These scholarships will support teachers seeking to obtain a bachelor’s degree in critical fields, including Early Childhood Education, Special Needs Education, Sciences, and Languages, starting in the 2025/2026 academic year.
According to REB, applicants must be Rwandan citizens aged 35 years or younger. Eligible candidates should hold either an A2 certificate from a recognized Teacher Training College (TTC) or an A1 diploma in education.
For those who completed their studies abroad, a recognized equivalence certificate verifying that their qualifications align with Rwanda’s education system will be required.
REB further specified that applicants must have at least three years of teaching experience. Additionally, they should not have been suspended from their teaching duties for more than three months.
Interested candidates are required to submit their applications accompanied by several supporting documents. These include a certified copy of their A2 or A1 academic certificate from a recognized institution and academic transcripts from either A2 (result slip) or A1 (transcript).
Applicants must also provide a copy of their appointment letter confirming their employment as a teacher and a disciplinary clearance form for the 2023/2024 academic year, signed by the district office.
REB has announced that the application process will be conducted online through the Teacher Management Information System (TMIS) portal, accessible at https://tmis.reb.rw/. The registration window will open on March 17, 2025, and will close on March 28, 2025.
This scholarship initiative reflects REB’s commitment to improving the quality of education in Rwanda by enhancing teachers’ professional capacities.
Through these opportunities, the government aims to empower educators with advanced skills and knowledge to better serve students and contribute to the country’s educational development.
REB has encouraged all eligible teachers to apply and seize this opportunity to further their education and play a greater role in shaping the future of Rwanda’s education system.
Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, confirmed that the ministerial talks will take place in Harare, Zimbabwe, on March 17, 2025.
During the summit, the ministers will review a report prepared by the chiefs of defence staff from EAC and SADC, who met in Dar es Salaam on February 24, regarding the cessation of hostilities in eastern DRC and ongoing humanitarian operations.
Additionally, the meeting will focus on preparing a framework for political talks between the DRC government and its adversaries.
The EAC and SADC ministers’ meeting follows decisions made by the heads of state of the two organisations during their extraordinary summit in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on February 8, 2025.
The meeting comes amid plans for the phased withdrawal of SADC troops from eastern Congo.
On March 13, 2025, an extraordinary summit of SADC heads of state reaffirmed that political dialogue is key to ending the conflict in eastern DRC, ahead of proposed talks between the Congolese government and M23 in Angola, scheduled for March 18.
The heads of state decided to withdraw SADC troops from DRC after nearly a year and four months of deployment. The troops include soldiers from South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi.
General Sultani Makenga, M23’s military leader, recently sat down for an exclusive interview with Belgian researcher and former senator Alain Destexhe, discussing the group’s motivations, the controversy surrounding minerals, accusations of foreign backing, and their vision for Congo’s future.
This conversation comes as international pressure mounts for M23 to withdraw from captured territories, including Goma and Bukavu, while sanctions have been imposed on both the group and Rwanda.
Meanwhile, the DRC government accuses Rwanda of fueling the insurgency, a claim Rwanda refutes, instead pointing to Kinshasa’s internal governance failures and its alleged collaboration with the FDLR, a group responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
In this candid Q&A, Makenga addresses these accusations head-on, questions the role of MONUSCO, and shares his perspective on what the international community is missing about the crisis in eastern Congo.
{{AD: Are you calling for MONUSCO’s departure because it participated in combat against you? }}
{{SM: }} No, but MONUSCO has deviated from its peacekeeping mission and should remain neutral. Even though MONUSCO fired at us, we are not driven by a spirit of revenge. Once the fight is over, we hold no hatred for former adversaries.
{{AD: What is your stance on the European Union’s request for the reopening of Goma Airport to deliver humanitarian aid?}}
{{SM:}} I support this, but the FARDC (Congolese Armed Forces) destroyed and looted the control tower, and they left fortifications and numerous vehicles on the runways, which we fear might be mined. The (grassy) terrain around the airport might also be mined. Go see for yourself! (AD: I went there, and it will be the subject of a future post on X.)
{{AD: What is your view on accusations of being Rwanda’s puppets?}}
{{SM: }} The Kinshasa regime is looking for a scapegoat for the problems it created or failed to resolve. The Rwandans understand us and try to explain our situation to the world.
They are our neighbors and our brothers, and like us, they have long faced the threat of the FDLR. We also still have hundreds of thousands of refugees in camps in Rwanda who want to return home.
{{AD: Do you believe Tshisekedi intended to attack Rwanda?}}
{{SM:}} He said it himself. Moreover, given the forces and weapons he had concentrated in Goma and the alliances he formed in the region, particularly with Burundi and the FDLR, it seems obvious to me.
{{AD: Is FDLR still a threat?}}
{{SM:}} The FDLR members are everywhere in the FARDC, including in the presidential guard. They have been re-equipped and rearmed.
They cannot win a war against us, but they can still attack civilians in our vast area, where villages are spread out.
Three days ago, they killed 40 people in the village of Kirumbu. Furthermore, along with the FARDC, the FDLR are destroying Virunga National Park, which we want to protect.
{{AD: Some say that minerals are your main objective. What’s your response?}}
{{SM: }} Listen! First of all, we spent years in areas where there were no mines at all. When we take control of a place with a mine, like in Rubaya, we do not interfere in any way with the local population’s artisanal mining activities, which are organized through cooperatives.
The minerals are then purchased by intermediaries who sell them to companies that export them.
{{AD: You do not intervene in the trade?}}
{{SM: }} Not at all! (Firm tone). But since we have controlled the border in Goma and Bukavu, we collect customs duties on goods—at lower rates and without the arbitrariness and corruption that characterize the Kinshasa regime.
{{AD: What about the sanctions against you and Rwanda?}}
{{SM: }} They are unfair. The truth will eventually come out. When our people are killed, no one cares, and there are no sanctions. But when we react, we are sanctioned.
AD: What is the relationship between the political and military branches of M23?
{{SM: }} Bertrand Bisimwa is the president of M23, I am the vice president, and I handle the military branch. We are part of a broader platform, the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC), coordinated by Corneille Nangaa.
{{AD: Life in Goma seems normal, but the banks are closed. Why?}}
{{SM: }} Kinshasa closed the banks. The money deposited in banks does not belong to Tshisekedi but to the clients! He is punishing the population and continuing his plundering from afar.
{{AD: Is M23 multiethnic?}}
SM: Our president is Shi, our spokesperson is Luba like Tshisekedi, the deputy spokesperson is Mukongo from Bas-Congo [Lower Congo River] (he lists several names along with their ethnic backgrounds), but we want to build a nation and a state that go beyond these ethnic divisions, which handicap our great country.
{{AD: What message do you want to send to the international community?}}
SM: Our struggle is existential. We are fighting for our survival. We want a united, decentralized, and federal Congo that urgently addresses development and governance issues. Have you seen how Congolese people live under Tshisekedi? What has he done for them?
{{AD: You are a fighter. You spent five years in extremely difficult conditions on the heights of Mount Sabyinyo at the borders of three countries—Congo, Rwanda, and Uganda. How did you live? In a house?}}
{{Sultani Makenga:}} (Laughs). I will invite you to go see for yourself!
{This interview was conducted by Alain DESTEXHE in Goma, DRC, on March 12, 2025. Born on June 19, 1958, Alain Destexhe is a Belgian politician who served as a senator from 1995 to 2011 and as a member of the Brussels Regional Parliament until 2019.
A former member of the liberal Mouvement Réformateur (MR), he also represented Belgium at the World Economic Forum.
In 2006, he was awarded the Prize for Liberty by Nova Civitas. Destexhe held key leadership roles, serving as Secretary-General of Médecins Sans Frontières from 1991 to 1995 and as President of the International Crisis Group from 1997 to October 1999.}
2. Général Makenga (M23) : "Nous ne sommes pas dans le business des minerais, nous défendons une cause" L'aéroport de Goma peut rouvrir mais … Sultani Makenga, le chef militaire du M23 contrôle un territoire plus grand que deux fois la Belgique. Condamné à mort par Kinshasa, sa… pic.twitter.com/cfGDcObuQq
Speculation about Gen Omega’s death surfaced in January 2025 after clashes between the M23 armed group and a coalition of Congolese army forces and FDLR fighters in areas including Kanyamahoro, Sake, and the outskirts of Goma.
On March 1, 2025, when M23 handed over captured FDLR fighters to Rwanda—including Brig Gen Jean Baptiste Gakwerere—M23’s deputy spokesperson, Dr Oscar Balinda, told IGIHE that Gen Omega’s body had not been found.
“Gen Omega’s whereabouts will be revealed soon. We are still searching for him. I personally entered his bunker in Kanyamahoro, beneath Nyiragongo Volcano. No one was inside, and we did not find his body either,” Dr Balinda stated.
In an interview with Jeune Afrique, Brig Gen Rwivanga confirmed that the RDF is still seeking information about Gen Omega. He noted that the RDF is yet to determine whether he is dead or alive.
“We have not received Pacifique Ntawunguka. We are waiting to confirm whether he was captured, killed, or is still alive,” Brig Gen Rwivanga said.
{{Who is Gen Omega?}}
Gen Omega, born in 1964 in what is now Ngororero District, Western Province, Rwanda, studied at Collège Christ-Roi in Nyanza before attending Rwanda’s Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali. He later trained as a pilot in Egypt, Greece, and France.
Between 1990 and 1994, he held the rank of Lieutenant in the former Rwandan army (Ex-FAR). During the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, he led Battalion 94 in Mutara but was defeated by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). Wounded in the leg, he fled to Kigali before eventually escaping Rwanda.
Despite efforts by the Rwandan government to persuade him to return home—like some former FDLR members—Gen Omega refused. He infamously told Gen (Rtd) James Kabarebe, a former RDF Chief of Defence Staff, that he would only return to Rwanda if no Tutsi remained in the country.
After the death of Gen Sylvestre Mudacumura in September 2019, Gen Omega took over as the FDLR’s military leader.
In September 2024, the DRC army launched operations described as a manhunt, but it was later revealed that these operations were merely a facade.
However, a UN expert report later revealed that Gen Maj Peter Cirimwami, then Governor of North Kivu, had tipped him off, allowing him to relocate before the operation began.
The FDLR, a terrorist group composed of perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, has long sought to destabilise Rwanda through armed conflict.
The DRC government has been accused of collaborating with the FDLR, allowing it to operate freely within its borders.
The fate of Gen Omega remains unknown, but ongoing investigations may soon reveal whether he is still alive or has been eliminated.
The $5 billion project, which will transport 230,000 barrels of oil per day at peak production, has reached an overall progress of 55 percent, according to Guillaume Dulout, the managing director of Eacop Ltd.
“The project is at 55 percent. We hope in 2026 that the oil will flow from Uganda’s Albertine down to Tanga. That is our objective,” Dulout told participants at the 11th East African Petroleum Conference and Exhibition (EAPCE) 2025.
The pipeline, which spans 1,443km from Uganda’s Hoima District to the Indian Ocean port of Tanga in Tanzania, is expected to position East Africa as a key player in global energy markets.
Despite facing challenges, Dulout said that crucial components of the infrastructure are complete, while others are on track for completion by the end of this year and the pipeline itself, next year.
The offshore facility, which includes the jetty, terminal, and export hub, is at 70.4 percent completion, while the construction of the high-tech oil export terminal is anticipated to be completed by October 2025.
The project has faced pressure from activists, who have threatened to disrupt the project’s efforts to secure external financing. However, Dulout said that the project is on track to meet its deadline.
The Eacop project is a key component of Uganda’s oil and gas sector, which is expected to drive economic growth and development in the country.
The project has also created economic opportunities for local communities, with approximately 80 percent of the pipeline lying in Tanzanian territory, spanning eight regions.
The buried, thermally insulated pipeline is designed to minimize its environmental footprint while providing economic benefits to local communities.
EACOP project starts at Hoima, close to Lake Albert, and cross Uganda-Tanzania border between Masaka and Bukoba, past Lake Victoria, following its western border, traversing Tanzania, passing close to Kahama, Singida, Kondoa, into Tanga.
The March 18 talks in Luanda, Angola, mark the first official dialogue between the two sides after months of intensifying conflict, but M23 insists that Kinshasa must demonstrate genuine willingness to engage.
In a statement issued on March 13 by its spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, M23 reiterated that a military solution cannot resolve the crisis in eastern Congo. The group welcomed Angola’s mediation efforts but criticized the DRC government’s past reluctance to engage.
“The Kinshasa regime has persistently refused to engage in dialogue and has repeatedly declared that it will NEVER negotiate with our organisation,” M23 stated, citing recent remarks by DRC government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya.
The group called on Tshisekedi to make an unequivocal public declaration committing to direct negotiations.
M23 also raised concerns about the mediation process, urging Angola to formally notify all stakeholders about the structure and terms of the talks.
The group claimed that it has only learned about the negotiations through a statement published on the Facebook page of the Angolan Presidency, highlighting the need for greater transparency.
Additionally, M23 requested clarification on the implementation of resolutions adopted at the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit in Dar es Salaam on February 8, which called for a political settlement to the conflict.
The conflict has worsened since late January when M23 captured the strategic city of Goma, followed by Bukavu in February. Despite these advances, Kinshasa had previously maintained a hardline stance, refusing to engage in direct negotiations with the rebel group.
Pressure has been mounting on Tshisekedi to change his position. During the African Union (AU) summit on February 15, regional leaders reinforced calls for direct engagement with M23. However, Tshisekedi skipped the summit, choosing instead to attend a security conference in Munich, Germany.
With the March 18 talks approaching, M23 insists that Tshisekedi’s public commitment to the process is crucial for building trust and ensuring productive discussions.
The leaders convened in Arusha, Tanzania on Thursday March 13, for a two-day Strategic Dialogue for Heads of Public Service and Ministers, where they discussed critical barriers hindering the EAC’s integration.
Key challenges identified included fragmented national policies, weak engagement frameworks, and inadequate financial and human resources, all of which have slowed the implementation of regional commitments.
To address these issues, the meeting emphasized the need for a robust monitoring mechanism to ensure national policies align with regional objectives. Leaders also called for stronger policy coordination, sustained collaboration, and reinforced accountability to accelerate integration efforts.
Beatrice Askul Moe, Chairperson of the EAC Council of Ministers and Kenya’s Cabinet Secretary for EAC Affairs, urged Heads of Public Service to ensure compliance with regional commitments.
“We must acknowledge that the pace of implementing regional protocols has sometimes fallen short. Your oversight can help identify bottlenecks, address implementation challenges and hold relevant agencies accountable for their regional obligations,” she stated.
Kenya’s Chief of Staff and Head of Public Service, Mr. Felix Koskei, emphasized the importance of financial commitments from Partner States, calling for the timely implementation of directives made by EAC Heads of State.
Similarly, Uganda’s Minister for EAC Affairs and First Deputy Prime Minister, Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga, stressed the need for regional leaders to fully familiarize themselves with EAC laws and ensure their enforcement.
EAC Secretary General, Veronica Nduva, highlighted the risks posed by competing national interests, resource constraints, and delays in financial disbursements.
She underscored that a lack of coordinated governance has led to persistent Non-Tariff Barriers (NTBs), negatively impacting regional trade. She called for greater alignment and accountability from EAC Organs, Coordinating Ministries, and Heads of Public Service.
Dr. Peter Kiuluku, Director General of the Eastern and Southern African Management Institute (ESAMI), urged EAC Partner States to embrace a technology-driven economy, value creation, and strategic collaboration to enhance regional competitiveness.
The dialogue, supported by ESAMI and GIZ, reaffirmed the EAC’s commitment to long-term economic transformation and global competitiveness.
Among those in attendance were Permanent Secretaries, Ambassadors, representatives from government institutions, and academia members, all contributing to the discourse on a stronger, more unified East African Community.
The outbreak, in which two confirmed and eight probable cases were recorded (all deceased), was the second the country has experienced.
Both this outbreak, which was declared on 20 January 2025, and the one in 2023 occurred in the north-eastern Kagera region.
In response to the latest outbreak, Tanzania’s health authorities set up coordination and response systems, with support from World Health Organization (WHO) and partners, at the national and regional levels and reinforced control measures to swiftly detect cases, enhance clinical care, infection prevention as well as strengthen collaboration with communities to raise awareness and help curb further spread of the virus.
Growing expertise in public health emergency response in the African region has been crucial in mounting effective outbreak control measures.
Drawing on experience from the response to the 2023 Marburg virus disease outbreak, WHO worked closely with Tanzanian health authorities to rapidly scale up key measures such as disease surveillance and trained more than 1000 frontline health workers in contact tracing, clinical care and public health risk communication.
The Organization also delivered over five tonnes of essential medical supplies and equipment.
“The dedication of frontline health workers and the efforts of the national authorities and our partners have paid off,” said Dr Charles Sagoe-Moses, WHO Representative in Tanzania.
“While the outbreak has been declared over, we remain vigilant to respond swiftly if any cases are detected and are supporting ongoing efforts to provide psychosocial care to families affected by the outbreak.”
Building on the momentum during the acute phase of the outbreak response, measures have been put in place to reinforce the capacity of local health facilities to respond to potential future outbreaks.
WHO and partners are procuring additional laboratory supplies and other equipment for disease detection and surveillance and other critical services.
Marburg virus disease is highly virulent and causes haemorrhagic fever. It belongs to the same family as the virus that causes Ebola virus disease. Illness caused by Marburg virus begins abruptly.
Patients present with high fever, severe headache and severe malaise. They may develop severe haemorrhagic symptoms within seven days.
In the African region, previous outbreaks and sporadic cases have been reported in Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ghana, Kenya, Equatorial Guinea, Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda.
The programme will be held under the theme: “Rwanda Citizens with the Defence and Security Organs Celebrate Kwibohora 31 and 25 Years of Partnership with RNP.”
This initiative reflects the constitutional mandate of both the RDF and RNP to contribute to Rwanda’s socio-economic development.
It emphasizes the collaborative efforts that have defined the relationship between Rwanda’s security forces and its citizens over the past decades.
The nationwide programme, which spans three months, will mark Rwanda’s 31st anniversary of Liberation, while also celebrating 25 years of partnership between the Rwanda National Police and the citizens of Rwanda.
As part of the outreach, RDF and RNP will engage in various community development activities across the country.
These initiatives are set to focus on key sectors that impact the daily lives of citizens, including health, environmental protection, public infrastructure, utilities, and the construction of homes for disadvantaged families.
In addition to these activities, the programme will strengthen the bonds between the security forces and the community, providing a platform for citizens to engage directly with their national protectors in practical, meaningful ways.
This year’s initiative follows the success of similar efforts in 2024, where over 10,000 citizens benefited from health services, and a large nuber of families had their homes built or upgraded.
The RDF and RNP also provided 800 livestock to improve livelihoods, as well as distributed water, electricity, and built new infrastructure.
The ongoing collaboration between the security forces and communities continues to ensure that citizens receive tangible benefits from these outreach programs.
The Defence and Security Citizen Outreach Programme is an important step toward enhancing human security and fostering closer ties between the security organs and the public.
Through the programme, RDF and RNP aim to build upon the trust and support they have received from the people of Rwanda in their efforts to strengthen the country’s security and drive its development forward.
The outreach will also serve as a reflection of the country’s commitment to not only defending its borders but also ensuring the well-being of its citizens in all spheres of life.
The MoU, aimed at enhancing military collaboration, was signed on March 13, 2025, during General Muganga’s official visit to Ethiopia.
During the visit, General Muganga and his delegation toured the headquarters of the Ethiopian military, where the agreement was formally signed.
Gen Muganga was accompanied by Rwanda’s Ambassador to Ethiopia, Major General (Rtd) Charles Karamba, the Director General of International Cooperation at the Rwanda Ministry of Defense, Brigadier General Patrick Karuretwa, and other senior officials from the Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF).
Rwanda and Ethiopia have enjoyed over 20 years of military cooperation, initially focused on joint military training. The partnership has since expanded to include collaboration between the police forces of both countries.
Beyond defense and police cooperation, Rwanda and Ethiopia share strong bilateral ties in sectors such as agriculture, trade, education, and more.
Over the past seven years, the two nations have also signed agreements in air travel services, allowing for seamless cooperation between their airlines, RwandAir and Ethiopian Airlines.
