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Gnassingbé was received on arrival by Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, according to a statement shared by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on X.

In April 2025, President Paul Kagame hosted Gnassingbé shortly after the African Union (AU) appointed Gnassingbé as mediator in efforts to address the crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

That visit aimed to reaffirm Gnassingbé’s commitment to working with regional and international partners to find a lasting solution to tensions between Rwanda and the DRC. Discussions focused on progress made in regional peace talks intended to achieve sustainable stability.

On March 24, 2025, the Office of the President of Angola announced that President João Lourenço would step down from his role as mediator in the Rwanda–DRC talks, choosing instead to focus on broader continental initiatives.

President Lourenço subsequently submitted Gnassingbé’s candidacy to the African Union. In early April 2025, the AU endorsed the proposal, and on April 12, 2025, the AU General Assembly formally appointed Gnassingbé as mediator between Rwanda and the DRC.

Over the years, Gnassingbé has made several visits to Rwanda, with discussions covering issues including security cooperation and broader African partnerships. In January 2025, he paid a two-day working visit to Kigali, during which he and President Kagame agreed to further strengthen bilateral cooperation between Rwanda and Togo.

Relations between Rwanda and the DRC have strained in recent years due to ongoing conflict in eastern DRC. Kinshasa accuses Rwanda of supporting the AFC/M23 coalition, claims Rwanda strongly denies, instead accusing the DRC of failing to protect its civilians and of collaborating with armed groups responsible for abuses.

Rwanda, in turn, accuses the DRC of supporting and working with the FDLR, a terrorist group composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which Rwanda says continues to threaten its security.

The appointments were announced through a statement released by the Office of Prime Minister on January 29, 2026.

President Kagame also appointed James Wizeye as Deputy Secretary General of the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS), a position previously held by Brig Gen Nyirubutama.

In his new role, Brig Gen Nyirubutama will deputize Gen (Rtd) James Kabarebe, who was appointed Senior Security Advisor at the Presidency in December, 2025.

Gen (Rtd) Kabarebe assumed the role after serving as Minister of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.

For many former colonies, however, this approach falls short – above all because such formulas are rarely accompanied by a clear acknowledgement of responsibility for the actions of the colonial state.

The colonial period left behind not only an administrative and institutional legacy, but also large-scale episodes of violence, the consequences of which have yet to receive a clear legal assessment. In many countries, this experience continues to be discussed in political, academic and public spheres, but rarely translated into institutional or legal frameworks.

Although Rwanda’s colonial history is not linked exclusively to France, the French role during the late colonial and post-colonial periods remains the subject of intense debate. Questions of political responsibility, access to archives and the interpretation of events at the end of the 20th century regularly return to the public and diplomatic agenda. At the same time, the earlier colonial experience and its long-term consequences are still rarely examined in legal terms, remaining part of a fragmented historical narrative.

In recent decades, the prevailing approach in France has been to treat the colonial past as a historical chapter open to symbolic reflection, but not to legal reassessment. Acknowledgements of individual episodes, commemorative initiatives and joint ceremonies have not been accompanied by a systematic discussion of state responsibility as such.

Against this backdrop, particular attention in Africa has been drawn to a step taken by Algeria at the end of 2025, when the country’s parliament unanimously [adopted->https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/24/algeria-passes-law-declaring-french-colonisation-crime] legislation placing French colonisation between 1830 and 1962 within a criminal legal framework.

“France wants to persuade others that any crimes were isolated incidents, but what happened in Algeria and in other African countries under French occupation were war crimes and crimes of the state,” Mohamed Meshkak, a member of Algeria’s National People’s Assembly, told El Bilad.

This was not a political declaration, but a carefully drafted legislative act setting out a list of specific crimes and mechanisms of accountability.

During parliamentary debates in Algeria, it was emphasised that colonialism could not be regarded as a collection of isolated excesses or the result of decisions taken by individual officials.

According to the authors of the law, it constituted a systematic policy involving mass killings, the forcible seizure of land, the destruction of institutions, the suppression of resistance, and the use of prohibited practices.

A separate section of the document addresses the consequences of French nuclear tests conducted in the Algerian desert between 1960 and 1966. Algeria is demanding the decontamination of affected areas, the transfer of maps identifying test sites, and compensation for victims.

Speaking on AL24 News, Ali Rabidj, a member of Algeria’s parliament, said the crimes of French colonialism were not confined to the past, pointing to the lasting effects of nuclear tests and minefields whose locations have never been fully disclosed.

Significant attention in the text of the law is also devoted to the issue of archives. Algeria has formally asserted its right to full access to materials from the colonial period, stating that such archives are not subject to statutes of limitation and cannot be the object of political bargaining.

Parliamentary speakers stressed that without access to documents, neither an objective study of the past nor a substantive discussion of responsibility is possible.

“The Algerian archive is a legal right of Algeria; it is not subject to any statute of limitations and cannot be the subject of division,” Zakaria Belkheir, a member of parliament and coordinator of the committee that drafted the bill, said in remarks broadcast on Elwatania TV.

At the same time, Algerian authorities insist that this is not about severing relations with France. On the contrary, official statements emphasise that stable and equal relations are only possible on the basis of a clear and honest understanding of history. In Algerian discourse, the idea has repeatedly been voiced that memory without responsibility turns into an empty rhetoric incapable of resolving the painful questions of the past.

President Abdelmadjid Tebboune has repeatedly stressed that recognition of colonial crimes is a fundamental condition for building balanced relations with France.

This approach stands in marked contrast to the familiar logic of Franco-African relations, where the past is left to historians and politics is confined to current cooperation. Algeria has effectively taken the opposite course, transferring the historical question into the legal domain and enshrining it in law.

It is precisely this factor that is now drawing attention across Africa and beyond. Algeria’s move is seen not as an act of confrontation, but as an attempt to give the colonial past a clear legal qualification, rather than relying on vague formulas about memory and reconciliation.

In many African states, colonial archives, interpretations and even educational materials are still shaped outside the continent. This directly affects how the past is understood within societies themselves and how it is presented internationally. In this sense, control over the historical narrative becomes not an abstract category, but an element of real sovereignty.

“Algeria’s parliament unanimously approved a law criminalising French colonisation from 1830 to 1962 and calling for an official apology from France,” said Daniel Marques, a journalist with Angola’s state broadcaster RNA, reporting on the vote.

Algeria has become the first African country to enshrine such a position in legislative form. This step does not close the discussion, but it reshapes its framework, proposing that colonial legacy be addressed not only as a matter of memory, but also as a matter of law.

According to new data, Volkswagen has seen a remarkable rise in its electric vehicle (EV) deliveries, while Tesla has experienced a noticeable drop in its European sales, losing its leading position.

In 2025, Volkswagen delivered around 274,417 battery-electric vehicles (BEVs) in Europe, showing an impressive growth of about 50-56% compared to the previous year. On the other hand, Tesla’s sales in Europe fell by roughly 27%, with around 238,765 units sold during the same period.

This shift in sales trends highlights a broader transformation in the European EV market. Although Tesla’s Model Y remained the top-selling electric vehicle in the region, with 151,331 units delivered in 2025, it saw a nearly 30% decline in sales compared to 2024. Tesla’s Model 3 also experienced reduced deliveries, with just over 86,000 units sold.

Volkswagen’s success, however, isn’t tied to just one model. The brand’s stronger performance is due to its diverse lineup of electric vehicles. The ID.4 led the pack with over 80,000 units sold, followed by the popular ID.3 and the rapidly growing ID.7. The ID.7, in particular, saw impressive triple-digit growth, showing that Volkswagen’s strategy of offering a variety of models in different sizes and price ranges is paying off, attracting a broader range of buyers.

The European EV market as a whole also continued to grow in 2025, with total sales of battery-electric vehicles rising by about 30%, reaching 2.6 million units.

However, Tesla’s decline in the region shows how increased competition is reshaping consumer preferences. Volkswagen’s strategy of providing a wider selection of models has clearly resonated with European buyers, allowing the brand to capitalize on the rising demand for electric cars.

In addition to its success in the pure electric vehicle segment, Volkswagen has also dominated the plug-in hybrid (PHEV) market, maintaining its long-standing position as Europe’s best-selling automaker across all vehicle types, including petrol and diesel. This reinforces the brand’s dominance in the region, where it has been the top seller for over two decades.

However, Volkswagen’s impressive performance in Europe doesn’t fully reflect its global EV results. While its deliveries in Europe surged, its overall global EV sales remained flat in 2025. This is due to a drop in deliveries in key markets like North America and China, which balanced out the growth in Europe.

Meanwhile, Tesla is facing mounting competition not only in Europe but also on a global scale. Recently, the company lost its title as the world’s top EV maker to China’s BYD, further highlighting the intensifying competition and changing dynamics in the global electric vehicle market.

“I wish to remind the European Parliament that it may have jurisdiction over Greenland, Aruba or New Caledonia but it has NO (and will NEVER have) jurisdiction over the Republic of Rwanda, which is a country that recovered its independence from European colonisation more than sixty years ago,” he said in a message posted on X January 29, 2026.

Amb. Nduhungirehe said Rwanda will not accept what he termed arrogance and interference by some European lawmakers, accusing them of acting as if they possess superior moral authority.

“Rwanda will never accept this continued arrogance and interference by European MPs, who think that they are endowed with higher moral values, to the extent that they can even disrespect the Judiciary of an African country,” he added.

The minister’s remarks followed a statement published on the European Parliament’s platform on January 28, after its members received Rémy Amahirwa, the son of Victoire Ingabire, who is currently detained at Nyarugenge Prison on charges including attempting to overthrow the Rwandan government.

Amahirwa was received as European lawmakers discussed the human rights situation in Rwanda, a country that is not a member of the European Union.

Earlier, on January 21, Rwanda’s Minister of Justice, Dr. Emmanuel Ugirashebuja, addressed the United Nations Human Rights Council in Switzerland, where he outlined progress made by Rwanda in promoting and protecting human rights.

During his visit, Dr. Ugirashebuja also met Amahirwa and assured him that Rwanda’s justice system operates independently and that his mother’s case would be handled transparently and in accordance with the law.

Victoire Ingabire was arrested in June 2025 following investigations in which her name was repeatedly cited during the trial of former members of the unregistered political party DALFA Umurinzi and journalist Nsengimana Théoneste.

She had previously been released in September 2018 after receiving a presidential pardon from President Paul Kagame, despite having seven years remaining on a 15-year sentence for crimes including endangering the existing government.

Following her re-arrest, members of the European Parliament, on September 11, called for the unconditional release of Ingabire, Nsengimana, and former DALFA Umurinzi members, claiming their cases were politically motivated.

On September 15, Rwanda’s Parliament strongly condemned the European Parliament’s resolution, warning against actions that undermine Rwanda’s sovereignty under the pretext of the Victoire Ingabire case.

Ethiopian Airlines has suspended flights scheduled for Thursday to airports in the Tigray region, including Mekelle, the regional capital, as well as other major cities such as Axum, Shire, and Humera, according to local media.

The region was at the epicenter of a two-year conflict between Ethiopian federal government-allied troops and forces loyal to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front since November 2020, which had left millions in urgent need of humanitarian assistance.

The two parties in the conflict signed a peace accord in November 2022, bringing an end to hostilities and prompting Ethiopian Airlines to resume flights to destinations in the Tigray region after suspending them for more than a year.

Since 2017, the government has constructed approximately 1,600 kilometers of paved roads, linking regions more efficiently.

Notable examples include the Rukomo-Nyagatare route, which has sharply cut travel times to Kigali, and the Huye-Kibeho road, which has boosted tourism to the Kibeho holy site and supported economic growth in the area with over 1.2 million annual visitors.

Other significant projects encompass the Kagitumba-Kayonza-Rusumo corridor and developments in districts such as Ngoma, Bugesera, and Nyanza.

Complementing these efforts, a feeder roads initiative launched in 2014 has added 741.85 kilometers of rural connectivity. In December 2025, the Rukomo-Nyagatare road in Gicumbi District was inaugurated at a cost exceeding 200 billion Rwandan Francs, hailed as a key development milestone. Looking ahead, plans target 300 kilometers of tarmac roads and 500 kilometers of feeder roads by 2029.

A recent 2025 assessment by Transparency International Rwanda has prompted renewed scrutiny of these gains, spotlighting erosion, flooding, and related environmental damage stemming from inadequate drainage in several new road projects.

The report documents how poor water management systems are leading to significant harm to local ecosystems, agricultural lands, and citizens’ properties and livelihoods.

Affected communities span districts including Karongi, Muhanga, Nyamagabe, Huye, Nyaruguru, Gisagara, Nyagatare, Kirehe, Ngoma, and Bugesera, where flooding and soil erosion have intensified due to insufficiently designed drainage, weak hydrological planning, limited supervision, and gaps in environmental assessments.

These shortcomings allow runoff to erode soil, destabilize road structures, damage farmlands, and threaten homes.

The assessment details specific instances of impact. On the Karongi-Muhanga road, inadequate drainage has triggered major soil erosion, washing large volumes of soil into adjacent areas and risking road integrity.

In Gasaka sector of Nyamagabe District, heavy rains generate runoff that accelerates land erosion and compounds road wear. The Huye-Ndago road has seen substantial crop losses and soil degradation from water carrying away fertile topsoil.

In Kibeho, Nyaruguru District, runoff from poor drainage has eroded farmlands, leaving them barren. The Butaro road in Cyeru, Burera District, illustrates how overlooking natural contours and water paths during construction has harmed nearby agriculture.

Residents have shared direct experiences of these impacts. In Bwambika village, Gasoro cell, Kigoma sector, Nyanza District, Rosine Kubwimana described how water from the new Nyanza-Bugesera tarmac road erodes land and floods her home during rains, creating a sense of being trapped amid ongoing soil loss.

She voiced fears for the April 2026 rainy season and noted repeated appeals to authorities for water rerouting. Her neighbor, Odette Mukantaganzwa, expressed similar worries about runoff threatening homes.

In Huye District’s Ruvuzo village and Matyazo cell, residents reported farmlands washed away by runoff from the Huye-Kibeho road, leaving pits and persistent erosion.

Dr. Abias Maniragaba, Senior Project Coordinator at Transparency International Rwanda, recently described these problems as symptoms of wider challenges in road planning, maintenance, and regulatory compliance nationwide.

The report advocates for comprehensive reviews of construction materials, mandatory post-construction monitoring, and penalties for non-compliance to prevent recurring issues.

In response, the Rwanda Transport Development Agency has initiated nationwide efforts to tackle water management problems on roads.

Interventions are underway on routes such as Muhanga-Ngororero-Mukamira and Gisiza-Pfunda, incorporating stronger road foundations, water-resistant materials, and large cement structures to counter climate effects.

Gemma Maniraruta, Director General of Water and Sanitation at the Ministry of Infrastructure, recently highlighted early positive outcomes from improved drainage systems, which help protect rivers, streams, and wetlands. Broader efforts include wetland management to regulate water flow.

The TI-Rwanda assessment underscores the importance of integrating robust safeguards into Rwanda’s infrastructure ambitions to sustain benefits while minimizing unintended environmental and social costs.

In an interview broadcast on January 17, 2026, on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s state television channel RTNC, President Ndayishimiye alleged that RED Tabara is being used by Rwanda as a proxy force to prepare attacks against Burundi.

He claimed the group’s fighters were behind the failed 2015 coup against former president Pierre Nkurunziza and that Rwanda trained them before deploying them to support AFC/M23 operations in eastern DRC.

Responding on January 29, 2026, RED Tabara spokesperson Patrick Nahimana rejected the accusations, insisting that the group has no ties with Rwanda. He pointed out that Rwanda would not have handed over RED Tabara fighters if any cooperation existed between them.

“Anyone closely following regional developments knows that on July 30, 2021, Rwanda handed over 19 RED Tabara fighters who had crossed into its territory and were arrested in Nyungwe Forest,” Nahimana said.

He also dismissed claims linking RED Tabara to the 2015 coup attempt, noting that those responsible were known members of the Burundian armed forces.

According to Nahimana, RED Tabara had been in existence since early 2011 and was not involved in the events that unfolded four years later.

“The individuals who attempted the 2015 coup are well identified and were serving Burundian soldiers at the time. Associating RED Tabara with that plot is misleading,” he said.

RED Tabara further denied any form of cooperation with AFC/M23, either before or during the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC. The group described President Ndayishimiye’s remarks as an effort to distort facts and divert attention from its political objectives.

The group reiterated that its struggle is directed against what it describes as the CNDD-FDD’s undermining of the Arusha Peace Agreement, and that it seeks the establishment of a democratic system of governance in Burundi.

Speaking in a message on social media, Trump urged Iran to agree on a “fair and equitable deal on nuclear weapons” and emphasized that “time is running out” for talks to take place. He referenced earlier U.S. military action last June as a warning, asserting that failure to negotiate could trigger more severe consequences.

Trump also stated that a U.S. naval force, including the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, was approaching Iran, framing the move as part of U.S. pressure for diplomacy.

Two U.S. officials confirmed that the carrier strike group and supporting vessels had arrived in the middle east amid rising tensions.

Iran’s response was firm. Iranian officials said they were ready to defend themselves and would respond “immediately and powerfully” to any aggression. Iran reiterated that while it is open to a nuclear deal that ensures peaceful technology and no nuclear weapons, negotiations must occur without threats or coercion.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi clarified that Iran had not recently engaged with U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff or requested negotiations, according to state media. Araqchi stressed that real dialogue must be conducted on equal footing and grounded in mutual respect.

The warning from Trump comes amid a buildup of U.S. military assets in the gulf region following months of Iran’s internal unrest and a harsh crackdown on protesters. In previous clashes, Iran’s protests driven by economic and political frustrations resulted in significant casualties, contributing to heightened international scrutiny and U.S. pressure.

U.S. officials, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, have argued that Iran’s government is under strain and indicated that negotiations coupled with pressure could yield results.

However, Trump’s message underscores the increasing use of military threats alongside diplomatic overtures to compel Iran to halt its nuclear ambitions.

Analysts warn that if diplomatic efforts continue under the specter of military action, the risk of a broader conflict in the region could grow, drawing in other nations and impacting global security dynamics.