The decision was taken by the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) during its quarterly meeting on Wednesday. The CBR, which serves as the benchmark rate guiding commercial banks in setting lending and deposit rates, is the main tool used by BNR to manage inflation.
May had marked the fourth consecutive time the MPC maintained the rate at 6.5 percent, following its initial reduction from 7.0 percent in August 2024.
Addressing the press on Thursday, Central Bank Governor Soraya Hakuziyaremye revealed that inflation remained within the expected range of 2 to 8 percent in the second quarter of 2025. It is now projected to average 7.1 percent this year before easing to about 5.6 percent in 2026.
The outlook, however, has been revised upward from the initial forecast of 6.5 percent due to risks such as adverse weather conditions that could affect agricultural output and uncertainties in global trade and commodity markets.
“The Monetary Policy Committee has decided to increase the central bank rate by 25 basis points to 6.75 percent, a level considered adequate to keep inflation within the target range with forecasts averaging 7.1 percent in 2025 and 5.6 percent in 2026,” the Central Bank boss said.
Despite global trade headwinds, Rwanda’s economy has shown resilience. Real GDP expanded by 7.8 percent in the first quarter of 2025, driven by strong performance in services and industry. High-frequency indicators point to continued growth in the second quarter, with the Composite Index of Economic Activity (CIEA) up 12.5 percent year-on-year, supported by strong credit growth.
External trade also improved, with merchandise exports rising 15.5 percent in Q2, boosted by higher coffee and mineral exports, alongside a 31.1 percent surge in non-traditional exports such as cooking oil and wheat flour. Imports grew modestly by 3.3 percent, helping narrow the trade deficit by 2.9 percent compared to the same period last year.
The foreign exchange market showed signs of stability, with the Rwandan franc depreciating by 2.96 percent against the US dollar by end-June, a slower pace than the 3.73 percent seen in the same period in 2024. This moderation was attributed to an improved trade balance, domestic foreign exchange reforms, and a weaker dollar globally.
Looking ahead, BNR expects inflation to remain within its target band, though risks remain from both domestic and external shocks. The MPC reaffirmed its readiness to adjust policy further if needed to ensure price stability.
The inaugural tournament will bring together 80 young players aged 4 to 16 to compete across four categories — from beginners playing 3 holes to advanced juniors tackling the full 18 holes.
The event marks the beginning of a new chapter where Rwanda’s junior golfers will now be part of a regional circuit that links them to peers across East Africa. NCBA’s Junior Golf Series has already grown significantly in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania- attracting over one thousand juniors across the region.
This tournament marks NCBA’s second regional golf expansion to Rwanda, following the launch of the adult series in the country last year. The youth tournament will be followed by three subsequent adult golf tournaments under the same “NCBA Golf Series” banner.
For the Rwanda Golf Union, a key stakeholder in golf development, the priority is clear.
“Developing juniors today means we secure the future of the sport tomorrow. This is a critical step in that direction,” said Amb. Bill Kayonga, Chairman, Rwanda Golf Union.
The title sponsor, NCBA, sees golf as part of a wider investment in sustainability from a human perspective.
“By supporting junior golf, we give youth the chance to build discipline, confidence, and a foundation for a lucrative sports career should they choose. This is part of our sustainability agenda to invest where it truly matters,” said Maurice Toroitich, Managing Director of NCBA Bank Rwanda.
The host and co-sponsor, Kigali Golf Resort & Villas, emphasizes the need to open doors for the next generation.
“Our golf resort was built to open the door for the world of golf to come into Rwanda, and to open its doors to Rwandans of all ages to come, experience, and excel in golf,” said Gaston Gasore, Ag. CEO.
“The juniors are ready because they have been here every day preparing with support from our academy, so this is like a graduation — a milestone celebration of efforts we are making on a daily basis,” he added.
As for the juniors themselves, the moment carries deeper meaning. “I’ve been practicing for this tournament, and I can’t wait to compete. Golf has taught me to be patient and keep going even when I miss a shot,” said seven-year-old Joey Mutaboba, a rising golf star competing in the Intermediate Category.
By creating opportunities for children to learn and compete early, the tournament is nurturing tomorrow’s professionals while ensuring the game takes deep root for generations to come.
Over Frw 10 million spread over 6 categories is up for grabs. Dubbed Tangira StartUp TV Contest, the pre-recorded show scheduled to go on air by early November 2025 on Igihe TV seeks to offer a platform for start-up founders to access critical resources they need in their enterprise journey such as mentorship, networking and funds to boost their businesses.
Remmygious Lubega the Executive producer of the show and the CEO at RG-Consult Inc behind the innovation stated that submissions are open up from 20th August 2025 until 8th September 2025.
“Tangira is an opportunity for all Rwandan StartUp Entrepreneurs with ideas and startup businesses to showcase what they have to offer as they race to gain business mentorship, reach wider market of customers/ buyers or investors and access to capital in the form of top prizes” he noted.
Submission is through visiting the website [tangira.rw ->https://tangira.rw/] and uploading a short 90 secs video pitch of your business or idea to the contest portal.
Upon submission contestants will be screened and the top 50 will be shortlisted to give the general public room to vote/ participate on who they think deserves to be on the show.
The Top 12 ranking participants will then get the opportunity to go live on the big screen through a mentorship in Kigali, facing a panel of experienced Judges leading to the elimination stages where Six out of the 12 will be rewarded.
Alex Ntare president of ICT chamber at Private sector Federation(PSF) and a sponsor/ partners of the show expressed optimism at what the show offered Rwanda’s start up ecosystem.
“Am truly humbled for ICT chamber to come through to offer support to this innovation which is designed as a public good, a source of information on platforms where young people are to access while they innovate and comfortably so in Kinyarwanda. We believe this project will support the start-up ecosystem.
“We eagerly anticipate the opportunity to support the next generation of Rwandan start-up founders from this show courtesy of such projects like Tangira StartUp TV Contest,” he said.
Ms. Ines Umurerwa, speaking on behalf of IGIHE Media House, commended the project for its transformative impact.
“We are excited to add valuable content on our channel that is geared to educating our young audience on how to create jobs and how to grow those ideas to big businesses. Through Tangira we see our journey as a media house and how we have now grown because we transmitted our content in Kinyarwanda and stayed with our audience and grew. If we could come this far, we believe that many other local ideas can,” she said.
{{About Tangira start up TV contest}}
Tangira is a Start Up TV contest whose first season is scheduled for airing on Igihe TV (Youtube Channel) by November 2025.
Several key stakeholders have come together to support its creation. This includes Rwanda Development Bank (BRD), Start Up 250, The ICT chamber, The Kigali Universe, RG consult Inc, Igihe, 103.5 Capital FM, ATV, BTN, Itara Production among others.
The contest seeks to enable local entrepreneurs to acquire different business skill sets, visibility, and access to finance and leakage to stakeholders to support growth of the enterprise sector by supporting them.
The project’s goal is also to create a Free source of entrepreneurship content/ Information in the local language that can be helpful for many startups across the country.
During an event held at the Marriott Hotel on August 20, 2025, RDB emphasized that Law No. 12/2014 of May 19, 2014, governing the organization of tourism in Rwanda, stipulates in Articles 5, 20, and 29 that every institution operating in the tourism sector must have an approved operating license. The same law grants RDB the authority to suspend or permanently close any businesses that fail to comply.
This warning follows earlier calls for compliance made on June 27, 2025, when RDB’s Chief Executive Officer, Jean Guy Africa, addressed tourism stakeholders and reminded them that “compliance is not just a bureaucratic requirement, it is a strategic necessity.”
On that occasion, he stressed that the Tourism Operating License is both a legal instrument and a quality assurance mechanism, the very foundation of consumer protection and Rwanda’s reputation as a high-end destination.
Institutions considered part of the tourism sector include hotels, restaurants, nightclubs, motels, lodges and guest houses, tour operators, bars, and others.
Speaking at the Marriott Hotel, CEO Jean-Guy Africa reiterated this message, noting that inspections to assess compliance had already begun and urging operators to secure the required licenses without delay.
“Your dedication reflects our shared goal of building a strong, competitive, and welcoming tourism and hospitality sector. Partnership between government regulators and the private sector is what enables us to deliver quality services to every visitor or customer who chooses Rwanda,” he said.
He added: “When a guest walks into a hotel or a nightclub in Kigali, it is not only a private business transaction but also part of the country’s image. Their experience will shape their perception of Rwanda, determine whether they return, whether they act as our ambassadors abroad, or even decide to invest here or do the opposite.”
The CEO further underlined that ensuring quality standards and accountability is not only the responsibility of government, but also of private operators.
“Licensing ensures that every hospitality activity aligns with Rwanda’s tourism and hospitality regulations. It is essential for protecting clients’ safety, guaranteeing quality services, and safeguarding Rwanda’s reputation. When I speak of reputation here, I mean the reputation of Rwanda itself,” he said.
In his earlier remarks in June, he had also warned that operating without a license has three major consequences: it puts clients at risk, it creates unfair competition, and it erodes Rwanda’s image—a concern he repeated during the Marriott event.
The RDB CEO stressed that Rwanda has heavily invested in promoting the “Visit Rwanda” brand, and this must be matched with service quality. He urged all operators to comply with requirements and maintain high standards.
Ongoing inspections are being conducted to verify compliance across the tourism sector. RDB is working in partnership with the Rwanda National Police, the City of Kigali, and the Rwanda Standards Board (RSB).
The inspections began on April 30, 2025, with five- and four-star hotels. In Kigali, 47 hotels were inspected; 27 in Musanze and Rubavu; and six in Karongi. The campaign was extended to the Eastern Province from August 11 to 22, 2025.
In a statement released on August 20, 2025, the armed group described the HRW report as “fake, politically motivated, and an instrument of propaganda” aimed at demonising the AFC/M23.
The report, according to HRW, accused the M23 of targeting primarily ethnic Hutu civilians during the alleged killings in the Virunga region.
The statement, issued by the AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka, criticised HRW’s methodology, saying the organisation relied on unverified telephone testimonies and satellite imagery without on-the-ground verification.
Kanyuka also accused the report of ignoring atrocities committed by other armed groups in the area, including coalition forces of the Kinshasa regime, the FDLR, Nyatura militias, PARECO, and Wazalendo.
“The Human Rights Watch report of August 20th, 2025, is fake and falsification of reality. Its methodology is fraudulent, its sources are corrupt, and its context is truncated,” the statement reads.
“It is based on no tangible evidence, only on hearsay, deceptively interpreted imagery, and complicit silence regarding the crimes of the coalition forces.”
The group insisted that the HRW report serves to divert attention from what it described as “military failures and crimes against humanity” committed by the Kinshasa regime.
The AFC/M23 rebel group is currently engaged in ongoing peace processes in Doha, Qatar, aimed at ending the conflict in eastern DRC, where the rebels accuse government forces of targeting Kinyarwanda-speaking communities through marginalisation and violence.
A report released by Amnesty International on August 20, 2025, documents multiple cases of rape and abuse in North Kivu and South Kivu provinces.
One 40-year-old woman told Amnesty that in late March this year, she was stopped by 10 Wazalendo fighters travelling in a vehicle. They demanded money from her, speaking in the Tembo language.
“I was terrified. I kept begging them, ‘Please, forgive me.’ They refused. Six of them dragged me into the forest while four stayed in the vehicle. They tore off my clothes, tied me up, and raped me. They beat me and covered my mouth with cloth,” she recounted.
She explained that her right hand was tied to one tree, the left to another, before being forced to kneel and assaulted. “All six of them raped me, one after another,” she said.
Afterwards, the fighters abandoned her, and she was rescued by passersby who took her to hospital. Although she received treatment and has since returned to work, she still suffers physical pain from the ordeal.
Another woman, a mother of four living in a camp in southern Masisi territory, said that in January 2024, she returned to her farmland to gather food for her children, where she was captured by three fighters from APCLS, a militia allied with the FDLR.
“They told me if I tried to run, they would shoot me. One said, ‘Instead of killing her, let us use her body.’ They pinned me to the ground and stripped me. I could not resist, my children would have been left without their mother and father. I accepted it to save them,” she said.
After raping her, the fighters warned her never to speak of what happened or they would kill her if they saw her again. “What I wish is that they too, may one day suffer what I went through. Only God knows the punishment they deserve,” she said.
In North Kivu, another woman, referred to as “Safia” for her safety said she encountered four armed men while collecting cassava leaves in her field. She suspected they were from Nyatura and FDLR, describing them as filthy, poorly dressed, and smoking marijuana.
“They told me I could not return home, then slapped me when I tried to respond. They accused me of working with the M23, saying that was why they had to rape me. I screamed for help, but no one came. They told me I was only calling for M23 to hear me, but even if they did, they would do nothing,” she explained.
She recalled how two of the men carried weapons while the others held her down, tearing off her clothes before raping her. “When they finished, I was left naked. I hid, waiting for someone to pass by and give me something to cover myself so I could return home,” she said.
“Safia” added that after people in her community learned of the assault, she was ostracised, and even her husband abandoned her because of what had happened. Ashamed, she decided never to return to her church.
{{DRC soldiers accused of raping pregnant woman
}}
In February 2025, as M23 fighters advanced to capture the city of Bukavu, soldiers of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) and members of the pro-government Wazalendo militia fled towards Uvira territory, leaving behind a trail of atrocities.
A 28-year-old woman from Bukavu recounted that on the night of February 12, while she was sleeping with her husband and children, FARDC soldiers forcefully entered their home.
“They banged on the door, demanding that we open immediately or they would shoot. When they entered, they saw my husband and asked, ‘What are you still doing here?’ They started beating him. There were three of them, speaking Lingala. Two took my husband outside and continued beating him,” she said.
She described how one of the soldiers dragged her into the living room and threatened her life.
“They asked me, ‘Do you want to die or do you want us to spare you?’ I started crying and pleading. One soldier pushed me to the ground. I told him, ‘I am pregnant.’ He replied, ‘I don’t care.’ While one handed his weapon to another, he raped me. When he finished, a second soldier took his turn. I screamed loudly,” she explained.
Her family has since called on the DRC government to investigate FARDC officers implicated in war crimes and gross human rights violations committed during the ongoing conflict in North and South Kivu.
“The time has come for President Félix Tshisekedi of the DRC to honour his pledge of justice and accountability, to ensure that Wazalendo fighters who committed these crimes face prosecution, and that others are reintegrated into civilian life.”
Yaache, who was part of the African UN peacekeepers deployed to Rwanda, recalled that when the UN Security Council voted to reduce the peacekeeping force to just 270 soldiers in 1994, both Gen. Roméo Dallaire and Ghanaian Gen. Henry Anyidoho opposed the decision, fearing the atrocities against the Tutsi. Despite the downsizing, some Ghanaian troops refused to withdraw and under Gen. Anyidoho’s leadership, they remained to protect civilians.
During the 100 days of the genocide against the Tutsi, Ghanaian troops managed to rescue an estimated 30,000 people.
Speaking to the media in Kigali, Yaache strongly rejected the hero narrative surrounding Rusesabagina, popularised by the film Hotel Rwanda.
“I haven’t watched the film, but I’ve heard many times, and to the effect that an individual was mainly responsible for rescuing people from the hotel. And the propaganda, I would call it, went far and near. I would say that the attitude and that statement are a fallacy. It’s ingenious, it is very, very unhelpful, and it’s not the truth,” Yaache said.
He stressed that it was UN peacekeepers, not hotel management, who were responsible for the safety of those sheltering at Mille Collines.
“The truth is, we had a shelter in the hotel. That’s the truth. We had UNAMIR troops stationed in the hotel. That’s the truth. And we had protection for the people who were there. It wasn’t the management that provided protection. It was UNAMIR. The movement, the planning, the meetings, everything was done by the UN force, not an individual,” he emphasised.
Survivors and several former UNAMIR officers, including Maj. (Rtd) Peter Sosi, have also criticised the film for spreading falsehoods. Sosi recalled once telling an instructor in Ireland that the movie was “riddled with inaccuracies” and should not be used as a teaching resource.
In reality, Rusesabagina only assumed management of the hotel on April 16, 1994 — nine days after the genocide began. Testimonies suggest he often exercised selective control over admissions, favouring those who could pay or those he knew, while disregarding instructions from Sabena Hotels, the Belgian company that owned Mille Collines, which had ordered that all refugees be sheltered free of charge.
Some survivors further accuse him of obstructing arrangements for refugees who sought safe passage abroad.
Yaache concluded that the protection and survival of those at the hotel were due to the sacrifice of Ghanaian peacekeepers and UNAMIR personnel, not one man.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio described the ICC as “a national security threat that has been an instrument of lawfare” against the United States and Israel.
The officials sanctioned include Canadian Judge Kimberly Prost, who approved the court’s investigation into alleged war crimes by U.S. troops in Afghanistan, and French Judge Nicolas Yann Guillou, who authorised arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant over alleged war crimes in Gaza.
Deputy prosecutors Nazhat Shameem Khan of Fiji and Mame Mandiaye Niang of Senegal were also sanctioned for supporting the warrants.
Netanyahu welcomed the U.S. move, calling it a “firm measure against the mendacious smear campaign” targeting Israel. Washington emphasised that neither the U.S. nor Israel recognises ICC jurisdiction. The sanctions freeze any U.S. assets held by the four officials and bar them from access to the American financial system.
The ICC condemned the designations as “a flagrant attack against the independence of an impartial judicial institution,” stressing that the sanctions threaten the court’s ability to function and undermining global justice.
France also criticised the sanctions, with its Foreign Ministry stating they contradicted the principles of an independent judiciary. United Nations spokesperson Stephane Dujarric warned that the U.S. measures could “impose severe impediments on the functioning of the office of the prosecutor.”
This latest action follows a previous round of sanctions earlier this year, which targeted ICC Chief Prosecutor Karim Khan KC and four judges over cases involving U.S. personnel in Afghanistan. Rubio said the United States remains “steadfast in our opposition to the ICC’s politicisation, abuse of power, and illegitimate judicial overreach.”
The ICC, established in 2002, prosecutes genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in its 125 member states or when referred by the U.N. Security Council. Its current high-profile investigations include the Israel-Hamas conflict, as well as cases in Sudan, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Venezuela.
While the court has jurisdiction over member states, major countries, including the U.S., Israel, Russia, and China do not recognise its authority.
In response to the sanctions, the ICC urged member states to continue supporting the court and its work, which it said is carried out solely in the interest of victims of international crimes.
The lender confirmed it has secured ISO/IEC 27001:2022 for information security management and ISO 22301:2019 for business continuity management systems. The certifications were awarded by MSECB, an accredited global certification body operating under the International Organization for Standardization (ISO).
By attaining both standards, BRD becomes one of the few financial institutions in the region to meet such stringent global requirements, positioning itself as a leader in operational resilience and data protection.
For clients, the certifications translate into enhanced information security, continuity of services even in the face of disruptions, and increased confidence in the bank’s reliability.
“Our clients entrust us with what matters most—their financial information and access to essential services. These certifications confirm that BRD meets international standards for information security and service reliability,” said Kampeta Sayinzoga, the bank’s chief executive officer, in a recent statement.
“Clients can be assured that we are not only safeguarding their information but also strengthening the resilience of our systems so they can count on us anytime, anywhere.”
Securing the certifications followed months of preparation that included capacity building and a risk assessment of the bank’s systems, policies and procedures to ensure full compliance with international standards.
BRD described the achievement as a milestone in its ongoing digital transformation. With financial institutions across Africa increasingly adopting digital platforms and financial technologies, the bank says the recognition sets a benchmark for cybersecurity and service continuity in the region.
Founded in 1967, BRD has been central to Rwanda’s development financing, supporting projects in manufacturing, infrastructure, agriculture, energy, affordable housing and green finance. It continues to play a key role in driving the country’s long-term socio-economic transformation.
What began as a cautiously hopeful initiative to end years of conflict has instead become a chronicle of setbacks, highlighting the complex dynamics that continue to frustrate efforts for peace in eastern Congo.
The Doha talks were deemed urgent following renewed hostilities between the rebels and government forces earlier this year, which dramatically reshaped the region’s fragile security landscape.
The M23 rebel group, which accuses the Kinshasa administration of marginalisation and persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in the east, launched a rapid offensive, seizing several key cities in North and South Kivu, including strategic hubs such as Goma and Bukavu.
The resurgence had a significant impact, even prompting the withdrawal of Southern African Development Community (SADC) troops, who had been deployed in December 2023 to help neutralise the group.
Rising fatalities in clashes between M23 and Kinshasa-allied forces —Burundi, and local militias such as the FDLR and Wazalendo—heightened calls for a ceasefire in a region long plagued by conflict. Previous interventions, whether led by the United Nations or through the Nairobi and Luanda peace processes, had repeatedly faltered, failing to bring an end to the war.
Amid this turmoil, diplomatic efforts intensified. In April 2025, a high-level meeting between DRC President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame in Qatar provided the catalyst for renewed dialogue.
While the details of their discussions remained largely confidential, a key outcome was the commitment of both leaders to prevent further escalation and to pursue a negotiated political settlement with M23.
Following the summit, Qatar offered to mediate talks between Kinshasa and M23 in Doha, bringing together international observers to support a roadmap toward lasting peace.
The stakes were high. M23’s territorial gains, the humanitarian crisis from mass displacement, and the fragile credibility of regional peacekeeping efforts made the need for effective dialogue more urgent than ever.
From the outset, however, the talks were challenged by a complex web of mistrust, preconditions, and differing interpretations of agreements, a combination that would soon set the stage for repeated setbacks.
From this tense backdrop, the Doha negotiations officially began, carrying the weight of both hope and scepticism.
{{June 5, 2025: M23’s initial withdrawal
}}
The first major disruption came early in the Doha talks. On June 5, 2025, M23 officially withdrew its delegation before any agreements were signed. The rebels cited a “lack of progress” and accused the DRC government of insufficient political will, pointing to ongoing ceasefire violations by the Congolese army (FARDC) and the failure to address their demand for a definitive political solution.
Analysts suggest that this withdrawal was not merely a protest but a calculated move to apply pressure on Kinshasa, signalling that M23 could halt dialogue if its core concerns were ignored.
This early rupture highlighted a longstanding challenge in the negotiations. The M23 group has consistently insisted on recognition and guarantees that go beyond a mere cessation of hostilities. For the Congolese government, which has historically been reluctant to grant political legitimacy to armed groups, this created an immediate tension that would shape subsequent talks.
{{July 19, 2025: Signing the “Declaration of Principles”
}}
Despite the rocky start, both sides returned to Doha and, in a surprising development, signed a preliminary “Declaration of Principles” on July 19, 2025. The agreement was hailed by Qatar, the United Nations, and other international observers as a milestone. It outlined a roadmap towards a final peace agreement and included several key provisions.
The declaration called for a permanent ceasefire, mandating an immediate and binding cessation of all military actions and provocations.
It also established a framework for the restoration of state authority, envisioning a phased return of M23-held territories to Congolese civilian control.
Confidence-building measures were also included, committing both sides to exchange prisoners and refrain from making inflammatory statements in public.
Finally, the declaration set an ambitious negotiation timeline. Talks for a final peace deal were scheduled to begin no later than August 8, 2025, with the goal of signing a comprehensive agreement by August 18, 2025.
Even as the declaration was signed, fundamental disagreements lingered. Kinshasa interpreted the document as necessitating an “unconditional withdrawal” of M23 forces, while the rebels insisted that the agreement focused on mechanisms to strengthen state authority, not on withdrawal. This divergence in interpretation would soon resurface as a key source of tension.
{{July 25, 2025: M23 sets conditions and threatens to pull out
}}
Barely a week after signing the declaration, M23 escalated the standoff. Benjamin Mbonimpa, representing the group, held a press conference in Goma, issuing an ultimatum that if Kinshasa did not release their 700 prisoners by July 27, M23 would see “no reason to return to Doha.”
This move underscored the fragility of the declaration and revealed that the rebels viewed key preconditions as non-negotiable. For M23, the release of prisoners was a core component of trust-building and a symbolic assertion of their leverage.
{{August 8 & August 17, 2025: Missed deadlines
}}
The ambitious timeline set in July unravelled quickly. By August 8, the scheduled start of the next round of negotiations had passed without a single meeting. The stalemate was caused by persistent disagreements over prisoner releases, ongoing accusations of ceasefire violations, and logistical issues, including the absence of delegations in the same city. Kinshasa insists the prisoners will only be freed after a final peace deal is signed.
The situation worsened on August 17, the day before the planned signing of a final peace deal. M23 confirmed that its representatives would not attend the ceremony in Doha, sending a clear message that, despite the high-profile declarations and international attention, the rebels were not willing to compromise on their core demands.
{{August 19, 2025: AFC/M23 agrees to send delegation to Doha
}}
The rebel coalition confirmed it would send delegations to Qatar to assess progress on the principles agreement they signed on July 19, 2025.
AFC/M23’s deputy coordinator, Bertrand Bisimwa, confirmed that his group’s delegation would focus on key issues, including a permanent ceasefire and the release of prisoners.
The Congolese government also announced that it would send its own representatives, stressing that their mandate is to protect national interests during the discussions.
Qatar, acting as mediator, has acknowledged the setbacks but says it remains in close contact with both parties to encourage consensus.
