Carter, who was born in 1924, held a varied career as a naval officer, farmer, and governor of Georgia before becoming president in 1977. His presidency, which lasted until 1981, was marked by both challenges and achievements.
During his term, Carter emphasized human rights in foreign policy, brokered the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, and oversaw the creation of the Department of Energy.
However, his tenure faced economic difficulties, rising inflation, and the Iran hostage crisis, which significantly impacted his political standing. Carter lost his reelection bid in 1980 to Ronald Reagan.
After leaving office, Carter dedicated his life to global humanitarian efforts. He and his wife, Rosalynn, founded The Carter Center in 1982 to promote democracy, human rights, and public health.
The center monitored elections worldwide, worked to combat diseases, and advocated for peace. Carter also played a key role in establishing The Elders, a group of global leaders addressing critical world issues. His efforts earned him the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002.
Carter’s work extended to Africa, where he focused on health initiatives such as eradicating Guinea worm disease and promoting peace. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi praised Carter’s role in achieving the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, describing it as a significant historical milestone.
Known for his modest lifestyle, Carter spent his post-presidency years in the same two-bedroom home he lived in before his political career. He authored several books on topics ranging from faith to diplomacy, reflecting his lifelong commitment to public service and advocacy.
Carter is survived by his four children, 11 grandchildren, and 14 great-grandchildren. His wife of 77 years, Rosalynn, passed away in November 2023. Public observances in Atlanta and Washington, D.C., will honor his legacy, followed by a private interment in Plains, Georgia.
In a statement on Sunday, December 29, 2024, the Minister called out the Congolese army over “incompetence” both on the battlefield and in spreading what he described as “mediocre fake news.”
Nduhungirehe’s remarks came after the Congolese army paraded a man, identified as Hakizimana Iradukunda Jean de Dieu, as an RDF soldier allegedly captured in North Kivu during operations on December 21.
“FARDC presents us with a so-called soldier of the RDF who does not know his unit or his commander, and who cannot provide his registration number within the Rwandan army,” Nduhungirehe stated.
He further highlighted inconsistencies in the man’s testimony, particularly his claimed origins from administrative subdivisions—such as “Murenge” and “Kazabi”—which he said exist in the DRC but not in Rwanda.
The Minister noted that Rwanda’s administrative divisions include districts, sectors, cells, and villages, none of which align with the alleged origins of the supposed RDF soldier.
Nduhungirehe also pointed out FARDC’s history of similar allegations. He recalled a February incident when the Congolese army introduced “Ndayambaje Abouba” as an RDF soldier. However, the same individual had previously been presented by FARDC in civilian clothing under suspicious circumstances.
“Clearly, FARDC, failing to be a war machine on the ground, have become a #FakeNews manufacturing plant!” the Minister declared.
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The Minister’s remarks come two days after RDF also dismissed the claims as fake news.
In a video shared by FARDC, the alleged soldier claimed he was born in Ngororero District and had been stationed in the DRC for over a year. The man also alleged the deployment of four RDF divisions to eastern DRC.
Rwanda has consistently denied involvement in the conflict in eastern DRC, where the M23 rebel group has been fighting the Congolese army and allied forces.
Kigali has repeatedly accused FARDC of harbouring and supporting the FDLR, a militia composed of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
The Rwandan government asserts that the Congolese leadership’s persistent accusations are attempts to divert attention from internal challenges and failures to address the concerns of their citizens in eastern DRC.
This has resulted in strained diplomatic ties between Rwanda and the DRC, with[ efforts to resolve the stalemate continuing to encounter obstacles->https://en.igihe.com/politics-48/article/talks-between-president-kagame-tshisekedi-postponed?var_mode=calcul].
In the World Justice Project (WJP) Rule of Law Index 2024, Rwanda scored 0.63 points in the overall rule of law ranking, leading the region in key areas such as order and security, absence of corruption, and civil justice. The top score is 1.00, indicating stronger performance.
The index, which assesses the rule of law in countries across the globe, evaluates performance based on eight factors: constraints on government powers, absence of corruption, open government, fundamental rights, order and security, regulatory enforcement, civil justice, and criminal justice.
Rwanda ranked first in order and security with a score of 0.85, outperforming Mauritius and Namibia, which scored 0.75 each. Guinea, Ghana, Madagascar, and Botswana followed at 0.71, with Tanzania, Senegal (0.70 each), and The Gambia (0.69) rounding out the top ten.
The country’s ranking in this category reflects its stable and secure environment, which has been crucial for promoting economic growth and social well-being.
The success is also a direct result of Rwanda’s strategic security partnerships with other nations.
For example, in December 2024, Rwanda’s National Police signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Ethiopian Federal Police to enhance cooperation on matters of public security and to counter cross-border threats.
Similarly, Rwanda has forged multiple agreements over the years, including with Qatar (October 2024), Dubai Police (March 2024), and Botswana (January 2024), addressing issues such as terrorism, human trafficking, cybercrime, and organized crime.
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Rwanda also ranked first in Sub-Saharan Africa for the absence of corruption, with a score of 0.68. The performance demonstrates the Rwandan government’s strong anti-corruption frameworks and commitment to transparency.
Other countries in the top five include Mauritius (0.58), Botswana (0.57), Senegal (0.55) and Namibia (0.52).
In the civil justice category, Rwanda ranked first with a score of 0.66, ahead of Mauritius, which scored 0.62.
In addition to its solid performance in civil justice, Rwanda has also made significant strides in criminal justice, ranking second in the region with a score of 0.56. The performance reflects the country’s commitment to a fair and effective judicial system, providing equitable access to justice for its citizens while tackling criminal activities through well-coordinated law enforcement.
Rwanda was also ranked among the top countries in several other categories, including constraints on government powers, open government, fundamental rights, and regulatory environment, all contributing to its top score of 0.68 in the rule of law.
The Rwandan government confirmed its commitment to host the IVI regional office through Presidential Order No. 091/01, issued on December 26, 2024, and published in the Official Gazette on December 27, 2024.
The agreement to establish the office in Rwanda was initially signed in June by Rwanda’s Minister of Health, Dr. Sabin Nsanzimana, and the Director General of IVI, Dr. Jerome H. Kim, marking a significant step toward advancing vaccine research, development, and manufacturing across the African continent.
The two parties formally ratified the agreement on November 25, 2024, officially confirming Rwanda as the host country for the IVI Africa office.
The agreement includes 21 provisions, including tax exemptions on goods and services such as equipment, vehicles, machinery, and other materials exclusively used by IVI. However, items sold to individuals or businesses will not qualify for tax exemption.
Another key aspect of the agreement is its emphasis on building local capacity for pharmaceutical production, aiming to promote self-reliance in health matters across Africa. This initiative also seeks to improve public health outcomes and foster technological advancements in the sector.
As part of this strategic effort, the IVI Africa Regional Office will play a pivotal role in advancing vaccination initiatives, driving technological innovation, and supporting sustainable vaccine manufacturing in Rwanda and other African countries.
The move comes as a BioNTech vaccine manufacturing plant is also under construction in Rwanda, further cementing the country’s position as a key player in the global vaccine ecosystem.
IVI is a non-profit organization committed to ensuring that vaccines are available and accessible worldwide. It collaborates with governments, research institutions, and the vaccine industry to achieve this mission.
Since its founding in 1997, IVI has been instrumental in developing, testing, and distributing vaccines across the globe.
Rwanda’s selection as the host of IVI’s Africa Regional Office was confirmed in February 2024, following a rigorous evaluation process that reviewed proposals from five countries.
The decision was hailed by both IVI and the Rwandan government as a critical step toward addressing vaccine equity across the continent.
With its global headquarters in Seoul, South Korea, and regional offices in Sweden and Austria, IVI’s new African office represents a significant advancement in its mission to ensure safe and affordable vaccines reach the people who need them most.
During his election campaign two years ago, Ruto criticized the previous administration of President Uhuru Kenyatta for alleged abductions and extrajudicial killings, vowing to end such practices. However, recent events have raised concerns about the fulfilment of the pledge.
Since the Gen-Z-led protests in June, which forced the government to shelve plans to introduce additional taxes, dozens of young people have been reported missing, with human rights groups accusing the police of being behind their disappearances. The police continue to deny these claims.
In the latest wave of abductions, some of which have been captured on camera by witnesses and surveillance footage, at least three young people were recently abducted after sharing AI-generated images of Ruto in a casket that some considered offensive.
Among those abducted is popular cartoonist Kibet Bull, whose real name is Gideon Kibet. His images of the president went viral.
Kibet disappeared after meeting opposition senator Okiya Omtatah on Christmas Eve.
Kibet’s younger brother, Ronny Kiplangat, who has also been missing for several days, is believed by their family to have been used as bait by security forces to lure Kibet.
“(Kibet) boarded a matatu after my driver dropped him off in the city centre. As they have done with others, they must have blocked the matatu and snatched him from it,” said Omtatah, who harbours presidential ambitions for the 2027 elections.
“If you look at the attitude of the police, they know what is happening. The state is simply allowing it or acquiescing to it.”
Like many young Kenyans, Kibet was once an ardent supporter of President Ruto but has, in recent years, become a critic of the government, accusing it of corruption, failing to address unemployment, and not fulfilling its promises to turn around the economy.
Both the National Police Service and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) have denied abducting or arresting the trio. However, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who was impeached in October for allegedly sabotaging President Ruto’s administration, insists the government is behind the abductions.
Addressing the press in Nairobi on Friday, Gachagua claimed that the abductions were being carried out by a secret unit, not under the command of the Inspector General of Police.
According to Gachagua, the unit, with officers drawn from various departments, operates from a building in Nairobi’s Central Business District.
“There’s a building in Nairobi, the 21st floor in the city centre, where the unit operates from, led by a certain Mr. Abel. Abel is a cousin to a very senior official in this government,” Gachagua revealed.
The former Deputy President threatened to expose more details about the secret unit if the abducted individuals are not released.
He added that Kenyan citizens are angry with Ruto’s administration, saying, “Killing our children will not quell the anger of the Kenyan people.”
“Abducting young people is not a solution; you must address the cause of discontent. Why are people aggrieved with this administration?”
A few hours later, President Ruto, accompanied by opposition leader Raila Odinga—whose allies have joined Ruto’s Cabinet in a broad-based government formed after the Gen-Z protests—promised to end the abductions.
Odinga had criticized the state-linked abductions of critics, saying the country cannot tolerate a “gangster state.”
Widely recognized as Kenya’s second liberation hero, Odinga was a victim of the brutal regime of the late President Daniel Arap Moi during the fight for multiparty democracy in the 90s. He warned that allowing the abductions to continue could risk taking the country back to the dark days of “Nyayo Torture Chambers”.
Ruto acknowledged the concerns but also warned the youth to be “disciplined.”
“What has been said about abductions, we will stop them so Kenyan youth can live in peace, but they should have discipline and be polite so that we can build Kenya together,” Ruto said at a stadium in Homa Bay, in the west of the country.
In addition to the abductions of young Kenyans, the abduction of Uganda’s opposition chief Kizza Besigye in Nairobi by Ugandan security agents recently also drew widespread condemnation.
Besigye and his close associate Hajj Obeid Lutale were picked up in Nairobi while attending the launch of a book written by former justice minister Martha Karua and whisked back home, where they were locked up in a military facility before being produced in a martial court.
The duo faces charges of undermining national security and illegal possession of firearms.
Various rights groups and lawyers have criticized Kenya’s complicity in the abductions, saying it tarnishes Kenya’s image as a democratic safe haven. They accuse its authorities of failing to prevent or investigate the incident, thereby jeopardizing regional stability and the rule of law.
Jeju Air flight 7C2216, a Boeing 737-800 arriving from Bangkok, crashed during a belly landing after its landing gear malfunctioned, reportedly due to a bird strike.
The crash occurred just after 9 a.m. local time, when the aircraft skidded down the runway, collided with a wall, and erupted into a massive fireball. Video footage captured flames and thick smoke engulfing the plane, with only the tail section remaining somewhat intact.
“Only the tail part retains a little bit of shape, and the rest of the plane looks almost impossible to recognize,” said Muan fire chief Lee Jung-hyun during a press briefing.
Rescuers managed to save two crew members from the tail section, both suffering from medium to severe injuries. Despite this, authorities have shifted from rescue to recovery operations, as the force of the impact made survival unlikely for others.
“We are searching nearby areas for bodies possibly thrown from the plane,” added Lee.
Preliminary investigations suggest a bird strike may have caused the landing gear to malfunction. One passenger reportedly texted a relative before the crash, saying, “A bird is stuck in the wing. Should I say my last words?”
The crash is the worst involving a South Korean airline since the 1997 Korean Air disaster in Guam, which killed 229 people.
Acting President Choi Sang-mok visited the scene, pledging full government support for recovery efforts.
Jeju Air expressed deep regret, with CEO Kim Yi-bae stating, “We will do everything we can to deal with this accident,” while Boeing extended condolences, promising to assist in the investigation.
Authorities are working to identify victims, many of whom are believed to be South Korean nationals, along with two Thai passengers.
The match, a crucial step in the qualification for next year’s CHAN tournament in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania, is scheduled for 6 PM at Amahoro Stadium.
Jimmy Mulisa’s side must overcome a 3-2 loss from the first leg in Juba to keep their qualification hopes alive. However, winning the match alone won’t guarantee Rwanda a spot in the tournament. Coach Mulisa emphasized the importance of performing well, regardless of the circumstances.
“The players must fight for the honour of the national team. We’ve consistently reminded them not to focus on other factors but to do everything possible to secure a win,” the coach said on Friday.
Before the session, Mulisa assured the new Minister of Sports, Nelly Mukazayire, who had visited the team, that the players were in good shape, with no issues apart from injuries that had already been addressed with substitutes.
Team captain Muhire Kevin expressed confidence, stating that they are determined to qualify for CHAN and are ready to beat South Sudan, having corrected their previous mistakes.
The Amavubi need to eliminate South Sudan to advance and await CAF’s decision on selecting two replacement teams for Tunisia and Libya, who have withdrawn from the tournament.
Currently, Sudan holds the sole CECAFA region slot in CHAN after winning both legs against Tunisia. However, there is optimism that the region will receive an additional slot following the withdrawal of Arab nations, similar to what happened in 2018.
The mass escape occurred as the country grappled with widespread protests and violence after the ruling Frelimo party was declared the winner of the disputed October 9 elections.
The chaos began around midday, when violent demonstrations in the vicinity of the high-security prison ignited a rebellion among the inmates.
According to Mozambique’s police chief, Bernardino Rafael, prisoners seized weapons from guards and started releasing other detainees, including 29 convicted terrorists. The breach occurred after the prison wall was collapsed during the protests, allowing prisoners to flee.
In the aftermath, at least 33 inmates were killed, and 15 others were injured in clashes with security forces.
Videos shared on social media showed the moment when inmates fled the prison, with some hiding in nearby homes. Military personnel and prison guards swiftly captured some of the fugitives, though a number remain on the run.
“A curious fact is that in that prison we had 29 convicted terrorists, who they released. We are worried, as a country, as Mozambicans, as members of the defense and security forces,” said Rafael.
The police chief called on those who had escaped to surrender voluntarily while urging the public to stay vigilant.
The prison break is part of a broader wave of unrest that has swept through Mozambique in the wake of the contested election results.
Protests have raged across the country, with demonstrators targeting police stations, vehicles, and public infrastructure in response to the victory of Frelimo’s candidate, Daniel Chapo, who secured 65% of the vote. Opposition supporters, primarily from Venancio Mondlane’s camp, have fueled the violence, rejecting the election results.
The violence has drawn international concern, with the United Nations calling for an immediate halt to the bloodshed and urging all parties to engage in peaceful dialogue. U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres emphasized the need for legal redress and a resolution to the political crisis.
Speaking on the ‘Long Form’ podcast by Sanny Ntayombya, McCormick opened up about his experiences cooking for President Paul Kagame, who he said he has cooked for at least five times, along with his family.
He detailed the “pressure and scrutiny” that came with preparing meals for the Head of State, who, according to McCormick, prefers a healthy diet.
“It was a lot of pressure the first time, but after that, as they got to know me, it eased up,” said McCormick, referring to the President’s handlers and the chefs at Urugwiro Village.
He recounted an intimate gathering where he observed President Kagame watching a football match, a moment that humanized the leader often seen through a lens of political and historical significance in the liberation struggle of Rwanda in the early 1990s.
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McCormick, who now owns the Le Petit Chalet restaurant and Kigali Pizza Company in Kigali, along with the fine dining establishment Lilly, also discussed his life-changing decision to move to Rwanda during the height of the global COVID-19 pandemic in 2020.
After losing his job in the U.S., where he had worked in various high-profile positions, including as a corporate executive chef managing multiple restaurants, McCormick found himself at a crossroads.
“The circumstances made it so it wasn’t a normal life journey,” McCormick explained, reflecting on his move to Rwanda.
He cited his desire to raise his children in a different cultural and political climate as a primary motivator for the relocation.
“I moved here because of my kids. I wanted them to grow up in a different system, away from the political and social divisions in the U.S. at the time. I felt it would be better for them to experience life differently,” the chef remarked citing President Kagame’s strong leadership.
McCormick’s wife, originally from Ethiopia, was equally enthusiastic about the move, seeing it as an opportunity to return to Africa.
“My wife felt the same way I did about moving; she left Ethiopia at around 13 and finished high school in Toronto before moving to the U.S., giving her a broad perspective from living in different places. She always wanted to return to Africa, considering the whole continent her home, not just Ethiopia. So when I presented the opportunity to move to Rwanda, she was 100% on board, especially given the circumstances back home and the global situation with the pandemic. Why not leave?” he stated.
McCormick’s journey in Rwanda has not been without its challenges. He discussed the high failure rate of restaurants, noting that in America, 90% of restaurants don’t survive their first year. In Rwanda, however, he finds the market less competitive but still demanding.
“You need a lot of skill, dedication, and an understanding of the local economy,” McCormick stated, emphasizing the need for adaptability and creativity in menu planning to cater to both local and expatriate diners.
McCormick has managed to find success in Kigali by blending international flavours with local tastes, although he admits to missing the larger market and variety he experienced in the U.S.
His restaurants have become popular spots for both Rwandans and foreigners, with the Le Petit Chalet particularly noted for its Eurocentric menu and standout dishes like French Onion Soup and Chalet Potatoes.
Looking ahead, Chef McCormick is not resting on his laurels. He plans to expand his culinary empire within Rwanda, with ambitions to open a dry-aged steakhouse, a jazz bar, and possibly another pizza outlet, perhaps even at the new Kigali International Airport.
He also expressed interest in establishing a non-profit culinary school to nurture local talent, recognizing a gap in the training and development of restaurant staff in Rwanda.
When questioned about the future of Rwanda’s food scene, McCormick was cautiously optimistic. He noted the absence of Michelin stars in Africa but suggested that with the right focus on local ingredients and innovation, Rwanda could carve out its own culinary identity.
According to the National Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB), the initiative will see 240,000 avocado seedlings planted on 800 hectares and 60,000 mango seedlings planted on 200 hectares nationwide.
The expansion plan targets five districts for avocado cultivation, including Rusizi in the Western Province, Huye and Nyanza in the Southern Province, and Rwamagana and Bugesera in the Eastern Province.
The seedlings will be grafted, a specialized horticultural technique that merges parts of different plants to enhance traits like yield, quality, and resilience.
For mango cultivation, the government will focus on Rusizi and Bugesera, planting across 200 hectares.
In addition to avocados and mangoes, Rwanda plans to scale up macadamia production by planting 102,000 seedlings on 100 hectares in Nyamasheke, Karongi, Rusizi, Rutsiro, and Rwamagana districts.
The efforts are part of a broader strategy to expand Rwanda’s production of high-value horticultural crops, including mangoes, avocados, and macadamia, to strengthen the country’s position in global horticultural markets.
Data from NAEB released last year shows that between 2017 and 2022, Rwanda’s avocado export volumes increased from 105.4 metric tons in 2016/2017 to 2,765 metric tons in 2021/2022, while revenues soared from $37,155 to $4,533,801 during the same period.
The Hass and Fuerte avocado types are the three most popular varieties in Rwanda.
Jean Bosco Mulindi, Emerging Commodities Division Manager at NAEB, emphasized that the plan aims to increase agricultural exports while enhancing the livelihoods of smallholder farmers.
“By focusing on high-demand crops like mango, avocado, and patchouli, NAEB continues to drive the growth of Rwanda’s horticulture sector and contribute to the overall development of the country’s agro-export economy,” Mulindi said.
The initiative is funded by the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) and aims to boost productivity and incomes for farmers while creating valuable job opportunities.
A significant component of the program involves the community-based production of seedlings, with active participation from youth and women’s groups. This inclusive approach is expected to uplift the living standards of participants and their families.
