Speaking to reporters at the White House, Trump argued that merely having a military presence on the island under an existing agreement is not enough to guarantee its defense, and that full ownership would strengthen U.S. strategic security in the region.
Trump noted that the United States already maintains troops in Greenland under a 1951 defense agreement with Denmark, but he said that the U.S. must move beyond defensive arrangements and assume ownership.
“You defend ownership. You don’t defend leases,” he told journalists, suggesting that without such a move Russia or China could gain influence in Greenland—an outcome he considered unacceptable for U.S. national security.
Greenland is an autonomous territory of Denmark with a population of about 57,000 people, and it is not part of the United States. Trump suggested several options to make this happen, including potential financial incentives for Greenlanders to consider breaking away from Danish control and joining the United States, although he did not provide specific financial figures.
The proposal has drawn strong negative reactions from European leaders. Officials from France, Germany, Denmark and other NATO allies issued a joint statement reaffirming that decisions about Greenland’s future belong exclusively to Greenland and Denmark, and warning against foreign interference in the island’s status.
Leaders in Greenland itself have firmly rejected Trump’s push for U.S. control. A joint statement by political party leaders emphasized that Greenland’s future should be decided by its own people, highlighting concerns about sovereignty and international law. They insisted the island is not for sale and reaffirmed calls for self‑determination without outside pressure.
Denmark’s prime minister also condemned the idea, warning that any move to take control of Greenland by force would jeopardize the stability of NATO, the transatlantic military alliance that includes both Denmark and the United States as members. Critics have said that a forced takeover would undermine trust between longstanding allies and could weaken broader cooperation on global security issues.
In response to the escalating controversy, Greenland’s parliament said it will bring forward a meeting specifically to address the situation and discuss how to protect the territory’s rights and future amid external pressure from Washington.
Trump’s renewed push to acquire Greenland revives a controversial idea he first floated during his first presidential term, but it comes at a time of heightened global competition in the Arctic, where Russia and China have been increasing their presence.
For someone who grew up surrounded by war, noise, and urgency, this calm still feels significant.
“I came from big cities where life is stressful,” he says. “But here, everything is relaxed and calm.”
Ibrahim is a filmmaker, cinematographer, editor and often all three at once. His work revolves around motion, but his life in Rwanda has taught him the value of stillness. It’s a lesson he didn’t expect to learn in a country the world once defined almost entirely by tragedy.
He first felt it the moment he landed at the Kigali International Airport.
“I landed in Rwanda, and the first moment I stepped into the airport, I felt something,” he says. “It was like it could become home.”
In his early days, he spent most of his time at Mocha Café in Kigali. Coffee turned into conversations with strangers. Strangers became friends. Friends became family. It happened naturally, without effort. Coming from cities where survival required constant alertness, the openness disarmed him.
“I met a lot of people,” he says. “They became friends. They became family.”
Ibrahim’s relationship with conflict is not theoretical. He was born in Baghdad in 1998. War was already part of the city’s language by the time he could understand it. When the American invasion began in 2003, chaos followed quickly. His father, a journalist with Al Jazeera, knew how dangerous everything could be. In 2004, the family left Iraq.
Baghdad became a memory suspended in time. He hasn’t returned since.
“I left Iraq in 2004,” he says. “Sadly, ever since then, I haven’t seen my hometown.”
Rwanda, too, carries the weight of memory. In 1994, a million lives were lost in the Genocide against the Tutsi. The country the world expected to collapse chose a different path, one that Mushtaq openly admires.
Thirty years after the genocide, Rwanda hosts international sporting events, builds infrastructure at a staggering pace, and quietly rewrites the assumptions placed upon it.
“What happened 30 years ago and what you see today, no country on this planet can achieve that in 30 years,” Ibrahim says.
It’s that contrast that keeps him here.
He arrived in Africa in 2023 as a filmmaker on assignment, unaware that the continent might leave a mark on him personally. Having grown up in Qatar after leaving Baghdad, and later moving to Turkey to study cinema and begin his career, Africa was not on his map. His first stop was Uganda, where he went with his father and brother to film a project.
The timing, however, was far from ideal. Work was delayed by the Gaza war, and the unfamiliar surroundings quickly took a toll. Malaria struck, leaving him bedridden for fifteen days. Isolated and exhausted, the new environment felt overwhelming.
“At that moment, I decided to go back to Turkey and never return to Africa,” he says.
But his father remained behind, moving on to Rwanda, and it was through him that Ibrahim was introduced to the country. Weeks later, a single photo of a roundabout framed by the Kigali skyline and the Convention Center arrived with a simple note: “Just give it a chance.”
He did, and what followed was movement.
After settling in, Ibrahim rented a car and began driving. Not just Kigali, but beyond it. North. South. East. West. Villages. Districts. Forests. Hills. He discovered an impressive Rwanda: rainforests in Nyungwe alive with monkeys, mist rolling through Volcanoes National Park, roads that curve endlessly through green.
“Kigali is just one part of Rwanda,” he says. “You need to go and discover the nature, the diversity.”
By the time he finished, he had seen nearly 90 percent of the country.
His camera became both witness and argument.
When friends back home joked about Africa, do they have phones, cars, internet? Ibrahim didn’t respond with words. He posted stories. Reels. Quiet moments of daily life. Clean streets. Safety. Beauty.
“They don’t know,” he says. “That’s the stereotype.”
People started asking questions. Then they started visiting.
Professionally, Rwanda unlocked something new.
Starting a business was easy. So he did. Premium Cut Production became his base, a production house where projects move from idea to final cut under one roof. He shot for clients, cafés, events. Slowly, the work grew.
The UCI Road World Championships in September 2025 marked a turning point. As one of the event’s photographers, Ibrahim moved behind the scenes, watching cyclists collapse from exhaustion after Rwanda’s relentless hills, documenting fleeting moments.
“One was sitting on the ground, tired,” he says. “His whole team was around him. He was exhausted because Rwanda is very challenging.”
Away from work, Rwanda reshaped his body as much as his mind.
“I used to smoke for almost 15 years,” he says. “Then the environment and the community here made me see myself as different, so I quit.”
He started running. Training. Lifting weights at Soho, where fitness turned into community. The running club meets twice a week. Thirty to sixty runners. Consistent. Quietly disciplined.
“This environment gave me a feeling of calmness, of a healthy environment,” he says.
Ibrahim thinks often about what comes next, not for himself, but for others.
He dreams of giving back to Rwanda through a free filmmaking school or weekly workshops for Rwandan youth. “We learned from others; it’s our duty to pass it on,” he says. His goal is to provide aspiring filmmakers with the tools to build their skills and income. “No fees, just tools,” he adds.
He encourages young videographers and photographers to seek information online, to copy styles at first, learn from mistakes, and eventually develop their own unique voices.
“YouTube has billions of tutorials,” he points out.
One day, he hopes to return to Baghdad. To walk the streets he left as a child. To see what time has done to the place that shaped him. Until then, Kigali holds his present.
Among the major categories, the food and non-alcoholic beverages group , which carries significant weight in the CPI basket, increased by 3.6% on an annual basis but declined by 0.6% month-on-month.
Alcoholic beverages, tobacco, and narcotics rose by 16.7% year-on-year and fell by 0.5% compared to the previous month.
Housing, water, electricity, gas, and other fuels climbed by 8.4% annually and edged up by 0.3% monthly. The Health category recorded the most dramatic annual surge at 70.8%, while remaining stable month-on-month.
Transport prices increased by 9.4% year-on-year and by 0.6% month-on-month. Restaurants and hotels saw a substantial 17.4% annual rise, with a modest 0.1% monthly increase.
The data also highlight differences between product origins and types. Prices of local products rose by 7.3% on an annual basis but decreased by 0.2% month-on-month, while imported products increased by 10.1% annually and by 0.4% monthly.
Fresh products saw a 3.6% annual increase but dropped by 1.2% compared to November. Energy prices rose by 14% year-on-year and by 0.8% month-on-month while the general index excluding fresh products and energy increased by 8.9% annually and by 0.3% month-on-month.
These figures appear in the Rwanda Statistical Yearbook 2025, which NISR released in late December 2025. The investment statistics were compiled from data sourced from the Rwanda Development Board (RDB).
According to the report, both investment inflows and associated job creation showed a generally upward trend between 2017 and 2024, even though the period included several fluctuations. After starting at $1.67 billion in 2017, investment dropped to $1.14 billion in 2018 before recovering to $2.46 billion in 2019.
The COVID-19 pandemic caused a sharp decline to $1.3 billion in 2020. The highest level during the eight-year span came in 2021, when investment peaked at $3.75 billion. It then fell to $1.63 billion in 2022, rose again to $2.47 billion in 2023, and climbed to $3.27 billion in 2024.
Investment has consistently played a major role in employment generation. In 2017, it supported the creation of 37,548 jobs. The figure decreased to 24,946 jobs in 2018, rebounded to 35,715 in 2019, and then dropped to 24,675 in 2020 due to the pandemic’s effects.
A strong recovery followed in 2021 with 48,369 jobs created. The highest annual total occurred in 2022, when 57,627 new positions were generated. Job creation eased to 40,198 in 2023 before rising once more to 51,635 in 2024.
The data clearly shows that investment remains one of the most important drivers of job creation in Rwanda, even when annual investment amounts vary.
Looking ahead, the Government of Rwanda’s Second National Strategy for Transformation (NST2), which covers the years 2024 to 2029, sets an ambitious target of creating at least 250,000 new jobs every year.
Over the full five-year period, the plan aims to generate a total of 1.25 million new jobs across the country.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reports that more than 101,000 Congolese crossed into Burundi in early December 2025 following violent clashes in the Ruzizi Valley.
When the fighting subsided on December 9, many refugees sought to return to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but the Burundian government rejected their requests. Some were detained, while others were warned they would be relocated to camps far from the border.
Human rights organizations say the refugees are enduring dire conditions in Burundi, marked by shortages of food, clean water, and access to medical care. Since early December, more than 100 Congolese refugees have reportedly died from hunger and diseases, including cholera linked to poor sanitation.
The AFC/M23 coalition has urged Burundi to reopen the Gatumba and Vugizo border posts to allow refugees to return home. The government, however, has maintained its refusal despite the worsening humanitarian situation.
Since last week, some of the refugees living in the temporary Cishemere camp in Cibitoke have started crossing the Ruzizi River after hearing that they would be moved to camps further from the border.
According to the SOS Media, the decision to cross the river was risky, with two refugees tragically drowning. Their belongings, found on January 2, were badly damaged.
Despite the risks, some refugees have managed to cross the river with help from Burundian residents.
Their life back home, however, is drastically different from the one they are enduring in the camps.
A returnee in Luvungi shared, “After all I went through in the temporary camp, I didn’t want to stay there anymore. Some Burundians helped me cross the Ruzizi River. Today, I am living a normal life in Luvungi.”
Some Congolese refugees resorted to bribing Burundian soldiers, police officers, and members of the Imbonerakure militia to gain permission to cross the border and reunite with their families.
A refugee from Sange in South Kivu said, “I was with my wife and our eight children. They asked for 300,000 Burundian francs. I had to give them three of our goats to allow us to cross.”
Many refugees remain stranded, unable to return due to fear of drowning in the Ruzizi River or lack of money to pay bribes. They continue to appeal to the Burundian government to open border routes and allow them to return to their homeland.
The accusation was made in an official statement carried by North Korean state media, reflecting growing tensions on the Korean Peninsula.
According to the North Korean military, its forces used special electronic warfare assets to bring down a South Korean drone flying over a border town on Sunday.
North Korea claims the unmanned aircraft was equipped with two cameras that filmed unspecified areas inside the North, which Pyongyang considers a direct violation of its sovereignty.
South Korea’s Defense Ministry quickly rejected the allegation, saying it did not operate drones on the dates cited by North Korea.
South Korean President Lee Jae Myung has ordered a thorough investigation into the North’s claims.
The dispute comes as South Korea’s liberal government under President Lee seeks to restore diplomatic ties with the North, a goal that has been hampered by repeated military provocations and distrust.
North Korea has largely refused talks with Seoul and the United States since high‑stakes nuclear diplomacy collapsed in 2019 amid disagreements over international sanctions.
Drone flights have been a recurring source of friction between the Koreas. Both sides have previously accused each other of airspace violations involving unmanned aerial vehicles in recent years, contributing to long‑standing security pressures along the border.
Thomas Kenneth Elisapana, spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, said the accusations implicating government officials in obstructing humanitarian access by imposing illicit costs are unsubstantiated.
“We have not yet received official communication on this through diplomatic channels, but our preliminary position is this: the claim about senior government officials being involved in the obstruction of humanitarian activities is unsubstantiated and therefore unfounded,” he told journalists in Juba, the capital of South Sudan.
South Sudan, as a sovereign country, respects the U.S. government’s decisions, he said, adding that Juba has been providing unhindered access to humanitarian activities through the concerned authorities.
On Thursday, the United States suspended foreign assistance in Ayod County, Jonglei State, and said it is reviewing its aid to Western Bahr el Ghazal State and considering significant reductions, according to a statement issued by its embassy in Juba.
The investment is outlined in the Strategic Plan for Agriculture Transformation (PSTA 5) and aims to boost productivity, ensure food security, and strengthen Rwanda’s agricultural exports.
Agriculture currently contributes around 25% to Rwanda’s GDP, according to the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR), and remains a key driver of economic growth.
As part of the government’s long-term plan, agricultural productivity is expected to grow by at least 50% by 2029, with a focus on boosting crop and livestock production. The investment will also prioritise climate-resilient farming and innovations to ensure the sector remains competitive and sustainable in the face of climate change, ensuring that Rwanda can meet the food demands of its growing population, projected to reach 22 million by 2050.
Under the government’s plan, the country’s food self-sufficiency ratio is expected to rise from 79.6% in 2024 to 100% by 2029. Prime Minister Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva told Parliament in October 2025 that agriculture and livestock have been key drivers of economic growth, helping per capita output rise from USD 754 in 2017 to USD 1,040 in 2024.
Rwanda also aims to increase exports by an average of 13% per year, with export revenues projected to reach USD 7.3 billion by 2029. Agricultural and livestock output is expected to grow by at least 50% over the same period.
MINAGRI says the investment will focus on multiple pillars, including climate-resilient farming, irrigation, modern crop and livestock production, and seed quality improvement, with private sector collaboration expected to help scale production. Over 37% of the planned investment will go toward high-yield, climate-resilient crops.
Irrigation coverage has already expanded from 52,000 hectares in 2017 to over 74,000 hectares, with a target of 132,171 hectares by 2029. The government also provides farmers with 50% subsidies for small-scale irrigation equipment on plots up to 10 hectares.
Livestock development will remain a priority, with modern breeding programs, including embryo transfer technologies, aiming to increase milk, meat, and fish production. Fish output is projected to rise from 52,000 tons in 2025 to 77,000 tons by 2029, while egg production is expected to reach 21,000 tons from 17,000 tons in 2024.
Since 2017, the government has invested over Rwf 36.6 billion to improve access to livestock vaccines and other essential inputs.
Minister of Agriculture Dr. Ndabamenye Telesphore recently emphasised that the “food basket sites” initiative, along with other programs, will help double agricultural productivity and reinforce Rwanda’s food security ambitions.
Trump said Venezuela had begun releasing a significant number of political prisoners as a gesture of “seeking peace,” following last week’s US-led operation to abduct President Nicolás Maduro, who is currently in US custody along with his wife, Cilia Flores.
“This is a very important and smart gesture. The USA and Venezuela are working well together, especially as it pertains to rebuilding, in a much bigger, better, and more modern form, their oil and gas infrastructure,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.
“Because of this cooperation, I have cancelled the previously expected second Wave of Attacks, which looks like it will not be needed; however, all ships will stay in place for safety and security purposes.”
The announcement comes amid evolving US-Venezuela relations, with Trump indicating earlier on Fox News’s Hannity program that Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado would visit Washington next week, despite his previous dismissals of her political influence.
Trump also told The New York Times on Wednesday that the US was “getting along very well” with Venezuela’s interim government, led by acting President Delcy Rodríguez.
In addition to the diplomatic developments, Trump is scheduled to meet with executives from major oil companies at the White House on Friday. He announced that “at least 100 billion dollars will be invested by BIG OIL” in Venezuela, a move aimed at restoring the country’s oil and gas infrastructure.
The Trump administration has repeatedly indicated its intention to control Venezuela’s oil industry indefinitely. Energy Secretary Chris Wright has emphasised that Washington would manage the country’s oil production, though the state-run oil company has maintained that it remains in charge, negotiating only on oil sales with the US.
Exxon Mobil, Chevron, and ConocoPhillips are expected to attend the White House meeting. Chevron is currently the only US company licensed to operate in Venezuela; Exxon and ConocoPhillips left the country in 2007 after refusing to cede majority stakes to the government.
Venezuela, sanctioned by Washington since 2019, holds roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil reserves but produced only about 1 percent of global crude output in 2024, according to OPEC. Trump views the country’s oil wealth as a potential boost to lower domestic fuel prices in the US.
A United Nations expert report, released on December 30, 2025, reveals that since March 2025, AFC/M23 fighters have launched repeated attacks against Wazalendo groups, forcing them to relocate their positions. Some Wazalendo members, including the well-known figure Mapenzi, formerly of NDC-R, have defected to the coalition, which controls areas including the city of Goma.
The UN experts noted that Wazalendo and FDLR forces have continued operations across several parts of North Kivu Province, including the territories of Masisi, Rutshuru, Nyiragongo, and Walikale, and that they maintain a presence even on the outskirts of Goma.
Guidon Shimiray Mwissa, the overall commander of Wazalendo and leader of NDC-R, relocated from Pinga in Walikale to the Kibati area. Janvier Karairi Boingo of APCLS established bases in Lukweti, Masisi, while fighters of the CMC-FDP group, led by Dominique Ndaruhutse, were stationed in Virunga National Park.
Since June 2025, Wazalendo fighters, in collaboration with the FDLR, have infiltrated areas controlled by AFC/M23, occasionally setting ambushes. Their operations aim to regain strategic locations, impede AFC/M23 fighters, and block supply routes used for transporting equipment.
The report highlights that in several attacks, Congolese government forces provided air support to these groups, and in some instances, government soldiers also participated directly in ground operations.
“Despite diplomatic efforts to address the presence of FDLR, FARDC continued to rely on operational support from the FDLR and groups aligned with them,” the report reads in part.
Assistance from the DRC government to armed groups operating in North Kivu reportedly included weapons, ammunition, food, and uniforms, along with monthly payments of USD 300,000. These operations were largely coordinated through Colonel Cyprien Semivumbi Sekololo.
On October 10, 2025, the Congolese army issued a statement urging government soldiers and civilians to cease cooperating with the FDLR militia group, formed by individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. The army also called on FDLR fighters to lay down their arms and be repatriated to Rwanda, warning that those who refused would face military action.
The army stated that its actions complied with the peace agreement signed between the DRC and Rwanda on June 27, 2025, which includes provisions to dismantle the FDLR and the lifting of Rwanda’s defensive measures.
The report indicates that this army statement created tensions between the DRC military and the FDLR, as well as with Wazalendo. Some officials within the government and military reportedly acted behind the scenes to reassure the groups that cooperation would continue.
UN experts further noted that even if operations to dismantle the FDLR were attempted, the Congolese army lacks the capacity to completely neutralize the group.
{{Mercenaries in Kisangani and Walikale
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The report confirms that after AFC/M23 gained control of Goma in 2025, mercenaries from the Congo Protection, who had been operating alongside Congolese government forces, suspended their operations. Additionally, mercenaries from the Agemira group terminated their contracts in July 2025
On January 29, 2025, more than 280 mercenaries from Europe, primarily Romania, returned home via Rubavu and then flew out from Kigali International Airport.
Following Agemira’s withdrawal, the DRC government quickly hired other mercenaries reported to operate CH-4 drones. These drones were heavily deployed on the battlefield after government forces suffered significant losses.
The experts explained that the city of Kisangani, in Tshopo Province, is of strategic importance to Congolese forces fighting in North and South Kivu, as its airport serves as a key hub for deploying drones and other military equipment.
Kisangani has also emerged as a new base for foreign mercenary groups. Specifically, camps such as the one named after Lt Gen Bahuma Ambamba Lucien, as well as areas in Walikale, have hosted mercenaries from El Salvador since July 2025.
