The Frw 50 coin was extracted on Monday, May 26, 2025, using endoscopy, a minimally invasive procedure that avoided the need for surgery.
The child’s mother said she had initially been told that surgery would be necessary to remove the coin.
However, doctors at CHUK’s gastrointestinal (GI) medical service used an endoscope, a flexible tube with a camera and tools inserted through the mouth into the stomach, to locate and safely remove the foreign object.
Endoscopy allows doctors to diagnose and treat conditions inside the digestive tract without making incisions, reducing recovery time and risks associated with open surgery.
This successful procedure comes amid growing advances in Rwanda’s medical field. Earlier this month, King Faisal Hospital performed the country’s first percutaneous closure of a patent foramen ovale (PFO), a rare heart procedure conducted on a stroke patient.
The procedure, carried out on May 16, was led by visiting Swiss cardiologist Dr. Hugues Lucron alongside Rwandan specialist Dr. Gérard Misago.
A PFO is a small opening between the heart’s upper chambers that normally closes after birth but can remain open in some people, increasing the risk of stroke.
Using a catheter inserted through a vein, the medical team deployed a nickel-titanium closure device to seal the opening permanently. Over time, heart tissue grows around the device, completing the repair.
King Faisal Hospital expressed gratitude to Occlutech Europe and its partners for supporting this national milestone, calling it a significant step forward in advancing cardiovascular care in Rwanda.
The two recent successful procedures showcase Rwanda’s progress in adopting minimally invasive medical technologies that enhance patient outcomes and save lives.
The brief but widely circulated footage shows Macron stepping out of a plane in Hanoi on Sunday evening as part of a state visit to Vietnam.
As he emerges at the aircraft doorway, Brigitte Macron’s hands suddenly reach out and shove his face. The president appears momentarily startled but quickly regains his composure and waves to the press waiting on the tarmac.
Speaking to reporters in Hanoi on Monday, Macron, who is 24 years younger than his 72-year-old wife, sought to clarify the situation: “There’s a video showing me joking and teasing my wife, and somehow that becomes a sort of geo-planetary catastrophe,” he said. “We were just joking around, as we do quite often.”
SHOCKING: French President Emmanuel Macron SHOVED IN THE FACE by his wife Brigitte as they exit a plane in Vietnam! This looks like an EXTREMELY toxic relationship. Imagine your husband leading a nation, trying to stand up to powerhouses like Putin & Trump & his toxic wife… pic.twitter.com/7PWc1CkaG7
— Tehseen Poonawalla Official 🇮🇳 (@tehseenp) May 26, 2025
The Élysée Palace, after initially downplaying the footage, later explained that the couple were “unwinding” and “playfully teasing each other” ahead of the start of their formal engagements.
A presidential source quoted by CNN described the incident as “a moment of closeness,” adding: “No more was needed to feed the mills of the conspiracy theorists.”
Macron, who has increasingly found himself the target of disinformation campaigns linked to Russia, criticised the amplification of the clip by what he described as a familiar ecosystem of online actors.
“People have thought I shared a bag of cocaine, tussled with the Turkish president, now that I’m having a domestic dispute with my wife… None of this is true. Everyone needs to calm down,” he said.
Earlier this month, the Élysée also refuted another viral claim, circulated by pro-Kremlin accounts and U.S. conspiracy theorist Alex Jones, that Macron was using cocaine aboard a train to Kyiv with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer.
The claim stemmed from a crumpled tissue seen in footage. French officials responded by posting an image with the caption: “This is a tissue. For blowing your nose.”
As the disinformation swirl continued, Macron emphasised the importance of not letting such moments overshadow diplomacy.
“Commentators even explained this morning that my diplomacy was that of a battered husband,” he joked.
Meanwhile, the president’s Southeast Asia trip continued on a more serious note. France and Vietnam signed €9 billion worth of deals on Monday, covering sectors including aerospace, defense, energy, transportation, and pharmaceuticals.
Among them was an agreement for Vietnam to purchase 20 Airbus aircraft — part of efforts to boost bilateral ties amid growing trade instability linked to U.S. tariffs under Donald Trump’s administration.
The visit marks the first formal state trip to Vietnam by a French presidential couple in nearly a decade.
Mbeki made the remarks in an interview with SABC while commenting on the recent return of former Congolese President Joseph Kabila to his homeland after two years in exile in South Africa.
Kabila arrived in the rebel-controlled city of Goma last week after the [Congolese Senate lifted his immunity ->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/drc-strips-former-president-kabila-of-immunity-over-treason-charges] from prosecution over allegations of supporting the AFC/M23 group.
During the interview, Mbeki clarified that he has not spoken with Kabila since the recent developments.
“I’m sure I will be able to speak to him at some point,” Mbeki said.
But the 82-year-old former head of state stressed that the conflict in the DRC, which has dragged on for decades, lies with the Congolese government’s failure to address the country’s internal challenges effectively.
Mbeki criticized successive governments in Kinshasa, including Kabila’s, for not fully understanding the complexities of the Congo and its colonial legacy. He invoked the vision of Patrice Lumumba, the DRC’s iconic independence leader, who prioritized uniting the Congolese people against the divisions sown by Belgian colonial rule.
“When the government in Kinshasa is hostile to the Banyamulenge in the eastern Congo because they are Rwandan-speaking, or takes a position against Kabila, who comes from the Katanga region, say he’s a traitor, he’s supporting M23, punish him, the whole population of Katanga is going to be against that government in Kinshasa,” Mbeki explained.
“It doesn’t solve anything for Kinshasa or the Congo.”
Addressing the ongoing talks between the DRC, the United States, and Rwanda to resolve the conflict, Mbeki noted that little would be achieved unless the Congolese government is committed to resolving its own issues internally by engaging with the rebels and addressing their concerns, including decades of marginalisation and persecution.
“The notion that the government of the Congo and the government of Rwanda can meet and sign a peace agreement to solve the problems of the eastern Congo is wrong,” he stated, noting that past attempts at such agreements have failed to address the root causes of the conflict.
“The problems of eastern Congo are domestic to the Congo. They don’t originate from outside its borders,” he added, in an apparent reference to the DRC’s repeated claims that Rwanda is destabilising the eastern region by backing M23.
Rwanda has consistently denied Congo’s allegations, insisting that its main concern is the presence of the FDLR militia, linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, in the neighbouring country, which poses a security threat to Rwanda.
Meanwhile, Mbeki has advocated for a Congolese-led approach to resolve the conflict in the east, reiterating the importance of dialogue between Kinshasa and groups like M23.
“Kinshasa must talk to M23; they must sort out all of this,” he urged. While discussions with neighboring countries like Rwanda are necessary, Mbeki stressed, “The solution to the Congo problem does not lie in Kigali; it lies in Kinshasa.”
Mbeki has been vocal about the crisis in eastern Congo and has, in the past, [criticised efforts to resolve it through military action->https://en.igihe.com/news/article/former-sa-president-thabo-mbeki-calls-for-disengagement-of-troops-in-eastern] rather than political diplomacy.
According to a notice dated May 25, 2025, laboratory analysis of the product revealed that it does not meet the required national standard RS 344:2023 for plant-flavoured alcoholic drinks. As a result, the Rwanda FDA has declared the product illegal and unsafe for public consumption.
INEZA Ayurvedic Ltd, the manufacturer of Ubutwenge, is based in Musanze District, Busogo Sector, Gisesero Cell. Authorities confirmed that the company has been producing the drink without proper authorisation and outside the required safety guidelines.
Rwanda FDA has instructed the public to immediately stop consuming the drink to avoid potential health risks.
Retailers have also been ordered to remove all Ubutwenge stock from their shelves and return it to distributors. Wholesalers are required to accept the returned products and coordinate their return to the manufacturer.
Furthermore, the manufacturer has been directed to ensure the safe disposal of all recalled stock.
“The manufacturer, INEZA Ayurvedic Ltd, is requested to organize the immediate and safe disposal of returned stocks of Ubutwenge,” said Prof. Emile Bienvenu, Director General of Rwanda FDA.
Speaking on the latest episode of The Long Form Podcast, hosted by Sanny Ntayombya in Goma, Ngarambe shared his inspiring journey from stateless refugee to provincial leader, outlining his vision for peace and inclusion under the Alliance of Forces for Change (AFC)/M23 administration.
Born in 1985 in South Kivu, Ngarambe’s early life was defined by persecution. As a Congolese Tutsi, he faced systemic discrimination in a country where Kinyarwanda-speaking communities have long been branded as outsiders.
The 1994 Genocide against Tutsis in neighbouring Rwanda triggered a wave of violence that spilt into Congo, forcing Ngarambe’s family to flee when he was eight.
“They hunted us down,” he recalled, describing how his uncle was brutally killed and his father disappeared after being captured by government forces. Ngarambe, his mother, and siblings endured a harrowing 400-kilometre trek, imprisonment, and starvation before reaching refugee camps in Rwanda.
Life in camps like Mudende and Nkamira brought further trauma. In 1997, attacks on Mudende killed thousands, leaving Ngarambe, then 12, haunted by the sound of bullets.
“Nothing is left for me to fear,” he said, reflecting on how those experiences forged his resilience.
After stints in Uganda’s Nakivale camp, Ngarambe resettled in Canada in 2013, where he built a stable life with his wife and three children. Yet, the plight of his people never left him.
“I told my brother, ‘You can’t leave what’s burning inside you,’” he said, explaining his return to activism from the diaspora.
In February 2025, just days after AFC/M23 took control of Goma, Ngarambe was unexpectedly named Vice Governor.
Thrust into leadership, he has overseen rapid changes in North Kivu’s capital. In just 100 days, his administration restored water to neighbourhoods that lacked it for over a decade, provided 24-hour electricity, and reduced violent crime in areas like Ndosho, once a hotspot for kidnappings.
“People are waking up to a new reality—no bullets, water in every neighbourhood,” Ngarambe said.
According to him, market prices have also dropped, with a bag of potatoes falling from $120 to affordable levels, easing the burden on residents.
Ngarambe’s vision extends beyond infrastructure. He aims to end the marginalisation of Congolese Tutsis and other Kinyarwanda-speaking communities, whose citizenship was stripped in the 1980s.
“Being Tutsi shouldn’t be a death sentence,” he asserted, emphasising inclusive governance that protects all ethnic groups. His administration is resolving land disputes—often a source of deadly conflict—through dialogue, fostering handshakes over bloodshed.
He also called on the Congolese diaspora to return, urging them to bring skills to rebuild the region.
Amid criticism from a section of the international community over the operations of the rebel group, Ngarambe said his administration remains committed to changing people’s lives.
He also dismissed claims that the group is backed by Rwanda, describing them as “old propaganda.”
“The Rwanda accusation is old propaganda. Kinshasa uses it to deflect from its failures. We’re Congolese, fighting for Congolese rights. If Rwanda supports us, where’s the evidence? Show me the troops, the weapons,” he said, arguing that the government’s arming of militias like the FDLR—comprising remnants of those responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda—has fueled instability.
“It’s a lie to rally their base and gain foreign sympathy,” he added.
Addressing reports of cash flow challenges caused by the closure of banks in Goma by the Kinshasa administration, he acknowledged it remains a challenge but noted that local markets are still vibrant, supported by the AFC/M23-backed CADECO Bank, which reopened in April.
In a statement, PNAT confirmed it has formally lodged an appeal against the May 16 decision, which concluded there was “no serious and consistent evidence” linking the 82-year-old to either complicity in genocide or participation in a conspiracy to commit genocide.
The prosecutor’s office is requesting further investigations to pursue potential charges of conspiracy to commit genocide, in a case that has dragged on for nearly two decades.
The May 16 ruling dismissed the PNAT’s supplemental indictment request filed in September 2024, which sought to indict Habyarimana after years of stalled proceedings.
The judges noted that “the rumour is persistent” regarding her alleged involvement, but insisted that “it cannot be treated as proof in the absence of specific and consistent evidence.”
Reacting to the appeal, Agathe Habyarimana’s lawyer expressed frustration with the prosecutor’s decision to continue pursuing the case, describing it as a “denial of justice”.
“Faced with an empty case, as analysed by the ten judges who have handled it, they stubbornly persist in a purely delaying strategy aimed only at postponing the inevitable dismissal… all to satisfy diplomatic interests,” he said.
But civil party groups and genocide survivor associations argue that Habyarimana was not a passive figure during the Genocide against the Tutsi.
According to the Collective of Civil Parties for Rwanda (CPCR), which filed the original complaint in 2008, she was a central member of the Akazu, the elite circle of Hutu extremists believed to have planned and coordinated the Genocide against the Tutsi.
The CPCR has also accused Habyarimana of financing Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM), the notorious broadcaster that incited mass violence against Tutsis, and of ordering the massacre of staff at an orphanage she founded.
Other allegations include her involvement in compiling hit lists of Tutsi elites and her support for the presidential guard’s terror campaigns following her husband’s assassination on April 6, 1994.
Despite residing in France since 1998, Agathe Habyarimana has neither been granted asylum nor extradited to Rwanda.
She was evacuated from Kigali on April 9, 1994, with French assistance under the orders of then-President François Mitterrand, a close ally of her late husband. In 2016, French authorities designated her an assisted witness, a status between that of a suspect and a simple witness.
The case has been derailed by multiple legal hurdles, including the 2022 decision by the investigating judge to signal a potential case closure due to “excessive delays.”
However, the PNAT reignited proceedings with a new indictment request in 2024 and continues to push for judicial accountability, citing the gravity of the charges and the ongoing demands for justice by survivors and civil society.
If the Paris Court of Appeal overturns the May 16 decision and grants PNAT’s request, Agathe Habyarimana could finally be indicted for her alleged role in orchestrating one of the worst atrocities of the 20th century. Conviction on such charges would likely carry a life sentence.
The Court of Appeal’s response to the prosecutor’s appeal is expected in the coming weeks.
Billed as “Jose Chameleone Live in Kigali,” the concert marked the artist’s long-awaited return to Rwanda after a health-related hiatus.
Chameleone, who has ruled the East African music scene for over 25 years, was joined on stage by his brother Weasel and Rwanda’s music veteran Rafiki Coga Style, creating a night of celebration that bridged generations.
Originally slated for earlier this year, the show was postponed after Chameleone travelled to the U.S. for medical treatment, spending five months recovering. But the buzz never died down. The moment tickets went on sale, they were snapped up in record time by fans eager to relive the golden days of East African music.
And when the night finally arrived, Kigali Universe was the place to be. A packed house of devoted fans, many of whom grew up on Chameleone’s music in the early 2000s, filled the venue to capacity. DJs Lexx Lexx, Niyem, and RY kept the energy high while MC Bior hyped up the crowd with effortless charisma.
The show kicked off with a powerful set by Rafiki Coga, a pioneer of Rwanda’s “Coga Style.” Performing fan favourites like “Gikomando” and “Bwongoza 4” (a collab with Jay Polly and Riderman), Rafiki was met with loud cheers.
In a touching moment, co-host Lucky, alongside Power FM’s Iradukunda Bertrand, paused the show to honour Rafiki as one of the trailblazers of the Rwandan music scene. Fans raised their hands in solidarity and respect.
Then came the man of the hour. As Chameleone hit the stage, the entire atmosphere shifted. The crowd jumped to their feet, the nostalgia kicked in, and hit after hit rang out in full live-band glory.
From timeless anthems like “Valu Valu,” “Tubonge,” and “Nkoleki” (with Melody), to newer tracks like “Agatako” (performed alongside DJ Pius), Chameleone showed why he remains one of the region’s most magnetic performers.
The surprises kept coming.
Midway through the show, Weasel joined Chameleone on stage, sparking loud cheers. The pair performed “Bomboclat” and “Lwaki Onumya,” the latter dedicated to their late music partner Radio, whom Weasel honoured with a heartfelt tribute:
“Rest in peace, brother Radio.”
But it was Weasel’s romantic declaration to his Rwandan lover Sandra Teta that melted hearts.
Before performing Good Life’s “Breath Away,” he turned to the crowd and said:
“Do you know why this song means so much to me? Because Kigali gave me the most beautiful woman, Sandra Teta Ndayigutuye. And there are so many beautiful women here tonight.”
He ended by affirming the Mayanja family’s deep love for Rwanda, revealing that his visit would include a family introduction at Sandra Teta’s home. The couple, who share two daughters, have been together for seven years.
The crowd chanted for more, refusing to let the night end. Fans across every age group sang along, danced, and relived their youth with every beat.
The concert was graced by some of Rwanda’s biggest names in entertainment, including Massamba Intore, Jules Sentore, Teta Diana, Platini P, Ishimwe Clement, Christopher, Junior Rumaga, David Bayingana, Shemi, Kenny Sol, and MC Ange K. Umulisa, the ex-wife of DJ Pius.
Chameleone’s return to Kigali came after a long hiatus. His last performance in the Rwandan capital was in 2018 at DJ Pius’ ‘Iwacu’ album launch.
A 21-day-old infant has tested positive for mpox in Moyale town, near the Kenyan border, the Ethiopian Ministry of Health and Public Health Institute said in a joint statement.
Noting that subsequent testing also confirmed that the child’s mother is infected with the virus, the ministry said the child and his mother have been placed in quarantine.
According to the ministry, both the child and his mother have not suffered any serious health problems so far and are currently in stable condition. It said coordinated efforts are underway to trace the source of the infection.
As Ethiopia becomes the latest African country to report a mpox case, the total number of affected countries on the continent since the start of last year has now reached 26, according to the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC).
The ministry said that since the onset of the mpox outbreak in Africa, it has implemented a series of coordinated measures aimed at preventing the virus from entering the East African nation, while also establishing strategies to control its spread should it enter the country. It said an emergency coordination center has been established at the Public Health Institute to facilitate such efforts.
“The Ministry of Health, in collaboration with relevant stakeholders, wishes to emphasize its commitment to enhancing ongoing measures aimed at preventing and controlling the spread of the disease,” it said. The ministry also urged anyone who has come into contact with individuals infected with the virus, as well as those exhibiting symptoms of mpox, to promptly seek appropriate medical care.
Given that the virus has been reported only in a confined area, the ministry said the public should remain calm and maintain their usual daily routines while adhering to safety protocols outlined by health authorities.
On Thursday, the Africa CDC announced that 25 mpox-affected African countries had reported more than 130,000 cases since the start of last year. Of these, 31,745 were confirmed, and about 1,774 related deaths were recorded.
Mpox, formerly known as monkeypox, was first detected in laboratory monkeys in 1958. It is a rare viral disease transmitted through body fluids, respiratory droplets and contaminated materials. The infection often causes fever, rash and swollen lymph nodes.
Speaking during a press conference in Goma on Sunday, May 25, 2025, M23 President Bertrand Bisimwa criticised Burundi’s military involvement in eastern DRC, saying that Burundian troops are operating alongside Congolese forces and enabling FDLR fighters near the border region to kill innocent civilians.
“Burundi is fighting us alongside the Congolese government. Along the border with the DRC, they’re hosting and enabling another enemy—the FDLR,” Bisimwa said.
“There are many FDLR fighters in that area, where they’re organising to attack us. That’s where the threats are coming from.”
According to Bisimwa, the Congolese government is also conducting drone strikes in the region, guided by its intelligence operatives, which have resulted in further civilian casualties.
While expressing no hostility toward the Burundian population, Bisimwa condemned what he described as the Burundian leadership’s role in the conflict.
“We have no problem with the Burundian people—they’re our brothers,” he said. “But their leaders are using the army to kill Congolese civilians, and we can’t support such a government.”
The M23 leader called for the withdrawal of Burundian troops, citing the recent move by SADC forces to exit Congo as an example to follow.
“All we’re asking is for them to leave our land… Just like the SADC forces who withdrew, they should do the same and return to Burundi,” he said, warning that the rebels have nothing to lose in their “fight for survival.”
Bisimwa also disclosed to members of the press that he had met with Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye before the country joined the conflict. According to him, the Burundian leader acknowledged similarities between M23’s struggle and the historic rebellion that brought his own CNDD-FDD party to power.
“I explained our situation, and he told me our struggle reminded him of what CNDD-FDD went through. He said it was the same injustice that led them to take up arms,” Bisimwa recalled. “So why is he now doing to us what he once fought against?”
Bisimwa, while defending what he described as the rebels’ and marginalised communities’ struggle, revisited the political histories of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi, noting that their current governments came to power through armed struggles against marginalisation.
He cited remarks by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, who once warned that those excluded today could rise to power tomorrow.
“President Museveni once said in Kinshasa that he and President Kagame came to power by fighting marginalisation. He warned that those who are excluded today could be the ones to topple you tomorrow,” he stated.
“That’s the message we’re sending to Kinshasa. They know it, and I’m simply reminding them. To Burundi, I want to say this: when people are oppressed, they have nothing to lose. They fight with everything they have to survive and stay safe. And that’s exactly what we’re doing,” he added.
M23, which positions itself as fighting against poor governance and the marginalisation of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in eastern DRC, currently controls large swathes of territory in the region.
Efforts led by Qatar and the African Union to resolve the conflict diplomatically are ongoing, but the rebel group accuses the Kinshasa administration of lacking commitment to that path.
The contingent, comprising personnel from both the RDF and the Rwanda National Police (RNP), is set to relieve the current force deployed in the insurgency-hit province, where Rwandan troops have been operating since July 2021 at the request of the Mozambican government.
Accompanied by Commissioner of Police Vincent Sano, the Deputy Inspector General of Police in charge of Operations, Maj Gen Nyakarundi, commended the outgoing forces for their professionalism and success in restoring security and stability in Cabo Delgado, and challenged the new contingent to strive to perform their duties even more effectively.
He urged them to maintain discipline and foster teamwork in order to successfully fulfill their assigned responsibilities.
Since their initial deployment in 2021, the Rwanda Security Forces, in collaboration with the Mozambican army, have played a critical role in weakening Islamic State-linked insurgent groups that had destabilised parts of northern Mozambique.
The partnership has contributed significantly to improved security in the region and the return of internally displaced people to their communities.
