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In December 2023, while concluding his campaign for a second presidential term, Tshisekedi had declared that if a single bullet fired by the AFC/M23 coalition landed in the city of Goma, he would seek authorization from both chambers of parliament to launch attacks on Rwanda.

“At present, our army can strike Kigali while stationed in Goma. Kagame will not sleep in his house; he will sleep in the forest. He may play games with others, but not with Fatshi Béton,” Tshisekedi had said to cheering supporters.

He added that if even a small provocation occurred or any territory around Goma was captured, he would convene parliament and request permission to declare war on Rwanda.

Speaking during a press conference in Kinshasa on May 6, a journalist told Tshisekedi that he appeared to prioritize diplomacy more than military strength, despite many historical thinkers emphasizing the importance of military power in securing peace.

The journalist referenced the famous saying attributed to Vegetius Renatus, “If you want peace, prepare for war,” and cited political philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli as well as comments once made by Barack Obama concerning peace in eastern Congo.

The journalist then asked Tshisekedi when the cities of Goma and Bukavu would be liberated.
Responding to the question, Tshisekedi acknowledged that the criticism about his diplomatic approach was understandable.

“You must understand that as a civilian like me, with no military training or background whatsoever, the first instinct when such events happen is diplomacy. But I must also tell you that this comes after an honest assessment of the situation,” he said.

Tshisekedi recalled statements he made during the 2023 election campaign regarding possible military action against Rwanda in response to what he described as provocations.

“Today, I want to take this opportunity to apologize to the Congolese people, not because I was rushed into speaking, but because I had been given false information about our military,” he said.
He went on to explain that the Congolese army lacked the capacity to confront Rwanda in the way he had initially envisioned. He revealed that some soldiers and officials are now being arrested and punished over failures within the military structure.

“Today you can see punishments and arrests taking place. These are the consequences. It means we were being kept from the truth about the condition of our army. We could not go to war with a military that lacked direction and was deeply divided,” Tshisekedi said.

He added that the army lacked uniforms, weapons and sufficient ammunition for combat operations.

“How could we enter a war under those conditions? That is not how I think. It is important to face reality and use other available means, and I believe we achieved a lot through that approach,” he stated.

Tshisekedi further claimed that the Congolese military had been infiltrated from within by hostile elements who weakened it under the cover of peace agreements.

“Today we have the information, and that is the good thing. We now know our military had been infiltrated and destroyed from within. There were people inside it whose objective was to seize part of our country. That is the truth,” he said.

According to Tshisekedi, diplomacy became the only viable option available to his government at the time.

“We had no other choice except diplomacy. That became our weapon. There is no debate about it,” he said.

He added that the Democratic Republic of the Congo now has international allies helping it restore peace while also benefiting from the country’s natural resources.

In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, Niyonzima explained that the FDLR was built on a deep-rooted ideology that viewed Tutsis as enemies everywhere, insisting that no country should be governed by a Tutsi.

“What we were mainly taught was the evil nature of the Tutsi, just as we had been taught while still in Rwanda,” he said.

In 2000, he underwent training in intelligence work, a field he later led within the FDLR leadership structure prior to his return to Rwanda.

He described the FDLR leadership system as being organized into commissions similar to ministries, each with its own leadership and operational staff.

His responsibilities included gathering intelligence related to the group, assessing operational risks, recruiting new fighters, and managing relations with other armed groups such as Nyatura, FARDC and Congolese communities more broadly.

Deep-rooted ideology and ethnic targeting

Niyonzima revealed that due to genocidal ideology and anti-Tutsi hatred, anyone perceived to resemble a Tutsi could be targeted, accused of collaboration, or even placed on the front lines.

He emphasized that the FDLR ideology was built on the belief that Tutsis were enemies everywhere.

“We considered every Tutsi an enemy, whether in Uganda, Burundi, Congo, or Rwanda,” he said.

He further noted that the group opposed any possibility of a Tutsi leading a country, viewing them as perpetual adversaries.

False prophecies and ideological indoctrination

As a pastor within the group, Niyonzima said he used the Bible alongside what he described as false prophecies claiming divine support for their cause, including the belief that they would eventually conquer Rwanda.

He explained that each commander had a group of so-called prayer leaders who played a role in mobilization and decision-making, including leadership changes.

“When they wanted to replace a leader, they would use a so-called prophet who would fall down and ‘prophesy’ while covered. This was used to justify decisions,” he said.

Niyonzima also revealed that the group gradually shifted toward promoting ethnic identity over language, deciding to emphasize “Hutu” identity instead of Kinyarwanda.

“We said we should no longer speak Kinyarwanda but Hutu language. We were told we were Hutu and our enemy was the Tutsi,” he said.

He added that the group justified its actions by linking their narrative to grievances about regional conflicts involving Hutus in neighboring countries.

He further stated that intelligence structures within the FDLR monitored individuals planning to leave the group or communicating with people in Rwanda. Such individuals could be targeted and killed under suspicion of betrayal.

“When you believe you are fighting an enemy, everything you do feels justified. We would say: if this person leaves, they will one day become a threat. So we eliminate them early.”

Recruitment of youth and Congolese civilians

Niyonzima rejected claims that the FDLR is composed only of elderly fighters, explaining that the group actively recruited children, including those as young as 14, as well as young Congolese civilians.

He said the recruits were indoctrinated with hatred narratives, teaching them that the Tutsi was their enemy.

He also revealed that recruitment networks existed in neighboring countries, including Burundi and Uganda, and within Congolese communities.

Regret and reflection

Looking back, Niyonzima expressed deep regret for the years he spent in the Congolese forests, saying he lost valuable time that could have been used for personal development.

“My biggest regret is the time I wasted living in fear of nothing. I was afraid to return, but when I eventually did, I found people I left behind doing well. I have nothing to show for those years,” he said.

Niyonzima also expressed remorse for having spread extremist ideology. “What pains me most is that I taught people false ideas that Tutsis are evil, enemies, and cruel. But when I returned, I saw how people live together peacefully. I ask for forgiveness because I acted in ignorance,” he added.

Niyonzima called on former comrades still in eastern Congo forests to return home, urging them not to continue wasting their lives.

He also encouraged cooperation between regional actors, including the Congolese leadership, stressing that confrontation with Rwanda is not a viable path forward.