The deceased has been identified as 28-year-old Clinton Nyapara Mogesa, whose body was discovered at a Russian position in the Donetsk region following a deadly assault operation.
According to Ukrainian intelligence, Mogesa had previously lived and worked in Qatar before signing a contract with the Russian army. He was subsequently assigned to one of Russia’s assault units and reportedly sent to the frontlines despite insufficient military training.
“The Kenyan national had been living and working in Qatar before later signing a contract with the armed forces of the Russian Federation and being assigned to one of the occupiers’ assault units,” the statement read.
The Ukrainian report also noted that Russian forces did not evacuate Mogesa’s body after his death, and his family has yet to receive any official communication from Russian authorities. At the time his body was discovered, Mogesa was carrying passports belonging to two other Kenyan citizens, believed to be fellow recruits.
Ukrainian intelligence used the incident to issue a warning to foreign nationals against travelling to the Russian Federation or accepting any form of employment on its territory, particularly illegal work.
“Travelling to Russia carries a real risk of being forcibly deployed to assault units without adequate training and with little to no chance of survival,” the Ukrainian intelligence warned.
This incident follows the recent repatriation of 18 Kenyans who were fighting in Russia, confirmed by the Kenyan government through the Office of the Prime Cabinet Secretary. Authorities estimate that at least 200 Kenyans may have been recruited into the conflict, with recruitment networks believed to operate both in Kenya and Russia.
The ongoing conflict in Ukraine began in February 2014, when Russia occupied Crimea following Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity. Fighting subsequently erupted in the eastern Donbas region between Ukrainian forces and Russian-backed separatists.
In February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, targeting major cities including Kyiv. The war is fueled by a complex mix of geopolitical, historical, and security concerns, including Russia’s opposition to NATO expansion, Ukraine’s alignment with the West, and historical claims over Ukrainian territory.
As of early 2026, combined military casualties in the conflict are estimated at nearly 2 million, with Russia reportedly losing around 1.2 million personnel and Ukraine sustaining roughly 500,000–600,000 casualties.
Civilian losses are severe, with the UN verifying nearly 16,000 deaths, and approximately 10.6 million Ukrainians displaced. Infrastructure across Ukraine has been heavily damaged, with tens of billions of dollars in losses to energy, housing, and transport networks.
The attack took place on March 18, 1997, three years after the Genocide against the Tutsi, during a period when national security was still fragile, particularly in areas near the border with Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), where perpetrators of the genocide had fled. At the time, the students were aged between 17 and 22 and were well aware of Rwanda’s tragic history, including how ethnicity had been politicised before and during the genocide.
In interviews with IGIHE, survivors described how insurgents entered classrooms while students were reviewing lessons in the evening at around 8 PM. Urimubenshi Emmanuel, a sixth-year student, recalled:
“It started while we were having our evening meal, and at first we didn’t understand what was happening. We saw many people dressed in unfamiliar military-style clothing. There was a military post nearby, but the area had no electricity at the time. Those who had lights were using generators or solar lamps. Since we also had a generator and were used to soldiers coming to the school to connect radios, we assumed it was them, but soon we realised they were insurgents.”
The attackers demanded that students separate, with Tutsi on one side and Hutu on the other. A sixth-year student, Mujawamahoro Marie Chantal, responded by declaring,
“We are all Rwandans.”
The insurgents shot and killed her and continued firing, targeting other students. After lying on the floor to survive, the sixth-year students witnessed the attackers move to the fifth-year classrooms.
Fifth-year students, including Ndemeye Valens, who would later be killed, took cover under desks as insurgents entered. Two attackers were armed with guns and grenades, while a third stood outside with a machete. One student, Benimana Hélène, refused to separate by ethnicity, saying there were no Tutsi or Hutu among them; they were all Rwandans. She and several others, including Mukarutwaza Séraphine and Valens, were killed.
Survivors said that their upbringing at Nyange, which emphasised unity, prayer, and coexistence, helped them reject the insurgents’ demands and remain united.
The attack left seven students dead, six on the night of March 18, 1997 and one in 2001 from injuries sustained during the assault. The two schools had 47 students at the time; 39 survived, with one later dying in 2018 from illness.
Because of their courage, the Rwandan government recognised the Nyange students as National Heroes in 2001, placing them in the “Imena” category. Survivors later formed an association, Komezubutwari (“Continue the Heroism”), and some, like Rusizi District Mayor Sindayiheba Phanuel, went on to serve in government.
Urimubenshi reflected on the long recovery after the attack:
“Fear was overwhelming. Even at the hospital, we panicked at every sound. But the government supported us fully, covering all medical treatment and helping us recover. Their support reinforced unity and showed us the value of being there for one another.”
The Nyange students’ defiance that night remains a lasting symbol of courage and national unity in Rwanda, commemorated today alongside other heroes on Heroes Day.
The visiting staffers were received by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, for discussions focused on strengthening the Rwanda–United States partnership.
The engagement also provided an opportunity to exchange views on Rwanda’s development progress, governance priorities, and long-term nation-building efforts following the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The Rwanda Visit Program is designed to equip U.S. Congressional staff with first-hand knowledge of Rwanda’s political and socio-economic transformation, with a particular focus on post-genocide reconstruction, reconciliation, and inclusive development. Through structured discussions and field engagements, participants gain deeper insight into Rwanda’s policy frameworks and development model.
As part of broader congressional engagement with Rwanda, the U.S. Congressional delegation visited the Mutobo Demobilisation and Reintegration Centre in Musanze District on Friday. During the visit, the delegation met former combatants of the FDLR militia who voluntarily repatriated and renounced armed struggle. The militia group active in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) comprises remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The delegation was briefed on Rwanda’s demobilisation and reintegration programme and heard testimonies from former combatants who chose peace and reintegration into civilian life. The Rwanda Demobilization and Reintegration Commission highlighted the country’s approach to promoting security, unity, and stability in the Great Lakes Region.
Speaking on behalf of the congressional delegation during the Mutobo visit, Congressman Nick Hawatmeh commended Rwanda’s efforts to foster unity and social cohesion and expressed appreciation for the work being carried out to support reconciliation and long-term peace.
“We appreciate the incredibly important work to ensure Rwandans stay unified and together,” Hawatmeh said. “The work you do is extremely important.”
Established in 2022 under the Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act, the Rwanda Visit Program has hosted several cohorts of U.S. Congressional staff and continues to serve as an important platform for strengthening mutual understanding and cooperation between Rwanda and the United States.
Those ambitions took centre stage this week in Islamabad, where the National Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB), in collaboration with the High Commission of Rwanda in Pakistan, organized the inaugural Rwanda Coffee Festival 2026 from January 29 to 30.
Held at the Mövenpick Hotel, the two-day event provided a dedicated platform to showcase Rwanda’s high-quality specialty coffee while strengthening bilateral trade relations.
Pakistan remains Rwanda’s leading buyer of tea through the auction system, positioning it as a strategic partner for Kigali. With demand for specialty and premium coffee rising, driven by an expanding café culture and a younger consumer base, NAEB is seeking to position Rwandan coffee as a high-value product capable of attracting competitive prices and fostering long-term partnerships.
Speaking on the sidelines of the festival, NAEB Chief Executive Officer Claude Bizimana said Rwanda’s participation was guided by clear objectives.
He explained that the festival offered an opportunity to market Rwandan coffee directly to the international market and to reconnect with companies previously engaged through trade platforms in Mombasa.
Bizimana added that NAEB also used the occasion to engage tea-processing factories, exploring possibilities for direct sourcing from Rwanda, which could help increase import volumes, boost production, and ultimately raise farmers’ incomes.
“The Rwanda Coffee Festival was a success, attracting many participating companies and generating strong interest after visitors tasted our coffee. All of this aligns with the plan to increase agricultural exports, contribute more to the national economy, and improve farmers’ livelihoods overall,” he noted.
The festival attracted a diverse audience, including business leaders, officials, and sector stakeholders from both countries.
A delegation of Rwandan coffee producers and exporters took part, alongside Bizimana and Rwanda’s Minister of Trade and Industry, Prudence Sebahizi.
The event was officially launched with a ribbon-cutting ceremony led by Sebahizi together with Pakistan’s Federal Minister for Commerce, Jam Kamal Khan, High Commissioner Harerimana Fatou, and Bizimana, symbolizing deepening cooperation between Kigali and Islamabad.
A major highlight of the event was the traditional coffee cupping session, where participants sampled Rwanda’s signature coffee profiles, known for their floral notes, balanced acidity, and rich, complex aromas.
On the margins of the festival, Bizimana also held discussions with High Commissioner Harerimana Fatou on practical ways to enhance the visibility of Rwandan products and ease access to the Pakistani market.
The initiative forms part of Rwanda’s long-term strategy to diversify export markets and position itself as a reliable source of high-quality agricultural products.
Having already established a strong presence in Pakistan’s tea imports, Kigali now hopes to replicate that success with coffee, aiming to make Rwandan brews a familiar feature in Pakistani cups.
In a statement released on January 31, 2026, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, expressed deep concern over the recent violence that has shaken Niger.
Among the incidents was an attack on Hamani Diori International Airport in the capital, Niamey, which occurred during the night of January 28–29.
Another deadly assault killed about 30 civilians on January 18 in the village of Bosiye, located in western Niger.
“These heinous acts form part of the campaign of terror conducted by violent extremist groups deliberately targeting civilian populations and public infrastructure,” Youssouf said, condemning the violence in the strongest terms.
He also praised the “swift and effective response” of Nigerien security forces that helped contain the airport attack.
The AU leader conveyed the organisation’s solidarity with the people and government of Niger and extended condolences to the families of the victims.
He emphasised that the bloc stands ready to continue supporting Niger’s efforts to confront violent extremism and terrorism, which pose a serious threat to peace, stability, and territorial integrity across affected regions.
Youssouf highlighted progress from a recent large‑scale military operation in the Tillabéri region, noting that it had led to the neutralisation of several armed elements, the disruption of terror groups, and the recovery of looted property.
He underlined the importance of sustained counter‑terror efforts as Niger continues to face attacks from extremist factions.
The attacks in Niger have also prompted international concerns about security in the Sahel region.
In response to escalating risks, the U.S. State Department ordered non‑emergency personnel and their families to leave Niger, warning that “real risks” from crime, civil unrest, terrorism, health issues, and kidnapping persist across the country.
The African Union’s condemnation and pledge of support come amid heightened regional instability, with neighbouring Sahel states confronting persistent jihadist threats that undermine peace and development.
However, after a year under the control of the AFC/M23, significant changes are evident.
The city now shows greater organization, with residents following a routine that includes weekly community clean-up activities, locally known as Salongo. Most importantly, improved security has enabled people to work freely, both during the day and at night.
This transformation is immediately noticeable upon arrival at the Grande Barrière border post, which links the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda.
Previously, crossing into Rwanda was an easy process once the necessary requirements were met. However, problems arose when you reached the DRC side, where immigration officers would sometimes demand a $20 bribe to stamp your passport, delaying your progress until you gave them a “Kitu Kidogo” (a small gift).
Now, things have changed at the DRC immigration office. Young men and women, dressed neatly, ensure all requirements are met before allowing travelers to continue on their journey.
Before, crossing the border could feel like entering a den of thieves. As you crossed into Goma, you would find women and men sitting along the road, sometimes with tables, each demanding money. Some claimed it was for taxes, while others said it was for various government programs. You could easily end up paying around $100.
Extortion didn’t end there. Just a little further along, you would encounter police officers on the streets who would demand money from citizens, some even extorting drivers by threatening them with fines for no reason.
A year later, all of this has become history. One of the telltale signs that you have reached Goma was the amount of waste on the streets. It was not uncommon for residents to collect their trash and dump it in the middle of the road.
Despite this, Congolese people would often claim that Goma was the cleanest city in the country. Nowadays, if someone were to do that, they might face severe punishment from the current authorities.
Before AFC/M23 took control of Goma, the city had become a battleground between FARDC, FDLR, and Wazalendo soldiers, which led to constant insecurity.
One local leader from North Kivu shared that, at least every night, four or five people would be killed, either shot or executed with traditional weapons. Those who survived were either robbed or mistreated.
It had reached a point where a member of the FDLR could be starving in the city, only to find a motorcycle and start working as a taxi driver. This is why robberies and killings by motorcyclists were so common.
When the situation wasn’t good enough, members of FDLR and Wazalendo would disguise themselves as passengers, and when they boarded a motorcycle, they would rob the driver and steal their bike.
Out of fear, Goma residents often sought refuge in their homes by 6:00 PM.
Today, residents of the city attest all of this became history.
“These men (AFC/M23) brought us security, and they don’t talk much. Now, we work day and night. The only thing we could die for is breaking the law,” a resident of Goma told IGIHE.
Residents also claim that the behavior of AFC/M23 soldiers is completely different from that of FARDC soldiers. One of the young men I met at the North Kivu Provincial office told me he had just registered to join the AFC/M23 army.
When I asked why he made this decision, he simply said, “The M23 soldiers dress well, they pass calmly, and they don’t talk much.”
When I asked him how the FARDC behaved, he replied, “They rush, stomp their feet, and look unkempt.”
This is likely why many FARDC soldiers joined M23 after being defeated in battle.
Another issue that had troubled the people of Goma was the lack of water and electricity.
It wasn’t unusual to go two months without water.
Once AFC/M23 took control of the city, they immediately focused on resolving this problem, which they found was not a difficult challenge. Denying water to the residents was a tactic used by those who had an interest in controlling the supply.
Some government officials had bought water tankers to distribute water in exchange for money. To secure these contracts, they would cut off the water supply to the residents.
One of the leaders from the city’s main hospital said, “The lack of water significantly contributed to the number of patients who arrived with diseases caused by poor sanitation.”
The issue of electricity was also undeniable. The hospital official mentioned that every day, they would have to use petrol to power a generator to keep patients on life support machines running, as the electricity was frequently interrupted.
Currently, the AFC/M23 leadership has focused on repairing roads, bus stations, parking lots, and more.
During an exclusive interview with the Rwanda Broadcasting Agency (RBA) on Friday, Amb. Nduhungirehe detailed the recent visit to Rwanda by AU lead mediator on eastern DRC peace process Faure Gnassingbé, President of the Council of the Republic of Togo, accompanied by a panel of experts.
The latter comprises former African leaders: former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, former Ethiopian President Sahle-Work Zewde, former Botswana President Mokgweetsi Masisi, and former Central African Republic President Catherine Samba-Panza.
They were hosted by President Paul Kagame on Friday at Urugwiro Village for high-level discussions on regional stability.
Amb. Nduhungirehe explained that the visit directly followed a high-level meeting convened in Lomé, Togo, on January 17, 2026, convened by President Gnassingbé.
At the meeting, the foreign minister said, participants, including regional facilitators and partners, agreed to “reinforce [and] strengthen the African mediation for the conflict in Eastern DRC” and to ensure “coherence between the African Union mediation and the existing mediations, which are the Qatari and the US mediations.”
The minister noted that one key outcome was the decision for the mediator and facilitators to visit four countries in the region: the DRC, Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi.
The delegation had arrived in Kigali from Kinshasa and was scheduled to continue to Bujumbura and Kampala.
Amb. Nduhungirehe highlighted Rwanda’s consistent preference for African processes in resolving the eastern DRC conflict. He recalled earlier initiatives such as the Nairobi process under the East African Community (EAC), which involved political dialogue between the DRC government and Congolese armed groups.
He also noted that the Nairobi process included the deployment of the East African Regional Force, which successfully achieved a ceasefire and led to significant territorial withdrawals by M23.
Additionally, he mentioned the bilateral Rwanda-DRC negotiations held in 2024, which were aimed at addressing mutual security concerns, particularly the ongoing threat posed by the FDLR.
He attributed the collapse of both processes to decisions by DRC President Félix Tshisekedi, including the sudden expulsion of the AFC/M23 from talks and the East African force, as well as refusal to commit to dialogue with the group despite prior agreements.
Following the fall of Goma and Bukavu, regional actors (EAC and SADC) attempted to re-engage, but external mediations from the United States and Qatar were requested. Rwanda accepted these, the minister said, because “what we want is peace, whatever process, whatever forum, we want peace in our region.”
He expressed particular optimism about the current AU-led track: “We really have faith in this African process. And we believe that to capitalize on the diplomatic gains of 2025, we need to have the African Union involved in implementing the agreement that was signed.
“Because the agreement, Washington and Doha, we cannot touch them because they were already signed, agreed on. What we need now is the implementation phase in which the AU will have a prominent role.”
Addressing renewed calls by DRC authorities for international sanctions against Rwanda, Nduhungirehe described them as evidence of a “lack of political will” and pointed to ongoing ceasefire violations, including daily airstrikes and drone attacks on civilian areas and AFC/M23 positions, in breach of the Washington agreement (June 2025) and the April 2025 ceasefire between the DRC government and AFC/M23.
He argued that genuine progress depends on regional parties returning to Africa and implementing signed commitments.
Amb, Nduhungirehe also touched on Rwanda’s security coordination with the AFC/M23, confirming a January 22, 2026, statement by Rwanda’s ambassador to the United States.
“Yes, it’s true,” Amb. Nduhungirehe said, explaining that the coordination is defensive and focused on shared interests against the FDLR, a group he described as genocidal and a threat to both Rwandan security and Congolese Tutsi communities, particularly given AFC/M23 control of much of the DRC-Rwanda border.
He stressed that AFC/M23’s legitimate political grievances remain Congolese internal matters currently under discussion in Doha with the DRC government, while Rwanda’s engagement addresses longstanding defensive necessities dating back to post-genocide attacks from DRC territory.
According to the March 23 Movement rebel group, the incident occurred on Wednesday at the Rubaya coltan mine in North Kivu province, about 60 kilometers northwest of Goma.
According to Lumumba Kambere Muyisa, spokesperson for the rebel-appointed governor of North Kivu, heavy rains triggered the landslide, causing the ground to give way and collapse several mining shafts where people were working and sheltering.
Many of the victims were reportedly miners, children and women. Witnesses described chaotic rescue efforts as family members and neighbours scrambled to pull survivors from the mud and rubble.
Some individuals were saved with serious injuries and taken to health facilities in Rubaya, with plans to transfer the most badly hurt to hospitals in Goma for further treatment.
Officials have not yet confirmed an exact death toll, but multiple local authorities say the figure exceeds 200. One unnamed provincial official told international media that at least 227 bodies have so far been confirmed, though the number could rise as rescue teams continue searching through collapsed tunnels and debris.
The Rubaya mine is a significant source of coltan, a mineral used to produce tantalum, a metal essential in the manufacturing of mobile phones, computers, aerospace components, and other high-tech devices. It contributes approximately 15 percent of the global coltan supply, yet local miners often work without proper safety safeguards and for very low daily wages.
M23 rebels have been controlling the mine since May 2024 after seizing territory from the Congolese government.
The approval, confirmed by the U.S. State Department and Pentagon on January 31, 2026, is part of ongoing efforts to enhance Israel’s defense capabilities amidst escalating tensions in the Middle East.
The sale includes state-of-the-art Apache helicopters, which are renowned for their long-range attack capabilities and ability to provide close air support in combat zones. Additionally, the sale features the JLTVs, which are designed to improve Israel’s mobility and firepower on the ground.
These vehicles are equipped with advanced armor to withstand the harsh conditions of modern warfare. Along with these assets, Israel will also receive related components such as power packs for armored carriers and utility helicopters, further strengthening its military capabilities.
The U.S. approval of this deal follows decades of close defense cooperation between the two nations, which has been underpinned by U.S. financial support. The U.S. provides Israel with roughly $3.8 billion annually in military aid as part of efforts to maintain its qualitative military edge in the region. This deal continues that support, ensuring that Israel remains capable of defending itself against various threats from neighboring countries and non-state actors in the region.
However, the approval of the sale has sparked controversy, particularly among some U.S. lawmakers and human rights groups. Critics argue that supplying Israel with advanced offensive weaponry at this juncture could exacerbate the already volatile situation, particularly in Gaza, where Israel’s military operations have raised concerns over civilian casualties and destruction of infrastructure. These groups fear that the new equipment could lead to further escalation in the ongoing conflict.
On the other hand, proponents of the sale argue that Israel faces numerous threats, particularly from Iranian-backed militias operating in Syria and Lebanon, and that modernizing its defense systems is essential to counter these risks.
The deal remains subject to procedural reviews, including a notification period in which Congress has the option to object. However, given the strong defense ties between the two nations, the sale is expected to proceed without major challenges.
The delivery of the equipment will take place over the next several years, ensuring that Israel remains well-equipped to face evolving security challenges.
Today, however, Rwanda has moved past these events, with cross-border trade once again picking up between residents of Rubavu town and Goma, which is currently under the control of AFC/M23.
In an interview with IGIHE, the Mayor of Rubavu, Prosper Mulindwa, discussed these events, trade between residents of Rubavu and Goma, investment opportunities in the area, and the threat previously posed by the FDLR terrorist group.
{{As we begin 2026, how would you assess how things went for the district last year?}}
{{Mulindwa:}} 2025 is a year that Rubavu residents will not forget, especially around this time, between January 26 and 27, 2026, when the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) attempted to launch artillery strikes at Rwanda in an effort to destabilize our security.
However, their efforts were thwarted due to our country’s strong defense and the bravery of the Rwandan army.
The battle in Goma led to the AFC/M23 taking control, and significant changes followed. The challenges caused by FDLR, Wazalendo, and other groups that had been trying to disrupt Rwanda’s security were defeated and pushed far away, alleviating concerns of insecurity that had been linked to Congo.
Property damaged during the conflict has been repaired, and we assisted 16 families who lost loved ones in the attacks, as well as those who were injured. This support helped revive trade between Goma and Gisenyi, which had previously been disrupted due to the closure of the Kabuhanga border, but is now fully operational.
The main border at Grande Barrière now closes at 6 p.m., whereas the smaller border closes at 12 a.m., a significant change from its previous closure at 9 a.m. This has energized both small and large traders, with an average of 100 to 120 trucks crossing into Rwanda daily to transport goods to Goma.
The transformation in the district is evident, and hope is on the rise. Barriers that once made it difficult for people from the DR Congo to trade in Rwanda have been removed, leading to a significant increase in border crossings.
For example, Grande Barrière now sees 6,000 to 8,000 people crossing daily, while the smaller border handles 36,000 users each day—compared to the past, when trade was almost nonexistent.
Today, people are happier and continue to invest in various sectors. This growth shows that we are heading toward larger projects, and we are seeing a rapid development of the city as most people are now requesting permits to build multi-story buildings, accelerating the city’s development.
{{How would you describe Rwanda’s relationship with AFC/M23, now that they have become a neighboring presence?}}
We cannot say that there is a relationship as we are not concerned with that. Our focus is on whether our borders are functioning. And as far as the borders are concerned, they are open and functioning well. Our citizens travel there and return peacefully. That alone gives us confidence that there is peace in Congo and that the residents there are not causing harm to our people.
Before, we had people trying to destabilize our security, some of whom we arrested in Rwanda. They came with ill intentions, but there has been no security threat from Congo. Our concern is how our people are treated when they cross into Congo, how they are received, how they cross the border, the services they receive, and how they return with good stories. This shows that the country is not a threat to us, and that continues to be the case today.
{{Are you referring to the FDLR as the group that was behind efforts to destabilize Rwanda?}}
Yes, it is FDLR, and as you know, FDLR had been integrated into the FARDC (Congolese military), making it difficult to distinguish between the two. They had been operating on the Congo side of the border, and you could hear them speaking Kinyarwanda language.
These people are no longer here. AFC/M23 has defeated them, and they have moved far away.
We also had some of our own citizens who had joined FDLR and Wazalendo in the past, but they have returned to Rwanda and received training at Mutobo and reintegrated into society.
Over 150 of them have returned. This shows that the security issue was real, especially when people tried to bring in new fighters and recruit our citizens into their military to fight against us.
{{Shifting focus from the FDLR, what is the current situation regarding drugs coming across the border?}}
The issue of drugs is still present. However, the legal systems between our two countries are not aligned, so what is prohibited in Rwanda might be allowed in Congo. This challenge continues because the laws have not been harmonized yet.
In Rwanda, drugs are illegal, and we intercept them at the border whenever attempts are made to smuggle them. While we have not completely stopped this, we remain committed to protecting our borders and raising awareness among citizens. Those caught in the illegal drug trade are arrested, and the law is enforced.
{{How is Rubavu faring in terms of business and tourism?}}
After these challenges, our tourism sector picked up in 2025, to the point where there were days when we welcomed more tourists than our available infrastructure could accommodate. In July 2025, we even had so many visitors that all rooms were fully booked, reflecting the growing popularity of Rubavu.
Domestic tourism, with Rwandans coming from other parts of the country, has grown, and many people continue to book new hotels and call on us for support as they implement the national development vision. Construction is still ongoing, so in the near future we will have many more hotels, and we continue to attract new investors.
There is also demand for state land for investments, and we are seeing positive developments in agriculture and livestock, with increased productivity.
In 2025, we also launched a new tourism project, including the Nengo Hill hike and tourism based on conferences, which will complement our tourism sector.
All of this has contributed to raising the district’s commercial profile. The taxes collected from businesses have increased significantly, from Rwf4.2 billion to Rwf5 billion, showing that the private sector is thriving.
{{Rubavu has a new port. How has it transformed water transport?}}
This is the first time Rubavu has had such a port, and it has opened a new route for cross-border trade. We were used to land borders, but because our neighbor, Congo, has vast areas that are more accessible by water, the port has been a great addition. The port has made it easier for goods to reach parts of Congo that were previously hard to access, greatly benefiting cross-border trade.
Today, over 90 vessels use the port, and goods produced in Rwanda now have an easier route to DR Congo, opening up new opportunities in business and helping us make better use of Lake Kivu.
{{There’s been talk of introducing public ferry services. How far along is this plan?}}
The public ferry service is still under preparation, but things are progressing well. The port now has a section dedicated to passengers, and we are in the process of constructing larger ferries to carry more passengers. The President has already approved the ferry for the Nkombo residents in Rusizi, and this will be used by everyone, not just Nkombo residents. The ferry is still being built.
Regarding legal reforms, the Rwanda Transport Development Agency (RTDA) has presented the project that will regulate passenger transport by water. This is still being reviewed, and the relevant authorities are evaluating it before final approval.
We expect to see the water transport system operational soon, both from a ferry perspective and legally. There will be new signs to guide boats and established routes.
What is the status of plans to upgrade Rubavu’s airport and launch RwandAir flights?
The airport project has been in preparation for some time, and we’ve received information that preparations for flights to Rubavu are almost complete. However, we are still awaiting the exact start date. This is a large-scale project that involves regulatory work, ensuring airport security, and preparing other facilities for the flights.
We are told the project is almost ready, and we are waiting for the announcement of the start date. Everything else has been prepared, and there have been no major obstacles. We expect the launch to happen soon.
{{What are Rubavu’s prospects for 2026?}}
We will continue from where we left off. We are focusing on urban planning to ensure that people build properly and use the land effectively. We are also helping people invest in infrastructure and grow their businesses. Rubavu will continue to be a key economic hub with new multi-story buildings, improved public spaces, and more opportunities for investors.
Rubavu residents are encouraged to make use of the industrial zone, and we continue to focus on agriculture and livestock to improve production. We will keep working towards sustainable growth for everyone in the district.
