military mission in the conflict-ridden eastern DRC and commence a phased withdrawal.
The decision to pull the plug on the mission was reached during a virtual Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State and Government, chaired by Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa, on March 13, 2025.
The summit focused on the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC, where SADC troops had been deployed since December 2023 to support the Congolese army in its battle against the M23 rebel group.
The Joint Standing Committee on Defence, co-chaired by Malusi Gigaba and Phiroane Phala, welcomed the withdrawal decision, particularly in light of the loss of 14 SANDF soldiers in the mission.
However, they emphasised the need for clarity on the logistical aspects of the withdrawal, the security implications for troops remaining under the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), and measures to ensure the safe return of military equipment.
“We will schedule an urgent meeting to obtain the envisioned phased plan of action for implementing the withdrawal,” a statement issued by the Parliament Communications Services on behalf of the co-chairs of the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, Malusi Gigaba and Phiroane Phala, reads in part.
“This meeting must also address the implications for soldiers remaining part of MONUSCO and assess the security risks involved.”
The committee termed the termination of the mission as a constructive step toward addressing the conflict in eastern Congo through diplomatic and political solutions.
The co-chairs affirm that SADC’s commitment to supporting alternative interventions, in coordination with the East African Community (EAC), demonstrates the bloc’s dedication to lasting peace in the region.
“The recommitment by SADC Heads of State to merge the Luanda and Nairobi peace processes reaffirms our belief that dialogue should be at the centre of efforts to resolve the DRC conflict,” the statement added.
“Achieving peace and stability in eastern DRC is a precondition for economic growth and development, not only for the DRC but for the entire region.”
Since SAMIDRC’s deployment, the mission has faced operational hurdles, including battlefield casualties.
Apart from the 14 South African soldiers killed, two Malawian and two Tanzanian soldiers also lost their lives during clashes that led to the capture of Goma in January. Many others sustained injuries, raising questions about the mission’s sustainability.
The decision to withdraw the troops coincides with peace talks between the DRC government and M23 rebels, set to begin in Angola on March 18, in what is seen as a crucial step toward resolving the long-running conflict.
The M23 and AFC rebel alliance accuse the Congolese government of poor governance and decades of persecution of the minority Kinyarwanda-speaking communities.
