Tag: HomeNews

  • COPEDU Plc staff visit Ntarama Genocide Memorial

    During the visit, the employees were taken through the historical events that shaped the area from 1959 up to the execution of the Genocide against the Tutsi in April 1994.

    They were also told the tragic story of how Tutsis who had sought refuge at Ntarama Church were brutally murdered, despite believing it to be a place of salvation.

    Clementine Nyinawumuntu, a resident of Ntarama Sector in Bugesera District, gave a testimony on how she survived as one of seven siblings, though she was left with a disability.

    “We had fled to Ntarama Church, hoping that at the very least the Interahamwe would fear attacking a house of God, but it ended up becoming a slaughterhouse for Tutsis,” she recounted.

    COPEDU Plc’s Vice Chairperson of the Board of Directors, Joseph Ntabwoba, expressed condolences to the survivors of the Genocide against the Tutsi and assured them of the institution’s solidarity and continued support.

    “Those who planned and executed the Genocide wanted to wipe you out, but you survived. Good triumphed over evil, light overcame darkness, and life prevailed over death. Stay strong and continue to remember as you rebuild,” he stated.

    Ntabwoba urged the youth to take the lead in ensuring that such atrocities never happen again, to fight against genocide ideology, and to actively seek knowledge of the country’s history so they can confront those who attempt to distort it.

    The Vice Chairperson of the Board of Directors of COPEDU PLC, Ntabwoba Joseph, urged the youth to be a catalyst for change by striving to understand history so that they can confront those who distort it.Nyinawumuntu Clementine, a survivor of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, is the sole survivor among her seven siblings.A light of hope was kindled.The employees of COPEDU Plc were guided through the Ntarama Genocide Memorial and taken through the history of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.The staff of COPEDU Plc were briefed on the tragic history that led to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.staff of COPEDU Plc honored victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi by laying flowers on their mass grave..copedu_02.jpgCOPEDU Plc staff paid tribute to the victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi buried at the Ntarama Genocide Memorial site.

  • India and Pakistan expel diplomats over ‘espionage’

    Pakistan declared a staff member of the Indian High Commission in Islamabad as persona non grata. The official has been ordered to leave the country within 24 hours, said the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

    The Indian Charge d’Affaires was summoned to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where a formal démarche was issued conveying the decision, the foreign office said, adding that it called on the Indian mission to ensure that its personnel refrain from actions inconsistent with their diplomatic responsibilities.

    According to Indian media, the Indian government announced earlier it had expelled an official working at the Pakistan High Commission in New Delhi and asked him to leave the country within 24 hours.

    The Pakistani diplomat, who was declared “persona non grata” by the Indian authorities, was “indulging in activities not in keeping with his official status in India”, according to India’s foreign ministry in a statement.

    In a tit-for-tat move, Pakistan and India each expelled a diplomat on Tuesday, citing espionage.

  • Trinity Metals’ new partnership sets stage for Rwanda’s tin exports to America

    The signing took place on May 13, 2025, at the U.S. Department of State and was witnessed by Kim Harrington, Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Energy Resources.

    The letter of intent outlines plans to develop a sustainable and transparent supply chain for Rwandan tin, classified by the U.S. as a critical mineral, in support of broader economic and national security objectives.

    “This type of critical minerals project supports U.S. onshoring, strengthens our national security, and advances economic prosperity,” reads a statement from the U.S. Bureau of Energy Resources.

    The preliminary agreement paves the way for a more formal and comprehensive collaboration. It forms part of America’s efforts to secure strategic mineral inputs for domestic manufacturing across various sectors, including electronics, glass production, and electric vehicle batteries.

    The partnership also comes just weeks ahead of an expected broader mining cooperation framework between Rwanda and the United States, set to be formalised in June 2025. The upcoming agreement is anticipated to cover mineral exploration, responsible sourcing, and increased trade.

    Trinity Metals began operating in Rwanda in 2022 and currently extracts key minerals such as wolframite (tungsten), coltan, and tin.

    The company has already invested over $40 million in its Rwandan operations, which include mining sites at Nyakabingo, Musha, and Rutongo. Collectively, these sites span 17,294 hectares and employ more than 700 people.

    In 2024 alone, Trinity Metals exported 2,226 tonnes of tin, tungsten, and coltan. The company projects that by 2029, its exports could more than double to 5,201 tonnes as global demand for critical minerals increases.

    Trinity Metals and the United States signed a preliminary agreement, which is expected to be followed by a binding agreement.Trinity Metals began operating in Rwanda in 2022 and currently extracts key minerals such as wolframite (tungsten), coltan, and tin.trinity_metals_group.jpg

  • Rwandan Police peacekeepers honored with UN service medals in South Sudan

    The decorated officers of Rwanda Formed Police Unit-One (RWAFPU-1) are deployed in Malakal, Upper Nile State, where they largely charged with protection of civilians in camps, who were displaced by conflicts.

    The medal pinning ceremony was presided over by Paul Adejoh Ebikwo, Officer In Charge (OIC) Head of Field Office, Malakal. It was also attended by other high profile UN officials, peacekeepers from other contributing countries as well as South Sudan government officials and security organs.

    Ebikwo expressed gratitude to the Rwandan peacekeepers for their unwavering commitment and relentless efforts in executing their mission to protect and support vulnerable populations residing in IDP Camps.

    “These medals represent the exceptional professionalism and commitment you have demonstrated in safeguarding peace and security for the people of South Sudan,” Ebikwo said.

    He also commended the Government of Rwanda for its visionary leadership and active contribution to global peace and security efforts.

    Commissioner of Police (CP) Felly Bahizi Rutagerura, the UNMISS Chief of Operations, also thanked the Rwandan Police peacekeepers for supporting the local communities through various social and development initiatives.

    Rwanda started deploying Police peacekeepers in South Sudan in 2015. Currently, there are two Rwandan Formed Police Units; RWAFPU1, based in Malakal in Upper Nile State, and RWAFPU-3, operating in Juba, the capital of South Sudan.

    Rwandan Police peacekeepers have been honored with UN service medals in South Sudan.Rwanda started deploying Police peacekeepers in South Sudan in 2015.The medal pinning ceremony was presided over by Paul Adejoh Ebikwo, Officer In Charge (OIC) Head of Field Office, Malakal.csm_whatsapp_image_2025-05-13_at_16.57_37_b6a8d9ee_f8e884291a-c8949.jpg

  • Gov’t allocates Frw 2.1 billion for asbestos removal in 2025/2026

    The campaign to completely eliminate asbestos roofing and ceiling materials began in 2011, at which point buildings across the country were found to have over 1.692 million square metres of asbestos. Currently, only around 300,000 square metres remain to be removed.

    The dangers of asbestos in roofing materials arise when the materials become damaged or deteriorate over time, releasing microscopic asbestos fibres into the air. When inhaled, these fibres can lodge in the lungs and lead to serious diseases, including cancer.

    RHA’s Director General, Alphonse Rukaburandekwe, told members of Parliament from the Public Accounts and Budget Committee that the new allocation amounting to Frw 2,102,929,920 is expected to accelerate the removal of remaining asbestos roofs, ensuring safer living and working environments in line with national health and safety standards.

    He noted that although the project has been ongoing for years, it has frequently encountered challenges related to the unexpectedly large quantities of asbestos, which often exceeded initial budget estimates.

    He indicated the goal is to complete the full removal of asbestos roofing by 2027.

    In 2024, Mathias Ntakirutimana, the National Coordinator of the Asbestos Removal Project at RHA, told IGIHE that the project was nearing completion.

    At that time, about 130,000 square metres of asbestos remained on buildings owned by citizens, churches, and religious institutions, while government buildings still had approximately 180,000 square metres to be removed.

    Ntakirutimana said that adequate disposal sites have been prepared to safely bury the asbestos roofing and ceilings without harming nearby ecosystems.

    These are specially dug pits using modern methods, some measuring 60 metres long and 20 metres wide, while others are 20 by 30 metres, with a depth of six metres. A pit is considered full when it is just two metres from the surface and is then sealed off.

    In the Southern Province, such pits are located in the districts of Kamonyi, Muhanga, Nyanza, Huye, and Gisagara. In the Eastern Province, they are found in Rwamagana, Nyagatare, Kayonza, Ngoma, and Bugesera.

    In the Northern Province, pits are located in Musanze, Gicumbi, and Rulindo. In the Western Province, they are in Karongi, Rubavu, Ngororero, and Rusizi—areas where asbestos was once commonly used.

    Once filled, these pits are covered with soil and trees are planted on top. The trees help purify the air and hold down the soil to prevent any asbestos dust from rising.

    RHA’s Director General, Alphonse Rukaburandekwe, told members of Parliament from the Public Accounts and Budget Committee that the new allocation amounting to Rwf 2,102,929,920 is expected to accelerate the removal of remaining asbestos roofs across the country, ensuring safer living and working environments in line with national health and safety standards.

  • What the 2025/2026 budget means for Rwanda’s infrastructure and livelihoods

    During a session with Members of Parliament from the Public Accounts and Budget Committee, the ministry presented key priorities for the coming fiscal year. The Ministry of Infrastructure and its affiliated agencies have been allocated Rwf 615.1 billion, which will fund a wide range of projects covering transport, energy, water, sanitation, and housing.

    According to Minister of Infrastructure, Dr. Jimmy Gasore, the government plans to continue expanding access to clean water, electricity, road networks, and environmental conservation measures.

    A particular highlight is the ongoing construction of the Rusizi port, now 80% complete, with plans underway to initiate works on new ports in Karongi and Nkora following the identification of development partners.

    In the energy sector, over 280,000 households are expected to gain access to electricity. The Rwanda Energy Group (REG) revealed that projects such as Nyabarongo II, with a generation capacity of 43.5 megawatts, and the expansion of the Nasho power plant are among those planned for the year.

    Additionally, REG aims to replace the transformer at the Mukungwa power station and extend power to residents in Nyamagabe and Nyaruguru districts. The Energy Development Corporation Limited (EDCL) has been allocated Rwf 200 billion to implement these initiatives, including partnerships with the European Investment Bank and the Korean EDCF.

    In terms of road infrastructure, the government plans to build 143 kilometres of new roads and rehabilitate 110 kilometres of existing ones. A further 131 kilometres of feeder roads to support agriculture will also be constructed. Major road projects include the Huye–Kitabi (53 km), Ngoma–Ramiro (53 km), and Muhanga–Rubengera (Nyange–Muhanga) routes.

    Other urban transport improvement efforts include the Kigali Urban Transport Improvement Project (KUTI) and upgrades to key roads such as Sonatube–Gahanga–Akagera and Nyabugogo–Jabana–Nyacyonga (40 km).

    To improve access to clean water, the government aims to provide safe drinking water to 500,000 new households. By the end of the fiscal year, Rwanda expects to have added 25,000 cubic metres of daily water treatment capacity, progressing toward the 2029 target of 180,000 cubic metres per day.

    The plan also includes the rehabilitation of 665 kilometres of water pipelines and repair of 122 damaged rural water systems. WASAC Group has been allocated Rwf 110.3 billion to lead these efforts.

    Sanitation also features prominently in the budget. The Ministry announced that work on upgrading the Nduba and Musanze landfills will be completed, alongside ongoing efforts to centralise and treat waste from latrines.

    In the housing sector, the government aims to relocate 1,500 households from high-risk zones in 2025/2026. By 2029, this figure is expected to exceed 6,000.

    Dr. Gasore noted that slum upgrading efforts have already led to the construction of 688 housing units, with another 879 planned for the next fiscal year. Redevelopment of informal settlements has so far covered 282 hectares, with plans to cover an additional 213 hectares in 2025/2026 and a total of 1,160 hectares by 2029.

    In the area of environmental protection, more than 100,000 clean cookstoves will be distributed in 2025/2026, contributing to the national goal of reaching over 800,000 households by 2029.

    Electricity provision has also been listed as one of the priorities in the upcoming fiscal year.The government aims to supply clean water to more than 500,000 households during the 2025/2026 fiscal year.        4o miniThe construction of new water supply networks are among initiatives set to be prioritised.Street lighting will also be a priority.-6049a-3-e180c.jpg

  • “Ese mbaze nde?”: A survivor’s cry, a nation’s mirror

    One such masterpiece is the song “Ese Mbaze nde?” (“Who Can I Ask?”) composed in early 1996, a year and a half after the Genocide Against the Tutsi had ended.

    It is not simply a song; it is a cry, a scream through melody, a lamentation rooted in the language of exile and anguish.

    It is a spiritual reckoning with the ungraspable: how does a person live after death has passed so close and so thoroughly?

    Only a few artists in the world have ever captured such depths of human tragedy with such nonphysical precision. Mariya Yohana Mukankuranga is one; Nyiranyamibwa is the other.

    Both women, now octogenarians, are custodians of memory. In her lyrics, Suzanne doesn’t just speak about survivors; she speaks as the survivor.

    She embodies them. Her voice rises with their pain, and sinks with their loneliness. Her art is sacred.

    The flute that opens “Ese Mbaze nde?” is not ornamental. It is the sound of loneliness, of a silence so deep it makes the trees weep.

    And when Nyiranyamibwa begins with the elongated cry, “Ayiiii!” followed by “Ngire nte?” (“How and what can I do?”), it is not a rhetorical question. It is a question thrown into the void.

    In Rwandan tradition, “Ngire nte?” was the second question in a divinatory ritual, meant to help the sufferer discover what sin or misfortune had brought about calamity.

    But for the survivor of genocide, there is no diviner, no answer, and no one to ask.

    “Ese Mbaze nde?” — Who can I ask? Who remains to be my mirror, to bear witness to my loss? The answer is immediate and gut-wrenching: “Uwo nabajije atakiriho” — The one I should ask is no longer here.

    In one breath, Suzanne reminds us that genocide is not only the destruction of lives, but the obliteration of continuity.

    The murder of grandparents, parents, and children is not only physical. It is genealogical.

    A child grows up with no picture of their mother, no memory of their father’s voice, no village to return to.

    “I enter Rwanda and no longer recognize anything,

    It’s as if its heart has been torn out.

    I’m dazed, disoriented, as if emptied of meaning,

    Then my chest tightens as if I were breastfeeding but I’m not, ayiweeeee.”

    This stanza, drawn from deep spiritual trauma, is a psalm of dislocation. A woman who had fled in exile returns to find a Rwanda that resembles a body with no soul. It is a corpse of a country.

    The metaphor of a breast tightening though not breastfeeding evokes phantom pain—a mourning of what should have been: children to hold, to feed, to raise. The pain lingers, even in absence.

    “When I came out, there were no birds… There was sunshine and the stench of death.”

    These are the words of a survivor quoted in the introduction of a book Leave None to Tell the Story, a title borrowed from the genocidaires’ own terrifying boast: “Ntihazagire n’uwo kubara inkuru.”—“Leave none to tell the story.”

    It was not just a threat; it was an instruction—an apocalyptic order to erase an entire people and ensure silence.

    It is in that scorched silence that genocide denial aggravates. And those who deny the genocide against the Tutsi, or who minimize its gravity, are not merely mistaken—they are complicit.

    They are grave-diggers in another sense: they bury truth.

    Suzanne Nyiranyamibwa’s powerful 1996 lament, “Ese Mbaze Nde?” (“Who Can I Ask?”), echoes through the ashes of a people nearly annihilated.

    She returned to Rwanda after the genocide and found a place unrecognizable: hills once alive now quieted by massacre, churches transformed into charnel houses, paths overgrown as though ashamed to lead anywhere.

    Her song asks what every survivor has silently screamed: Where do I go with this grief?

    Who is left to answer? And now, even as survivors sing, we find voices—scholars, bloggers, YouTubers, exiles like Jambo Asbl, Christine Coleman, Claude Gatebuke or Gaspar Musabyimana—who twist the facts, ridicule the pain, and cloak hatred in intellectual varnish.

    They, too, would wish to leave none to tell the story—not with machetes, but with falsehoods.

    There is no moral distance between the hand that wields the blade and the mouth that justifies its swing.

    Nyiranyamibwa’s song transitions from personal lament to collective eulogy:

    “All the paths have been invaded by the bushland,

    The beautiful hills of yesteryear are now covered with ruins,

    Where the children used to play, vultures are now chillers, ayiii.”

    This is poetry born of horror. The metaphor of the land itself decaying parallels the withering of communal life.

    The beloved Rwanda of memory is swallowed by overgrown bushes and haunted by scavengers. Hills that once echoed with children’s laughter now echo with cries of orphans.

    “The crying of the orphans will keep you awake,

    The mother who gave birth is forever reduced to a life without children.

    So many widows are sick with their unspeakable grief, ayiiiiii.”

    To those who survived, the world is not silent. It is filled with cries that pierce the night. Grief has become a second skin.

    A mother without children is an empty vessel, a universe collapsed into silence. An orphan with no one to call “Mama” or “Papa” is a thread torn from the fabric of ancestry.

    Nyiranyamibwa doesn’t shy away from the grotesque reality of the genocide:

    “God’s churches are overflowing with corpses,

    The country is swarming with mines,

    When you survive the night, you’re never sure you’ll survive the day, ayiweeee.”

    It is a theology of abandonment. The sanctuaries became slaughterhouses. Places meant for prayer became tombs.

    The listener can feel the despair of someone who questions even the basic rhythm of time: night and day, safety and danger.

    Nothing can be trusted. This is what it means to survive trauma: waking up is a betrayal of those who did not.

    Nyiranyamibwa turns the focus sharply to the evil that was unleashed:

    “They drove human beings like they were beasts,

    Leading them to their death, these villains

    Having decreed that being Tutsi is an absolute crime, ayiweeee.”

    The song reminds us that the crime of genocide is not simply the act of killing. It is the redefinition of a person as a problem to be solved by death.

    The Tutsi were dehumanized, turned into an infection to be purged. Nyiranyamibwa reminds us of the cruelty with which this ideology was carried out:

    “Any Hutu who didn’t kill didn’t deserve to live,

    Declared an accomplice of the Inkotanyi, he deserved to die,

    Few in his family have escaped death.”

    This rhyme dismantles the false binary often peddled by genocide deniers: that it was a war. It was not.

    It was a meticulously planned extermination, so complete in its cruelty that even dissenters from the killing side were declared enemies.

    “They (the killers) had fun at their expense while they were only clothed in shame.

    They dispossessed them of everything on the hills,

    It was like the Way of the Cross to Golgotha.”

    The use of Christian imagery, though not really accurate, is deliberate. Rwanda, seen as a deeply religious country, saw its churches turned into Golgothas.

    Nyiranyamibwa evokes the crucifixion as a way to depict the collective suffering of the Tutsi—humiliated, stripped of dignity, paraded toward death.

    “Anyone not killed with the machete perished by a small, worn-out hoe,

    You had to pay to get killed with a bullet,

    If you didn’t buy your death, you were cut up into pieces

    It was unthinkable, no one could ever have imagined it.”

    To pay for a bullet was considered a mercy—instead of being killed with a machete.

    What does it say about a world where the price of a humane death becomes a privilege? This song carries these realities with brutal honesty.

    And Nyiranyamibwa, having seen it, returns to Belgium after 1994 carrying not just her own grief but that of over a million.

    Her father, Phillip Karahamuheto, was killed in the 1963 anti-Tutsi pogroms. She had lived genocide before genocide.

    She was already mourning before 1994. Hers is a generational grief. And yet, she does not end in hatred.

    Suzanne Nyiranyamibwa ends her song not with vengeance, but with a profound call—a plea—to “fight hatred and resentment.”

    It is an act of courage to ask a shattered world to heal. But healing cannot coexist with denial.

    And those who deny the Genocide against the Tutsi—or dress up that denial in euphemism, revisionism, and false balance—inflict a second death upon the victims and a fresh wound upon the survivors.

    ‘Leave None to Tell the Story’ was not just a documentation of atrocities—it was a prophetic indictment.

    The genocidaires did not merely aim to kill people; they aimed to kill memory. That is why they desecrated bodies, crushed skulls, burned homes, and incinerated identity cards.

    That is why they chased pregnant women and infants. That is why they planned it in schools, in government offices, in churches.

    And that is why the title of the book stings: because survivors emerged from the graveyards alone, with no one left to ask, “Who were my parents? Where is my brother buried?

    Did anyone see my sister’s face before she was taken?” Nyiranyamibwa gave voice to that cry: “Ese mbaze nde?”

    Humanity must not entertain those who feign objectivity while playing host to denial. The world must not excuse ignorance that becomes ideology.

    Any sane person must not allow memory to be murdered a second time.

    To deny genocide—or to forget it, is to complete the mission of the killers.

    To distort truth is to swing the same machete—only now, at truth, at justice, and at the dignity of survivors.

    There is no innocence in silence.

    This is the principle of the survivor: not settling scores, but resistance through truth. This is moral clarity.

    Survivors are not asking for pity; they are commanding remembrance. They are not asking for vengeance; they are demanding accountability and justice.

    Nyiranyamibwa’s lament is not unique to her. It belongs to thousands who survived. Thousands who came out of hiding to find no one left.

    Who looked for the path home and found it overgrown. Who waited to hear the voice of a loved one and heard only silence.

    Children who now have no family name to pass on. Men and women who carry trauma in their bones.

    The cry “Ngire nte?” must echo through every Rwandan conscience. What do we do with this past? How do we honour it without being swallowed by it? How do we make “Never Again” more than a slogan?

    Nyiranyamibwa’s song feels like it inspired that title “Leave None to Tell the Story,”. She sings because there are some left to tell the story. She sings so we listen.

    Rwanda must never forget. The world must never forget. For if we do, we return to the abyss.

    Nyiranyamibwa sings not only to the past but also to the future. Her cry is not only retrospective; it is far-sighted.

    There are survivors today who still don’t know where their families are buried. Who don’t know the faces of their mothers, the voices of their fathers, or the smell of their homes.

    There are children born from rape, now grown, who ask, “Ese mbaze nde?” There are orphans who have become parents without ever being parented themselves. There are souls still wandering the ruins of memory.

    To sing is to defy oblivion. To remember is to heal. To grieve together is to rebuild what was meant to be destroyed.

    Nyiranyamibwa’s voice, cracked by time and grief, remains the most authentic sound of Rwanda’s conscience. May it echo through our politics, the churches and mosques, our classrooms, and our families.

    May her cry become our call to action. May her song be the anthem of every person who chooses love over hate, truth over denial, memory over silence.

    For we must ask ourselves, as a nation and as humanity:

    “Ese Mbaze nde?” Who can I ask?

    The answer, painful as it is, may very well be: You.

    You are left to tell the story. You are the one they must ask. You are the keeper of memory.

    Let the story never die. Let the silence never return. Let the music of truth ring louder than the drums of hate.

    Suzanne Nyiranyamibwa sang, and in doing so, she gave us the courage to answer:

    “Ngire nte?”

    Here is how: We remember. We protect the truth. We raise a generation that kneels before the sacred story of survival and stands up to say:

    Never again is not negotiable. Never again is now.

    Suzanne Nyiranyamibwa is one of those rare voices still preserved to remind Rwanda and the world what it means to survive the unspeakable.

  • DR Congo turns to Colombian mercenaries after Romanians fail against M23

    Since late last year, it has been reported that the Tshisekedi administration remains committed to working with mercenaries, even after the failure of the Romanian contingent. These efforts have recently intensified.

    American mercenary Erik Dean Prince, founder of the private military company Blackwater, has recently signed an agreement with the Congolese government to provide security for the country’s mines and oversee tax collection systems. This agreement was finalized in January 2025, following extended negotiations between both parties.

    IGIHE learnt from credible sources that through his company Blackwater, Prince has been recruiting mercenaries—predominantly Colombians—for deployment to DR Congo.

    ColombianMercenaries already active in Ukraine and Sudan

    Former Colombian soldiers have increasingly entered the global mercenary market and are now among the most sought-after worldwide. During the height of the Ukraine-Russia war, many Colombians joined the conflict, fighting on behalf of the Ukrainian government.

    They were reportedly promised salaries of up to 19 million Colombian pesos per month (approximately $4,300). Recruitment ads flooded platforms like TikTok, prompting eager applicants to fly from Bogotá to Madrid, then onward to Poland before entering Ukraine.

    The lucrative offers drew many former Colombian soldiers into the mercenary field. In Mexico, Colombian ex-military personnel are also highly sought after by drug cartels for smuggling and security operations.

    In Africa, Colombians have also been spotted in Sudan. Recent reports indicated that over 300 of them were fighting alongside the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary group.

    Since the early 2000s, Colombian mercenaries have operated in conflict zones including Russia, Yemen, Libya, Somalia, and Afghanistan. In Yemen, they were reportedly earning up to $7,000 per month.

    In 2021, Colombian mercenaries were also implicated in the assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse. Seventeen Colombians were arrested and are currently detained in Port-au-Prince.

    More than 300 Colombian mercenaries have reportedly died in Ukraine since the war began.

    Rwanda’s concerns over DR Congo’s intentions

    Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, recently told Mama Urwa Gasabo TV that despite ongoing negotiations between Rwanda, the DR Congo, and the M23 group, evidence suggests the Congolese government is still preparing for war.

    He said this concern has been brought to the attention of mediators, including Qatar and the United States.

    “We have raised our concerns with the mediators that, while talks are ongoing, the Congolese government continues to pursue war. They are still importing weapons and hiring mercenaries, even after the Romanian forces were defeated—they are now recruiting new ones,” Nduhungirehe said.

    U.S. distances itself from Erik Prince’s activities

    While the United States plays a key role in mediating between Rwanda and the DR Congo, one of its own citizens—Erik Prince—is actively engaged in efforts to deploy mercenaries to the Congolese government.

    Sources indicate that Prince’s actions are not supported by the U.S. government. In fact, a 2024 United Nations report revealed that Prince had proposed deploying up to 2,500 mercenaries to the DR Congo.

    Prince, a former member of the elite U.S. Navy SEALs (1993–1995), founded Blackwater after leaving the military following the death of his father, Edgar Prince.

    He went on to work closely with the U.S. government on various military and security missions.

    It was once reported that when the UN peacekeeping mission MONUSCO withdraws from the DR Congo, Blackwater could assume security responsibilities in some regions.

    Former Colombian soldiers have increasingly entered the global mercenary market and are now among the most sought-after worldwide.American mercenary Erik Dean Prince, founder of the private military company Blackwater, has recently signed an agreement with the Congolese government to provide security for the country’s mines and oversee tax collection systems.

  • Trump inks major defense deal with Saudi Arabia, announces plan to lift sanctions on Syria

    According to a White House statement, the investment commitment involves agreements spanning various sectors, including “energy security, defense industry, technology leadership, and access to global infrastructure and critical minerals.”

    Among the deals was “the largest defense sales agreement in history — nearly 142 billion dollars,” the statement said.

    As part of the defense agreement, the United States will provide Saudi Arabia with “state-of-the-art warfighting equipment and services from over a dozen U.S. defense firms.”

    “This deal represents a significant investment in Saudi Arabia’s defense and regional security, built on American systems and training,” the statement added.

    Speaking later at an investment forum, the U.S. president announced that he would lift sanctions on Syria.

    “I will be ordering the cessation of sanctions against Syria in order to give them a chance,” Trump said, noting that the United States had taken the first steps toward normalizing relations with Damascus.

    While praising ties with Saudi Arabia, Trump expressed hope that the kingdom would join the Abraham Accords.

    The Abraham Accords, brokered by the United States during Trump’s first term in office, aimed to normalize relations between Israel and Arab nations.

    U.S. efforts to promote normalization between Israel and Arab countries stalled amid Washington’s support for Israel’s military offensive in Gaza, which has killed more than 52,900 Palestinians since October 2023 and drawn widespread regional criticism.

    On potential peace talks between Russia and Ukraine, Trump said Secretary of State Marco Rubio would travel to Türkiye later this week to join the negotiations.

    Trump is on a four-day trip to the Middle East from Tuesday to Friday, his first major foreign visit since taking office in January. Saudi Arabia is the first stop of his tour, which will also include Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.

    Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud (R) meets with visiting U.S. President Donald Trump in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on May 13, 2025. (Saudi Press Agency/Handout via Xinhua)