The hearing, which began at 2:00 p.m. local time (0500 GMT), included the examination of evidence by Yoon’s legal team and the National Assembly, which acted as the prosecution.
Appearing in court at 9:00 p.m., Yoon expressed regret for the confusion caused by his martial law declaration, claiming it was necessary due to a national emergency. However, the opposition argued that no such emergency existed.
Yoon insisted lawmakers were not prevented from entering the National Assembly to revoke the martial law, which lasted only two and a half hours. The emergency declaration, issued on Dec. 3, was overturned by the opposition-led parliament shortly after.
During the brief imposition, military helicopters landed at the National Assembly, and armed soldiers entered the building, as shown in TV footage.
While Yoon denied ordering the removal of lawmakers, military commanders testified they had received such directives, according to the prosecution.
The National Assembly’s lawyers argued Yoon had violated the constitution and was unfit for office due to his outdated views on presidential emergency powers.
Yoon was apprehended on Jan. 15 and indicted on Jan. 26 as a suspected leader of insurrection, a charge that could lead to life imprisonment or the death penalty if convicted.
The National Assembly passed the impeachment motion on Dec. 14, suspending Yoon’s presidency while the court deliberates for up to 180 days. However, given past precedents, a final ruling is expected within two weeks.
In a statement released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation on February 25, 2025, Rwanda criticized the UK’s decision, accusing it of taking sides and undermining regional security.
“The punitive measures announced today by the UK Government in response to the conflict in eastern DRC, where the UK has now clearly chosen a side, are regrettable. It is unreasonable to expect Rwanda to compromise its national security and the safety of Rwandans,” the statement read.
Rwanda argued that the measures will neither help the DRC nor contribute to a sustainable political solution, adding that the true responsibility for the crisis lies with the Congolese government.
“The Government of the DRC has a lot more to answer for than any other party within the DRC itself and in the region but gets away with all manner of violations for reasons that are obvious to all,” the statement continued.
Rwanda reiterated its stance that security guarantees are non-negotiable, citing the failure of both the DRC and the international community to address its concerns.
“Rwanda will continue to insist on security guarantees, which the DRC and the international community have so far been unwilling or unable to provide. This perpetual situation of instability seems to benefit, directly or indirectly, a number of those associated with the conflict.”
Rwanda emphasized its commitment to resolving the crisis through African-led mediation and called on the international community to support this approach.
“Rwanda is fully committed to working with partner states on the ongoing African-led mediation process and calls on the international community to support this effort, which is the only credible pathway to a negotiated solution.”
The statement comes as tensions between M23 rebels and the DRC continue to escalate, with international powers increasingly weighing in on the conflict that has displaced and destabilized thousands in the region.
According to the Ministry of Defense, their talks focused on areas of mutual interest between Rwanda and Israel and enhancing military cooperation between the two nations.
The relationship between Rwanda and Israel dates back to Rwanda’s independence in July 1962 but was interrupted by the aftermath of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War.
One year after the Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA-Inkotanyi) liberated Rwanda, diplomatic ties with Israel were restored and have since strengthened, culminating in Rwanda opening an embassy in Tel Aviv.
Rwanda and Israel maintain cooperation agreements across various sectors, including defense, agriculture, technology, education, and private sector development.
Minister Marizamunda also welcomed Mali’s Ambassador to Rwanda, Brig. Gen. Mamary Camara, with whom he discussed enhancing military collaboration between the two countries.
In a meeting with representatives of various political parties in Rwanda on February 25, 2025, Kabarebe explained that the Congolese president made this decision after betraying members of the M23 rebel group who had traveled to Kinshasa to negotiate for peace in eastern DRC. Tshisekedi had promised to work with them in 2019.
“By 2021, Tshisekedi promised he was going to find a solution for Kivu and declared a state of emergency, a wartime condition. He sacked all civilian leaders in Kivu, including Governors and replaced them with military officials. While people were confused about the reason, he was actually preparing for war. What he called bringing peace to Kivu was, in reality, preparation for war,” Kabarebe said.
He clarified that the M23 fighters who went to negotiate in Kinshasa did not come from Rwanda but had been residing in Bihanga military camp in Uganda, where they kept their weapons.
“They entered Uganda, where they were taken to Bihanga military camp. Their weapons were not confiscated. Bihanga is about two and a half hours from here,” he noted.
He explained that while President Tshisekedi promised to collaborate with M23 fighters, he refused President Paul Kagame’s request to dismantle the FDLR, a genocidal armed group operating in eastern DRC.
This refusal had dire consequences for Rwanda. In October 2019, RUD-Urunana, a subsidiary of the FDLR, attacked Musanze district, killing 14 civilians. This attack highlighted the persistent threat posed by the FDLR, which has long sought to destabilize Rwanda from its bases in eastern DRC near the border.
Kabarebe also explained that when M23 resumed fighting the Congolese army (FARDC) in November 2021, they did not come from Rwanda but were based on Mount Sabyinyo, located at the DRC-Uganda border.
As M23 continued to defeat FARDC, the DRC government made a strategic error by collaborating with mercenaries and rebuilding the FDLR despite its genocidal ideology.
“Some may wonder where the strength of the FDLR comes from. Their strength lies in their genocidal ideology. Regardless of their numbers, as long as they uphold this ideology, they remain a significant threat,” he elaborated.
Kabarebe criticized the international community for its inaction despite consistent reports from UN experts confirming FARDC’s collaboration with the FDLR and identifying officers involved in these dealings.
“The international community cannot claim innocence in the crisis in eastern DRC. Every year, UN experts report that FARDC works with the FDLR and even provide the names of collaborating officers,” he stated.
{{SAMIDRC’s involvement in the conflict}}
Kabarebe also highlighted that the DRC government invited troops from South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi under the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mission known as SAMIDRC to support its fight against M23.
The UN Security Council authorized MONUSCO to provide technical and logistical assistance to SAMIDRC.
He recalled that these same countries were part of the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) that expelled M23 in 2013, forcing them to seek refuge in Uganda. This time, however, these SADC countries joined the DRC despite being aware of its collaboration with the FDLR.
“The same countries that comprised FIB in 2013, South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania, are now part of SAMIDRC in 2024. The question is, did these countries know they were joining an alliance with the FDLR? Yes, they knew. They came to support both Tshisekedi and the FDLR,” he asserted.
He further accused SAMIDRC of participating in Tshisekedi and Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye’s alleged plan to overthrow the Rwandan government, a threat Rwanda has not taken lightly by strengthening its defensive measures.
“Rwanda has never attacked Congo or planned to do so. Our priority is self-defense against those who have publicly declared their intent to attack us,” he affirmed.
{{International community’s self-interest}}
Kabarebe criticized the international community for shifting the blame onto Rwanda due to M23’s military successes against FARDC, even contemplating sanctions against her.
“The international community’s response to M23’s victories has been to blame Rwanda. M23’s issue was never Rwanda’s, but they insist on making it our responsibility. Even when sanctions are imposed by the US or the EU, they target Rwanda as if it were our problem,” he noted.
He accused the international community of deliberately preserving the FDLR to use it as a tool against Rwanda. “They don’t want the FDLR dismantled because it serves their interests. The FDLR has become a weapon they can use to intimidate Rwanda and keep us in check,” he remarked.
Regarding the advanced weaponry in M23’s possession, Kabarebe clarified that M23 seizes these weapons from FARDC during battles. He cited the large cache of heavy artillery and other equipment M23 captured in Goma, Sake, and surrounding areas.
“The heavy weaponry you saw in Goma was intended to target Rwanda. These were stationed just 4 to 5 kilometers from our border, aimed directly at us,” he revealed.
He called for a lasting solution to the crisis based on decisions made by the East African Community (EAC) and SADC, supported by the African Union. However, he warned that the international community’s obsession with sanctioning Rwanda could discourage Tshisekedi from engaging in peace talks with M23.
He attributed the push for sanctions to Tshisekedi’s promises to deliver mineral resources to international powers, though he doubted these efforts would resolve the conflict.
“The international community bears 80% of the responsibility for the ongoing crisis in eastern DRC due to its vested interests,” he said.
He urged Rwandans to maintain self-reliance in confronting external threats, emphasizing that self-determination remains Rwanda’s most powerful defense.
However, in 2025, the processor isn’t the only aspect to consider. Memory, technically known as random access memory (RAM), plays a crucial role as well, especially in the era of AI.
Before we discuss how much RAM your next device should have, let’s first understand its importance in smartphones and laptops.
RAM is like your phone’s or laptop’s short-term memory. It temporarily stores the data and apps you are currently using so that your device can access them quickly, without reloading from scratch.
When you open an app or a file, it loads and stays within RAM. With more RAM, you can run multiple apps simultaneously without slowing down your device.
If the memory is full, the device may lag or become slow. Similarly, AI apps, which process large amounts of data in real time, also benefit from more memory.
While it won’t be much of an issue as long as you are using cloud-based AI platforms like Gemini or ChatGPT, having more RAM is crucial, especially if you plan on using hybrid or on-device AI features.
Ramu Morampundi, the General Manager at SHREECOM LTD, the official authorized reseller and service center of Apple products in Rwanda, emphasizes the importance of prioritizing RAM when purchasing new devices.
“In today’s world, AI applications are becoming more advanced and are deeply integrated into our daily tasks. Devices with limited RAM may struggle to keep up with the growing demands of these applications, he explains.
Speaking from his outlet at Pension Plaza, Ramu advises that while processors remain critical, having more RAM ensures seamless multitasking and better overall performance.
“We are seeing a significant shift in how devices handle AI workloads. For example, Apple’s latest iPhones and premium MacBooks are equipped with increased RAM to accommodate complex tasks like on-device language models and real-time data analysis,” he says.
Industry trends reflect this shift. Apple’s iPhone latest lineup now comes standard with 8GB of RAM, an increase from previous models, to support enhanced AI capabilities.
For laptops, the baseline is also rising. While 8GB of RAM was once sufficient for everyday tasks, the integration of AI applications now makes 16GB the recommended minimum for a smooth and future-proof experience.
“Consumers should think long-term. With the pace at which AI is advancing, devices with insufficient RAM will quickly become outdated. Choosing a device with ample RAM is the smartest decision you can make,” he says.
At Ramu’s bustling tech store, a variety of cutting-edge gadgets are available. The sleek iPad Pro, powered by the M4 chip, stands out with up to 16GB of unified memory, perfect for professionals juggling heavy tasks.
For those seeking a lighter yet capable device, the iPad Air with its M3 chip offers 8GB of memory and is ideal for daily multitasking and smooth performance.
Across the aisle, the vibrant iMac with up to 32GB of unified memory, ensuring seamless performance for creative projects and demanding workloads. Nearby, the ultra-portable MacBook Air with the M3 chip in 8GB and 16GB memory options are also available.
Meanwhile, the MacBook Pro lineup dazzles with its range of memory configurations. The M3 model offers 16GB or 32GB of memory for power users, while the M4 Pro version pushed boundaries with up to 64GB, perfect for advanced workflows.
At the pinnacle, the M4 Max variant delivers an astonishing 128GB of memory, a dream for creative professionals handling intensive tasks like video editing and 3D rendering.
For smartphone enthusiasts, the iPhone 15 and iPhone 15 Plus provid a modest 6GB of RAM, sufficient for everyday use. However, the iPhone 15 Pro and Pro Max upgraded to 8GB of RAM, enhancing speed and efficiency.
The remarkable iPhone 16 series are available with all models; whether standard, Plus, Pro, or Pro Max offering 8GB of memory. This boost in RAM ensures fluid multitasking and future-ready performance, making each device a powerhouse in its own right.
With an experience of over 20 years as a tech distributer in Rwanda, Ramu has gained extensive knowledge and a wide base of clientele comprise public institutions such as ministries and others in major public and private agencies.
She replaces John Rwangombwa, who has completed his second term in office.
In a statement released by Prime Minister Édouard Ngirente’s office on Tuesday, February 25, the Head of State also appointed Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva as the new Deputy Governor of the central bank. The new officials will serve a renewable six-year term.
Hakuziyaremye brings a wealth of experience in finance, government, and international relations, particularly in financial sector development, risk management, and strategic policymaking.
Prior to her appointment as Governor, she served as the Deputy Governor and Vice-Chairperson of BNR since March 2021.
She previously served as the Minister of Trade and Industry from 2018 to 2021, where she played a key role in shaping Rwanda’s economic policies.
Her extensive background in international finance includes serving as Senior Vice President and Credit Risk Manager at ING Bank UK, where she managed credit risk for financial institutions and advised on global finance deals.
She has also worked with BNP Paribas Group, The Bank of New York Mellon, and as a senior advisor at Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, where she contributed to Rwanda’s successful campaign for a seat on the United Nations Security Council.
Hakuziyaremye holds a Master’s degree in Business Engineering from Solvay Business School in Belgium and a postgraduate degree in International Management from Thunderbird Graduate School in the United States.
She recently completed the Oxford University Executive Public Leaders Program in 2024. In addition to her professional roles, she is a co-founder of the Brussels-Africa Hub and serves on the board of Ngali Holdings.
The newly appointed Deputy Governor, Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva, brings extensive experience in economic policy development, financial regulation, and international economic strategies.
Before his appointment, Dr. Justin Nsengiyumva held the position of Senior Economic Advisor at the UK Government’s Office of Rail and Road since 2016. He also held various roles at the Department for Work and Pensions in the UK, showcasing his broad experience in economic and policy advisory positions.
He has also served in various leadership roles in Rwanda, including Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Education from March to November 2008 and Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Trade and Industry from June 2005 to March 2008. Additionally, he worked as the Policy and Research Development Manager at Refugee Action from June 2009 to December 2013.
Dr. Nsengiyumva holds a PhD in Economics from the University of Leicester, focusing on financial development and foreign capital inflows. He also earned a Master’s in Economic Policy and Management from the University of Nairobi and a Bachelor of Commerce from the Catholic University of Eastern Africa.
The appointments of Hakuziyaremye and Nsengiyumva are expected to further strengthen the institution’s role in maintaining financial stability and driving economic growth.
This follows a foreign ministers’ meeting held on Monday, where the ministers failed to agree on calls to impose immediate sanctions on Rwanda amid escalating tensions in eastern Congo.
Some European countries, notably Belgium, had been pushing for sanctions against Rwanda through diplomatic pressure over allegations that Rwanda is backing M23 rebels in their conflict with Congolese forces in the eastern region—claims the Rwandan government has repeatedly denied.
Following the meeting, the EU announced that it would not take the same approach as the United States, which recently imposed sanctions on Gen. (Rtd) James Kabarebe, Rwanda’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in charge of Regional Cooperation.
President Paul Kagame recently stated in an interview with French magazine Jeune Afrique that instability in eastern Congo stems from the DRC’s governance failures and the continued presence of the Rwandan genocidal militia, the FDLR, in eastern DRC.
The FDLR is a terrorist militia founded by remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
With the continued threat of the FDLR attempting to invade Rwanda, the government has often defended its defensive measures along the border with Congo.
During the interview, President Kagame reiterated that Rwanda would prioritise its national security over the threat of sanctions.
“Countries like Belgium and Germany—former colonisers who contributed to the problem—threaten me with sanctions because I am defending my country. And they think they can intimidate us? Let’s be clear: if I must choose between facing an existential threat and dealing with sanctions, I will take up arms to confront the threat—regardless of the sanctions,” he stated.
Kigali has maintained that a political solution, rather than military escalation, is the only viable path to resolving the conflict in the eastern Congo.
The ongoing regional peace talks are now under the mediation of former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, and former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, following the recent merger of the Luanda and Nairobi processes.
Later this week, a ministerial-level meeting will be held to review a report from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) military chiefs. The meeting is expected to establish a framework for political negotiations under the combined Nairobi-Luanda peace process.
From the impact of U.S. foreign policy under Donald Trump to the ongoing M23 rebellion in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the legal struggles faced by Kinyarwanda speakers in Uganda and the controversial trial of Dr Kiiza Besigye, Mbidde offered deep insights into the region’s most pressing challenges.
{{The Trump effect on Africa}}
Hon. Mbidde characterized Trump’s foreign policy as transactional and nationalist. “Trump looks at foreign policy through the lenses of profit and loss,” he explains.
He clarified that under Trump’s administration, the United States shifted from a philanthropic superpower to a nation prioritizing domestic interests. This shift has had significant consequences on Africa, particularly in public health.
African countries have long relied on U.S. support to combat major health crises like HIV/AIDS. “South Africa had achieved 95% in HIV treatment goals, but Trump’s withdrawal of health funding threatens to reverse these gains,” Mbidde warned.
He encouraged African nations to consider legal action through U.S. courts to challenge harmful policy changes.
He further urged African nations to adopt a unified approach in global affairs. “African states must prioritize sovereignty and work collectively to counterbalance U.S. influence,” he said.
{{The M23 rebellion, a governance crisis}}
Turning to the DRC, Mbidde said the resurgence of the M23 rebel group is a crisis rooted in historical grievances. He explained that the conflict stems from the marginalization of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese and the government’s failure to honor peace agreements.
“The M23 movement began as a reaction to the government’s violation of the 2009 peace agreement,” he stated, cautioning against unilateral intervention by any East African nation, warning that it could be misconstrued as supporting rebel factions.
To address the root causes of the conflict, Mbidde proposed either secession or permanent power-sharing. “Peace is not just the absence of war. It is the presence of security and development,” he asserted, emphasizing the importance of long-term governance solutions.
{{Uganda’s legal quandary}}
In his own country, Mbidde discussed the controversial military trial of opposition leader Dr. Kiiza Besigye. While Uganda’s UPDF Act permits the court-martial of civilians found using military equipment, he criticized the broader implications for democracy.
“Justice and fairness depend on government goodwill,” he remarks, arguing that such trials reflect a worrying trend of political repression.
He called for legal reforms and a truly independent judiciary to protect civil liberties. “The government must decide whether to uphold democratic principles or continue on a path that undermines them,” he said.
{{The legal struggles of Kinyarwanda speakers in Uganda}}
One of the most pressing issues raised by Dr. Mbidde is the plight of Kinyarwanda speakers in Uganda. Despite being Ugandans by birth, many face discrimination and legal obstacles to citizenship.
He outlines five distinct clusters of Kinyarwanda speakers in Uganda, but only two groups currently qualify for citizenship by birth. The first includes those from historical border regions like Kisoro and Ntungamo, integrated into Uganda during colonial boundary demarcations.
The second group consists of individuals born from intermarriages between Kinyarwanda speakers and recognized Ugandan ethnic communities.
However, three other groups remain excluded which include labor migrants from the 1930s, refugees from the 1950s, and those displaced by the 1994 Rwandan Genocide against the Tutsi.
“These people know no other home yet they are denied the fundamental right to belong,” Mbidde emphasized.
He criticizes the government’s reliance on executive orders to address the issue, arguing that such measures lack legal permanence. “An executive order is not law. Without legal backing, it holds no weight. Advocating for constitutional amendments as the only sustainable solution,” he asserted
Mbidde insisted on the idea of African unity and sovereignty. He urged African leaders to prioritize partnerships that benefit the continent and resist being manipulated by global powers. “It is time for Africa to redefine its relationship with global powers,” he declares.
Speaking at the second edition of the Inclusive FinTech Forum in Kigali on Tuesday, February 25, the Head of State highlighted the need for a secure and regulated environment to not only attract investment but also enhance financial inclusion and build resilience in Africa’s rapidly evolving financial sector.
In his keynote address, Kagame noted that Africa’s young, tech-savvy population presents a unique opportunity for innovation in the financial sector.
“Indeed, with our continent’s young and tech-savvy population, Africa can compete with the rest of the world and successfully innovate,” he said.
“FinTechs continue to dominate, with the number of companies tripling in recent years. These enterprises are fundamentally shaping our financial services sector, especially with mobile money and remittance services.”
The president pointed out that regulations must evolve to keep up with this rapid growth, particularly to address challenges like cybercrime and fraud.
“We need a harmonized regulatory landscape, and we must come together to combat cybercrime and fraud,” President Kagame remarked.
He also called for closer cooperation between public and private sectors to unlock opportunities through innovation.
“We can unlock many more opportunities through public-private partnerships and by harnessing the power of artificial intelligence,” he added.
The Head of State also discussed the need for Africa to develop its own regulatory frameworks and infrastructure, highlighting Rwanda’s commitment to digital infrastructure and skills development as key drivers of the country’s economic progress.
“Moving forward, creating an enabling environment for business and skills development should be our number one priority,” he said.
Kagame also addressed challenges facing Africa, including the growing brain drain of skilled professionals and financial exclusion, particularly among women in the informal economy. He argued that the continent must take ownership of its own development, rather than relying on external support.
“Taking ownership of our development is not something we can ask others to do for us. Business founders also need to do their part and gain the confidence of investors,” Kagame said.
The three-day Inclusive FinTech Forum brings together global leaders, entrepreneurs, and innovators, providing a platform to explore solutions for the continent’s economic challenges through digital finance.
Among the attendees was Alvin Tan, Minister of State for Trade, Industry, Culture, Community, and Youth in Singapore.
In his remarks, the minister celebrated the longstanding relationship between Rwanda and Singapore as the two countries mark 20 years of diplomatic ties.
He praised Rwanda’s rapid development in recent years, expressing his pleasure at seeing Rwanda becoming the “Singapore of Africa.”
“We admire and respect Rwanda for your resilience and outstanding achievements in economic and technological development,” the minister remarked.
Singapore is highly regarded for its exceptional development, driven by strong governance, strategic economic diversification, and world-class infrastructure. Under visionary leadership, particularly that of Lee Kuan Yew, the country transformed from a small port city into a global financial hub, maintaining one of the highest GDPs per capita in the world, valued at 501.4 billion USD as of 2023.
The soldiers, who were part of the Southern African Development Community Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC), sustained severe injuries in recent clashes with the M23 rebel group in the battle to capture Goma and Sake.
A total of 194 wounded troops were evacuated from Goma to Rubavu, Rwanda, on Monday before being escorted to Kigali International Airport for repatriation.
Among them, 129 were from the Republic of South Africa Battalion, 40 from the Malawi Battalion, and 25 from the Tanzania Battalion.
Some of the wounded soldiers, who suffered life-altering injuries, were confined to wheelchairs, having lost their legs in battle. Others bore signs of grenade injuries, with reports of a young soldier losing his eyesight.
The SANDF said it is working with other stakeholders to ensure the safe return of its remaining wounded personnel during the course of the week.
“The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) confirms that the group of critically injured soldiers who needed urgent medical attention have been successfully repatriated from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and will receive high-level medical care. The remainder are scheduled to arrive in South Africa during the course of the week,” SANDF said in its statement.
Reports indicate discussions over the soldiers’ repatriation had been ongoing for two weeks, with the United Nations mediating talks with M23 rebels, who have long demanded the withdrawal of SADC forces. Delays in the evacuation process raised concerns, as soldiers endured worsening conditions at the Sake military base.
The evacuation follows mounting calls for South Africa to withdraw from the mission, with 18 SAMIDRC troops killed in recent confrontations, including 14 from South Africa.
The deaths of two Malawian and two Tanzanian soldiers in battles around Sake and Goma have further fueled debates over the future of the SADC mission in the DRC.
Pressure is now mounting on South African President Cyril Ramaphosa to withdraw troops, with Parliament questioning the justification for the country’s involvement in the conflict. Critics argue that the deployment has placed South African soldiers in unnecessary danger, sacrificing lives in a foreign conflict driven by private interests.
